FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin - Oct04leb

7 Research ForumIndicators of Veracity in Written Statements

13 ViCAP AlertUnsolved Sexual Assault/Homicide

Crisis Intervention for LawEnforcement Negotiators

By Chuck Regini

One-Shot Drops By Anthony J. Pinizzotto,

Harry A. Kern, andEdward F. Davis

Police Trauma and Addiction By Chad L. Cross

and Larry Ashley

1

A false assumption or preconceivedexpectation that a well-placed shot willrender an offender harmless can provedeadly for law enforcement officers.

Crisis intervention techniques can helpnegotiators resolve incidents peacefully.

14

ISSN 0014-5688 USPS 383-310

24 The rigors and stresses inherent in thelaw enforcement profession can lead totragic consequences for its members.

Features

Departments

United StatesDepartment of Justice

Federal Bureau of InvestigationWashington, DC 20535-0001

Robert S. Mueller IIIDirector

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The FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin(ISSN-0014-5688) is published

monthly by the Federal Bureau ofInvestigation, 935 PennsylvaniaAvenue, N.W., Washington, D.C.

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October 2004Volume 73Number 10

22 Book ReviewPractical Aspects of Rape Investigation

23 The Bulletin Honors

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October 2004 / 1

n March 17, 2000, anaccused murderer wentto the apartment of his

estranged girlfriend’s motherand took her, her boyfriend, andtheir son hostage. His only de-mand was to talk to his girl-friend. The police departmentresponded and began negotiat-ing with him. For over 4 days,the subject repeatedly demand-ed, threatened, and attemptedto manipulate negotiators intobringing his girlfriend to thelocation. He had an extensive

history of domestic violenceand exhibited suicide andsuicide-by-cop behavior. Nego-tiators elected not to bring hisgirlfriend to the location, fear-ing that he might harm thehostages to get revenge againstthe girlfriend and, subsequently,kill himself. The subject wasextremely violent during theincident, often shooting outof the apartment windows atnearby special weapons andtactical (SWAT) officers andtheir armored vehicles. While

negotiators attempted to stabi-lize the subject’s violent behav-ior and keep the hostages aliveduring the ongoing incident, oneof the hostages drugged him;he fell asleep, and two of thehostages escaped. The policedepartment’s tactical team en-tered the apartment to rescue theremaining hostage, encounteredthe subject brandishing a wea-pon, and shot and killed him.

BACKGROUNDThis actual incident demon-

strates the typical behaviorsassociated with crisis situationsin the United States. Law en-forcement agencies frequentlyrespond to incidents whereemotionally violent subjectshave barricaded themselves in alocation with or without hos-tages. The FBI’s Crisis Negotia-tion Unit (CNU) identified twodistinct types of behavior thatsubjects typically demonstratein hostage and barricade inci-dents—hostage and nonhostage.The subject’s demands or lackthereof is a basic defining factorof these two types of behavior.Hostage incidents involve asubject who has taken hostagesand has a substantive demand,something that the individualcannot attain without extortingauthorities through the act ofhostage-taking. In nonhostageincidents, on the other hand, thesubject does not have anydemands, or the demands arenonsubstantive. Often, the only

O© Mark C. Ide

Crisis Interventionfor Law EnforcementNegotiatorsBy CHUCK REGINI, M.A.

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:54 PM5

2 / FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin

demand in non-hostage inci-dents is for police to leave themalone. Nonhostage incidentsalso encompass single barricadesituations in which the subjecthas barricaded himself withoutany hostages being present, aswell as attempted suicides orsuicide-in-progress situations.1

The overwhelming majorityof hostage-barricade incidentshandled by police negotiatorsare nonhostage. Local and statelaw enforcement agencies rarelyrespond to incidents in whicha deliberate and methodicalsubject intentionally has takenhostages to attain a plannedgoal.2 Law enforcement nego-tiators more often become in-volved in incidents in which analtercation, such as a domesticdispute, has escalated beyond asubject’s control. The subjectsin these incidents typically are

extremely emotional, and theiremotions primarily dictate theirbehavior. They are in a crisisstate, defined as a situation thatexceeds their ability to cope andoften is a reaction to a real orperceived loss or a threat towhat people expect of theirlives.3

The threat could be a loss offreedom, as in the case of abarricaded subject afraid ofincarceration or the potentialloss of the relationship of aloved one or child, evident inmany domestic dispute-relatedbarricade and hostage situa-tions. In all cases, the situationhas caused the subject to behighly emotional, irrational, andunreasonable. The emotionalreaction of the individual makesthe situation a crisis, not thefacts and circumstances of thesituation itself.

CRISIS INTERVENTIONCrisis intervention is a type

of short-term psychologicalintervention used to help indi-viduals experiencing temporaryextreme emotions to recognize,correct, and cope with them.4

Crisis intervention theory beganin the late 1940s through workwith individuals who experi-enced a crisis reaction relatedto grief and depression. Theseindividuals had no specificpathological diagnosis butsimply exhibited severe emo-tional symptoms. Crisis inter-vention subsequently expandedin the 1960s to include indi-viduals experiencing all typesof traumatic life events.5

Members of the FBI’s CNUcontinue to adapt and use crisisintervention concepts and tech-niques in hostage-barricadeincidents. Negotiation coursesadministered by members ofthe unit, as well as many otherpolice agencies and academicinstitutions, teach these con-cepts and techniques. The skillsprimarily are used in nonhos-tage situations but also apply inhostage incidents. By applyingcrisis intervention skills, nego-tiators can help subjects in crisisdefuse their emotions, loweringthe potential for violence in anincident and buying time forbetter decision making andtactical preparations. At thesame time, the application ofthese skills moves the subject

The subjects in theseincidents typically

are extremelyemotional, and theiremotions primarily

dictate theirbehavior.

Special Agent Regini, formerly in the Crisis Negotiation Unit, Critical IncidentResponse Group, now serves with the FBI’s Counterterrorism Division.

“

”

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toward a rational problem-solving discussion to resolvethe incident. The goal of crisisnegotiations is not helping themwork through life’s difficulties.Crisis negotiation is not therapyor a method of assisting hos-tage-barricade subjects copewith their problems or psycho-sis. Naturally, assisting the sub-ject in finding alternate copingmethods, other than violentlyacting out, is a by-product of theshort-term goal of resolving theincident. However, the primaryfocus of negotiators is the reso-lution of the situation with noloss of life, which may requirethem to use crisis interventionskills to facilitate a tacticalresolution. This focus consti-tutes one of the primary reasonswhy crisis negotiation, whileusing many skills derived fromcrisis intervention and psychol-ogy, remains the responsibilityof law enforcement, not mentalhealth professionals. Crisisintervention in crisis negotiationcomprises the concepts of em-pathy, active listening commu-nication skills, a nonjudgmentalattitude, boundary setting, ac-knowledgment of distortedthinking through reframing,and problem solving.

CONCEPTS

EmpathyEmpathy is the cornerstone

of crisis intervention; it involvesdemonstrating the act of

listening to the subject and un-derstanding the individual’ssituation and the emotionalreaction to it with the purposeof establishing a basic trust rela-tionship. This trust is neces-sary to achieve a behavioralchange in the subject. Nopeaceful resolution can occurwithout some degree of trustbetween the individual and thenegotiator.

Emotions are the greathuman common denominator;people can identify with thoseof another person withouthaving had the same experi-ences. Regardless of life events,everyone has encountereddepression, anger, and frustra-tion. One of the first principlesin crisis intervention is to listenfor the emotions exhibited bythe subject and how they relateto the facts of the situation.6

Empathy is not pity; feeling

sorry for the person does notpromote a trust relationship but,rather, separates a negotiatorfrom the subject.7 Instead,empathy means accuratelyunderstanding the content andemotions that the individual iscommunicating and then reflect-ing it back to demonstratelistening and understanding.Simply stating “I understandwhat you’re saying” is not anempathic communicationapproach. The demonstrationof empathy most effectivelyis accomplished through theuse of active listening skills.

Active Listening SkillsActive listening skills are

specific communication tech-niques designed to demonstrateunderstanding, encourage thesubject to talk and verbally ventemotions, and build rapportbetween the individual and thenegotiator.8 A variety of differ-ent active listening skills exists,all of which involve reflectingback to the subject the facts orcontent of what the person issaying and the emotions sur-rounding the content. The CNUteaches eight different tech-niques: emotion labeling, para-phrasing, reflecting/mirroring,effective pauses, minimalencouragers, “I” messages,summarization, and open-endedquestions/statements.9 Thesespecific skills have provenappropriate for use in lawenforcement crisis negotiation.

A collaborative,trust-based, mutually

respectful relationshipis not possible if thesubject can control,

manipulate,and humiliatethe negotiator.

”

“

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Nonjudgmental AttitudeAnother aspect of empathy

involves listening for the sub-ject’s values or what he feels isimportant. Negotiators then candemonstrate that they haveheard and understood this criti-cal information. These actionsdenote a significant step inrapport development becausethis often requires a negotiatorto read between the lines ofwhat the individual states. Forexample, if a subject becomesviolently angry over his wifeleaving him for another manand, subsequently, takes herhostage to prevent her frommoving out of their house, anegotiator could say to the sub-ject, “It sounds like your rela-tionship with your wife is veryimportant to you.” Values aretypically associated with an-other person or allegiance toa concept. Values also can bethe source for potential themedevelopment, or “hooks.” Forinstance, a subject who identi-fies himself as having old-fashioned values may have apotential hook in his allegianceto his family or certain relatives.

Rapid establishment ofrapport through a demonstrationof empathy combined with anonjudgmental approach indi-cates negotiation progress in anemotionally charged hostage-barricade situation. A nonjudg-mental approach requiresconveying acceptance and

neutrality. The negotiator mustensure that personal opinionsand values are not apparent orstated. Negotiators do not haveto agree with the subject’sactions; they simply can vali-date his emotions as under-standable and treat him withrespect and dignity. A conserva-tive approach to maintaining anonjudgmental demeanor isfocusing on the observablebehavior and not the individualperson—negotiators should useobservations, not inferences.For example, instead of saying“When you do that....” say“When that happens....”

“If you don’t do as I say, I’mgoing to kill her, and it’ll beyour fault.” This type of behav-ior also frequently is observedwith suicidal subjects, such asa person threatening to jump offa bridge for attention-seekingpurposes or some motivationother than suicide. The subjecthas no real intention of commit-ting suicide, but often is simplyacting out or being manipula-tive.10 A collaborative, trust-based, mutually respectful rela-tionship is not possible if thesubject can control, manipulate,and humiliate the negotiator.Negotiators, in a nonauthori-tative and nonjudgmental man-ner, should require subjects totreat them appropriately andcommunicate openly andhonestly. Further, negotiatorsshould not allow subjects toblame or threaten them. Some-times, negotiators must confrontsubjects’ counterproductive,self-destructive behaviors.Negotiators should use problemownership and boundary settingas tactics to remind subjects thatthey have control over their ownactions and are responsible fortheir own problems.

ReframingEmotional responses also

are associated with dysfunc-tional or maladaptive thinkingpatterns learned over the courseof a person’s development. Peo-ple sometimes react emotionally


BoundariesFrequently, instances occur

when individuals in crisisattempt to blame the negotiatorfor their situations or even useblame or guilt as a form ofmanipulation to establishcontrol, get revenge, or simplytest boundaries and hear thereaction of the negotiator. Asubject may say something like

These actions denotea significant step

in rapportdevelopment....

”“

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October 2004 / 5

to a situation based upon whatthey think of themselves orwhat they perceive others thinkof them, particularly as it relatesto interpersonal relationships, interms of adequacy, competence,or the ability of others to relateor care for them.11 Many peoplehave learned unrealistic values,beliefs, and expectations thatcause them to expect too muchfrom themselves or others. This,combined with a “black andwhite” or “all or nothing”foundation, leads to irrationalthinking and extreme emotionalresponses due to the inabilityto live up to a person’s ownexpectations or the expectationsindividuals believe others havefor them. For example, anindividual who thinks that hispersonal relationship is relatedto his job may believe that theability of others to care for himis directly linked to the type ofjob he has. If he loses his job,he may go into an emotionalcrisis because he may think thathis friends and family no longerwill care for him. He might feelthat he is a complete failure inall aspects of life. Such dis-torted thinking is based in nega-tive themes and rigid thinkingpatterns. Crisis negotiators canassist an emotional subjectthrough reframing and reformat-ting these negative themes intopositive ones by helping changethe subject’s thinking pattern.For example, in the previous

illustration, a negotiator couldreframe the individual’s think-ing by simply stating, “It soundsto me that maintaining a job andproviding for your family isimportant to you; you obviouslyare a dedicated employee and anexcellent husband and father.”In other words, the negotiatortakes a liability and turns it intoan asset. Although negotiatorsshould not oversimplify thesituation or appear superficial,they can assist the subject infinding a situation’s positivecharacteristics.

Problem SolvingThe basic focus of a crisis

intervention communicationapproach is to demonstrateempathy to establish some typeof basic trust relationship andto move the subject out of theoverly emotional state to a morerational one by allowing theperson to vent his emotions.

Once in a more rational state,negotiators can begin problemsolving to find alternatives tocope with the subject’s currentissue and resolve the incident.Collaborative problem solvingcan be accomplished only afterworking through the subject’semotions and establishing atrust-based relationship.

Problem solving in crisisnegotiation involves a collabo-rative analysis between thesubject and negotiator to findsolutions acceptable to both.12

Rather than directing theindivdual or giving advice onwhat he should do, negotiatorsshould share information andideas. For example, one effec-tive approach negotiators canuse during problem solving is toask “What do you think of...”rather than “I think you needto...” and allow the subject tovoice his concerns over pro-posed solutions. Once theperson voices his concerns, thenegotiator then can begin toaddress them. Negotiatorsshould explore alternatives withthe subject, rather than appear-ing authoritative and attemptingto direct him. Frequently, get-ting agreement from the indi-vidual helps as well (e.g., “Doesthat sound good to you?”) Thesubject may confront the nego-tiator with negative responses.Therefore, rather than attempt-ing to persuade the person tosee a particular point of view,

© Corel

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the negotiator should try toget him to identify underlyingconcerns that cause obstacles toagreement and form the basisfor his rejection of a proposedsolution. Negotiators can state,“It seems that we are workingtoward resolving this. Therestill seems to be somethingholding us up. What is it aboutthe things we’ve been discuss-ing that bothers you?” or “Helpme understand what’s holdingus up from working somethingout to resolve this.”

Once a resolution has beenreached, problem solving is notcomplete until a discussionoccurs of how to implement anyagreed-upon solution. Negotia-tors should plan the implemen-tation steps with the subject,including the first step of theindidual’s coming out of thecrisis site. During problem solv-ing, negotiators should keep thedialogue focused on resolvingthe incident and may need tobe more subtly directive andpersuasive. At this stage, afterbuilding some degree of rapportand trust with the subject andreceiving clear verbal and be-havioral indications that he isready to consider alternativesolutions, the negotiation teamconsistently, subtly, and delib-erately should move him towardresolution of the situation.Negotiators must continue toassess the dynamics of thesubject’s behavior because hemay fluctuate between rational

and emotional states. Negotia-tors should be prepared to moveback into more of an interven-tion-oriented dialogue usingadditional active listening skillsif the individual returns to amore emotional state.

CONCLUSIONThe types of incidents law

enforcement crisis negotiatorsface today require a thoroughunderstanding of crisis inter-vention techniques. Such pro-cedures have resulted in the

successful resolution of count-less hostage-barricade situationsand have saved numerous lives,including those of police offi-cers not forced to confront emo-tionally volatile and violentsubjects with force.

When initiating crisis inter-vention techniques, negotiatorsshould remember that the factsof the situation do not make it acrisis but, rather, the subject’semotional reaction to the facts.By employing the use of such

concepts as empathy, activelistening skills, nonjudgmentalattitude, boundary setting, andproblem solving, negotiatorscan move toward resolving theincident. Although not compli-cated, these techniques requireconsistent reinforcement andpractice to maintain the neces-sary level of proficiency.

Endnotes1 For illustrative purposes and to main-

tain clarity, the author employs masculinepronouns for subjects.

2 FBI Hostage Barricade Statistics(HOBAS).

3 Albert R. Roberts, Crisis Interventionand Time-Limited Cognitive Treatment(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications,1995).

4 B. Gilliland and R. James, CrisisIntervention Strategies (Pacific Grove,CA: Brooks/Cole, 1997).

5 Ibid.6 Leslie S. Greenburg, Emotion

Focused Therapy (Washington, DC:American Psychological Association,2002).

7 G. Noesner and M. Webster, “UsingActive Listening Skills,” FBI LawEnforcement Bulletin, August 1997, 13-19.

8 Albert R. Roberts, “Crisis Interven-tion and Trauma Treatment: The Integra-tive ACT Intervention Model, BriefTreatment and Crisis Intervention (Spring2002), 1-21. For additional information onbuilding rapport, see Vincent A. Sandovaland Susan H. Adams, “Subtle Skills forBuilding Rapport,” FBI Law EnforcementBulletin, August 2001, 1-5.

9 Supra note 7.10 Douglas G. Jacobs, The Harvard

Medical School Guide to Suicide Assess-ment and Intervention (San Francisco, CA:Jossey-Bass, 1999).

11 Supra note 4.12 Supra note 3.


”

...these techniquesrequire consistentreinforcement and

practice to maintainthe necessary level

of proficiency.

“

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October 2004 / 7

hile reporting her abduction from a shop-ping center parking lot, a young woman

Research Forum

Are You Telling Me the Truth?Indicators of Veracityin Written StatementsBy Susan H. Adams, Ph.D., and John P. Jarvis, Ph.D.

features of written statements, the authors exam-ined 60 narratives written by suspects and victims.The authors found three features of the state-ments—the length of the criminal incident section,the presence of unique sensory details, and theinclusion of emotions—that accurately discrimi-nated truthful statements from deceptive ones.

Length of Criminal Incident SectionSuspects and victims depicting criminal inci-

dents typically include information preceding andfollowing the description of the incident itself.Because of this, investigators can divide writtenstatements into three sections: the introduction, thecriminal incident, and the conclusion. The intro-duction establishes the context of the crime byproviding details of when and where specific ac-tions occurred. The criminal incident section an-swers the questions of what happened, how thecrime occurred, and who was involved. The con-clusion portrays the individual’s actions followingthe crime, such as calling 911, crying, or shaking.

In calculating the length of each section in astatement, the first word of the statement marks thebeginning of the introduction. The point in thestatement where the criminal incident begins alsodetermines the end of the introduction. The conclu-sion starts when the criminal incident section stopsand then continues to the end of the statement. Thefollowing quotes from a robbery statement illus-trate these three sections:

Introduction:“My husband and I were sitting in the firstbooth on the right as you come into therestaurant.”

Criminal incident:“I heard a loud bang, like a firecracker, andshouts to lay down on the floor, and I knewthe restaurant was being robbed. I saw twomen with ski masks. The taller man had arifle or a shotgun.”

Wdescribed seemingly implausible events to re-sponding officers. When they asked her to recounteverything that happened, however, she describedthe smell of motor oil on the assailant’s hands. Herinclusion of such a unique sensory detail as aspecific smell alerted the officers to the possibilitythat the allegation, as improbable as it appeared,might be true. Further investigation confirmed thatthe victim provided a truthful account.

Investigators frequently focus on indicators ofdeception1 to determine whether a suspect’s orvictim’s account of a criminal incident is truthfulor deceptive. Often, however, they overlook indi-cators of truthfulness, or veracity,2 in the process.To study the relationships between veracity and

© PhotoDisc

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Conclusion:

“We stayed under the table until the policecame.”In this statement, the introduction section be-

gan with the first word. The criminal incident sec-tion started when the restaurant patron describedhearing the loud bang of a gunshot because, at thispoint, law enforcement authorities would inter-vene.3 This section continued until the descriptionof the robbery ended. The conclusion sectionfollowed, with a description ofthe actions occurring after therobbery.

Investigators actually candraw a border around the crimi-nal incident section. By simplyglancing at the entire writtenstatement, they can see the rela-tive length of the criminal inci-dent section. Those desiring amore accurate technique for ex-amining the balance of the state-ment can calculate the word-count percentage of eachsection by dividing the total number of words inthe statement into the number of words in eachsection. Through examination of the word-countpercentages of the three sections of a written state-ment, investigators can determine the relativelengths of each section.

When individuals provide written statementsabout criminal events, the incident section shouldcontain the greatest percentage of words because itconstitutes the focus of the statement. Individualswho provide a much longer introduction thancriminal incident section may be delaying the dis-cussion of the incident by focusing on previousactions. A reference to the length of introductionsappeared as early as 104 to 63 B.C. in one of theApocryphal books, which relates the history ofJudas Maccabeus prefaced by a verse from 2Maccabees 2:32: “At this point, therefore, let us

begin our narrative, without adding any more towhat has already been said, for it would be foolishto lengthen the preface while cutting short thehistory itself.”4 The suspect or victim who length-ens the introduction while cutting short the crimi-nal incident section may be revealing the likeli-hood that the statement contains deception.

A missing person case can illustrate the valueof examining the relative lengths of the statementsections. A man called 911 to file a missing personreport. He stated that he dropped off his wife for an

early morning jog and she hadnot returned by the afternoon.Investigators asked the husbandto write down what happened.He could have focused his state-ment on his wife’s departure,her normal running route, andhis frantic attempts to locateher. Instead, the husband con-centrated on what happened be-fore he discovered that his wifewas missing. He wrote at lengthabout arguments that the couplehad in the days preceding his

wife’s disappearance, resulting in the introductioncontaining 82 percent of the total words in hisstatement. An examination of the three sections ofthe statement revealed an extremely short criminalincident section compared with such a lengthyintroduction. In fact, the description of the criminalincident (the discovery that his wife was missing)used only 7 percent of the total words, with theconclusion accounting for the remaining 11 per-cent. The brevity of the criminal incident sectionindicated that the husband’s statement lacked criti-cal information. For example, he failed to mentionany search for his wife or any phone calls to herfriends and relatives. His later admission of stran-gling his wife during an argument confirmed thelack of veracity in his statement.

Analysis of the 60 statements in the authors’study revealed a positive statistical relationship

“

”

Suspects and victimsdepicting criminalincidents typically

include informationpreceding and following

the description of theincident itself.

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October 2004 / 9

between the percentage of words in the criminalincident section and veracity. The criminal inci-dent section—the essence of the statement—di-rectly answers the question, “What happened?”Statements with an unusually long introductionfollowed by a short criminal incident section in-form investigators that the writers did not concen-trate on the primary event, the criminal incident.Therefore, focused interviews with the writers ofsuch unbalanced statements may help investigatorsuncover vital missing information concerning thecrime.

Presence of Unique Sensory DetailsA second relationship that the authors found

between veracity and features of the examinedstatements involved the inclusion of unique sen-sory details. Such information recounted by a sus-pect or victim includes detailed depictions of thefive sensory perceptions—sight, sound, smell,taste, and touch. In an assault case, for example, atruthful victim might describe the alcoholic smellof an assailant’s breath or the rough feel of hiscallused hands. Unique, rather than generic,descriptions add to the specificity of the sensorydetails. The following excerpts from truthful

statements illustrate unique sensory details in thefive sensory categories:• Sight: “I looked back and saw that the car was

in total flames.”• Sound: “I heard a very loud thud.”• Smell: “I had to change her diaper ‘cause she

smelled awful.’”• Taste: “It was so bitter that I couldn’t drink

it.”• Touch: “The window blew out, and I felt heat

on my face.”Studies contrasting truthful, experienced

memories with false, or constructed, ones haveshown that the experienced memories containmore sensory information.5 Similarly, in studies oforal statements, researchers have found that truth-ful accounts include more details than deceptiveones.6 When the authors examined sensory detailsin the 60 written statements, they also found apositive statistical relationship between the pres-ence of sensory details and veracity. Overall, thetruthful statements contained a specificity of sen-sory details not found in the deceptive ones.

In examining sensory details, investigatorsmust consider whether an alleged victim or a

he authors selected 60 statements written by suspects or victims during the investiga-tion of violent crime and property crimes. They chose this number based on the know-

Research Overview

ledge that research results tend to stabilize after 30 observations. Therefore, they used 30statements that investigators concluded were truthful and 30 that investigators found decep-tive. The investigators determined veracity or deception through the conviction by a judgeor jury, overwhelming physical case evidence, or corroborated confession by the offender.For many of the statements, all three conditions applied.

In choosing the 60 statements, the authors considered six selection factors: clear caseresolutions, open-ended instructions, legibility, original language (not translated intoEnglish), redundancy by individual, and redundancy by incident. They used each selectionfactor to eliminate as many potential confounding factors as possible. Once they hadselected the statements, they had them typed for computer-searching purposes.

T

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suspect provided the statement. One written by afalsely alleging victim may reveal a lack of sensorydetails because the person could not perceive anysensory data from a fictitious incident. A statementwritten by a deceptive suspect may disclose thesame lack of sensory details, but for different rea-sons—either to avoid providing a truthful accountthat would implicate the writer or to refrain fromsupplying detailed false information that a compe-tent investigator could refute. The location of thesensory details within state-ments also can provide clues toinvestigators. In the examinedstatements, the authors found apositive relationship with ve-racity and sensory details lo-cated within the criminal inci-dent section of the statements,whereas no statistically signifi-cant relationship existed be-tween veracity and sensory de-tails in the introduction. In thecriminal incident section of abank robbery getaway driver’struthful account, she describeda dye pack exploding as the car left the bank,including sensory details of sight, sound, andtouch.

I heard three pops (sound) and the car startedto fill with red smoke (sight). I couldn’t see(sight) and was having a hard time breathing(touch). I started to cross over the yellow line(touch/sight), and he yelled at me to calmdown (sound). I finally pulled over to the side(touch). When I opened the door, I fell out(touch) because I was choking and having ahard time breathing (touch).Deceptive writers, as well as truthful ones,

included sensory details in the introductions of theexamined statements. The deceptive writers mayhave provided truthful information in this part oftheir statements. The sensory details may haverepresented accurate recall of events that preceded

the criminal incident. An introduction filled withsensory details followed by a criminal incidentsection devoid of such details, however, shouldalert the investigator to scrutinize the statement.For example, a woman reporting an assault re-vealed a decreasing amount of sensory details. Shedescribed specific details about her actions beforethe assault occurred. But, she filled the criminalincident section with vagueness and equivocation,rather than with sensory details. She wrote “some-

one” instead of “a tall manwearing a black ski mask” and“sort of poked a weapon” in-stead of “jabbed the gun intomy neck.” Suspects or allegedvictims who include sensorydetails in the introduction butnot in the criminal incidentsection should receive care-fully planned follow-up ques-tioning to explore why theyomitted such critical detailsfrom the most important part oftheir statements.

The presence of sensorydetails indicates an increased likelihood that thedetailed part of the statement is truthful. Otherparts of the statement, however, may not be totallytruthful. As an example, a young man admitted thathe burned his car for insurance reasons. Heprovided the following written statement, whichbegan with sensory details but ended with a vague,equivocal description and three examples of thenegation word not:

I turned off the hard-top road, got out of thecar and left it running (touch). I reached inand dropped it in gear, steering it over the hill(touch). The car went way over an embank-ment (sight). I walked down and shut the caroff (touch). I removed the keys and soakedthe whole car in gasoline (touch). I took acigarette lighter and lit it (touch). I took offback up the steep hill (touch).

“

”

Through examinationof the word-count

percentages of the threesections of a written

statement, investigatorscan determine the relativelengths of each section.

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October 2004 / 11

I caught a ride with someone (vague andequivocal) on the hard-top road, but I’m notsure (negation, lack of knowledge) who itwas. I’m not sure (negation, lack of knowl-edge) where I went right after that, but Iended up at my house. I really don’t remem-ber (negation, lack of memory) much morethan what I’ve told you.The detailed part of the statement gave a truth-

ful account of a car arson. In the remainder of thestatement, however, the owner omitted sensorydetails, such as the descriptions of the person whogave him a ride and the vehicle.He used equivocation and nega-tion to avoid supplying a com-plete account of the arson. Fur-ther investigation revealed that afriend had followed the suspectto the arson site and provided theride home.

Inclusion of EmotionsThe final part of the research

involved examining the relation-ship between veracity and the in-clusion of emotions in the 60written statements. An emotionis defined as a physiological change from homeo-stasis experienced in strong feelings, such as fear.7

Researchers have categorized emotions into eightmain families: fear, anger, sadness, enjoyment,love, surprise, disgust, and shame.8 Each emotionfamily includes a range of similar emotions thatevokes the same physiological responses. For ex-ample, fear emotions range from anxiety and ap-prehension to fright and terror.9

Memory studies have revealed that the recall ofexperienced events includes more affective infor-mation, such as emotional reactions, than the recallof created events.10 In oral statements, researchershave found emotional experiences present in truth-ful witness accounts but not generally in con-structed ones.11

A victim of a quickly occurring traumatic eventmay not be aware of emotions until the traumaends, when the emotions flood into consciousness.Such emotions, therefore, may appear in theconclusion of a statement. Truthful victims mayinclude specific descriptions of fear, anger, embar-rassment, or shock in their conclusions.12 Becauseemotions in the conclusion reveal the crime’s ef-fect on the writer, the presence of emotions mayprovide a clue that the event actually was experi-enced, not fabricated. As an example, the bankrobbery getaway driver wrote that she “was ner-

vous and scared” and “heard agun shot and jumped because itscared me.” The descriptions offear in her written statement indi-cated that the incident describedlikely did happen.

In the authors’ study, the ex-amination of emotions in the con-clusions proved more informativethan in either the introductions orthe criminal incident sections.The conclusions of statements al-low victims and suspects to reactto what previously has happened.After truthfully describing being

raped, a victim included this sentence in her con-clusion: “I was hysterical and locked all the doors.”By noting any references to emotions in the con-clusions, investigators may gain valuable insightto how crimes emotionally affect victims andsuspects.

The inclusion of emotions in statements ap-peared to differ with the specific type of crime.When the authors examined all 60 statements, theyfound a weak positive relationship between verac-ity and emotions in the conclusion sections. Theyfound the strongest and most significant relation-ship between veracity and emotions in the conclu-sions of homicide statements. Suspects and wit-nesses writing about murder incidents might beexpected to be more emotionally involved than

© Adobe Image Library

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those writing about crimes of a less serious naturebecause homicides involve loss of life of the victimand loss of freedom (or life) of the offender.A witness to a homicide wrote in his conclusion,“I was scared out of my mind.”

ConclusionInstead of relying solely on indicators of decep-

tion to discern truthful statements, investigatorsalso can gain insight from indicators of veracity.Overall, the authors’ study of 60 written statementsrevealed three clues to veracity.1) In truthful statements, the criminal incident

section was typically the longest of the state-ment. This did not hold true for many of thedeceptive statements exam-ined, which had longerintroductions.

2) Truthful statements in-cluded more unique sensorydetails than deceptive ones,particularly in the criminalincident sections.

3) In the conclusions of manytruthful statements, writersdescribed their emotions,especially in serious crimes,such as homicides.Although these three dimensions only indicate

the likelihood of veracity, the inclusion of uniquesensory details and emotional reactions can alertinvestigators to the possibility of truthfulness inwritten accounts. The absence of sensory details,particularly in conjunction with a relatively shortcriminal incident section, can serve to identify ar-eas of statements needing additional probing dur-ing interviews of suspects and alleged victims.

Statement analysis techniques provide insightto areas of veracity and deception within writtenstatements. Statement analysis is not an end initself, but only a means to an end; the end is thediscovery of the truth.

Endnotes1 Susan H. Adams, “Statement Analysis: What Do Suspects’

Words Really Reveal?” FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, October1996, 12-20.

2 Veracity is defined as information that can be verified asbeing accurate. In this article, the authors use the terms truthful-ness and veracity interchangeably.

3 Don Rabon, Investigative Discourse Analysis (Durham, NC:Carolina Academic Press, 1996).

4 B.M. Metzger and R.E. Murphy, eds., The New OxfordAnnotated Bible with the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books(New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1991), 232.

5 Marcia K. Johnson, Mary Ann Foley, Aurora G. Suengas,and Carol L. Raye, “Phenomenal Characteristics of Memories forPerceived and Imagined Autobiographical Events,” Journal ofExperimental Psychology 117, no. 4 (1988): 371-376.

6 Andrew Parker and Jennifer Brown, “Detection of Deception:Statement Validity Analysis as a Means of Determining Truthful-

ness or Falsity of Rape Allegations,”Legal and Criminological Psychology 5(2000): 237-259.

7 P.B. Gove, ed., Webster’s Third NewInternational Dictionary of the EnglishLanguage, Unabridged (Springfield, MA:Merriam-Webster, 1993), 742.

8 Daniel Goleman, EmotionalIntelligence (New York, NY: Bantam,1995).

9 Ibid.10 Supra note 5.11 Arne Trankell, Reliability of

Evidence: Methods for Analyzing andAssessing Witness Statements (Stockholm,Sweden: Rotobeckman, 1972); andUdo Undeutsch, “The Development

of Narrative Reality Analysis” in J. C. Yuille, ed., CredibilityAssessment (London, United Kingdom: Kluwer, 1989), 101-119.

12 John Kaster, Interviewing Witnesses and Statement Analysis,1999 (unpublished manuscript); and Avinoam Sapir, ScientificContent Analysis (Phoenix, AZ: Laboratory for ScientificInterrogation, 1987).

“

”

In examiningsensory details,

investigators mustconsider whether analleged victim or a

suspect provided thestatement.

The authors express sincere appreciation to all who submit-ted statements for inclusion in this study. This research andsimilar projects rely upon the vital assistance that lawenforcement officials provide.

Dr. Adams, now retired, was formerly an FBI special agentinstructor in the Law Enforcement Communication Unit at theFBI Academy.Dr. Jarvis is a research specialist in the Behavioral ScienceUnit at the FBI Academy.


1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM16

n May 21, 2002, Stephanie ReneeBennett, a 23-year-old white female with

struggle, some articles (pictures and stuffed ani-mals) deliberately had been moved from one loca-tion to another. Additionally, a cordless telephoneunit, consisting of the base and handset, was dis-connected from the cord in the bedroom and placedin the bedroom closet. The offender took thevictim’s nightwear and an old stereo when he leftthe apartment.

Stephanie was found completely nude, lying onher back, with her legs spread open and her headtitled to one side. In her mouth was a gag (a pair ofunused panties that belonged to one of her room-mates). Visual marks were on Stephanie’s wristand ankles and are contributed to a form of re-straint used by the offender to immobilize her.These marks are similar to those left by handcuffsor a narrow type of restraint, such as a telephonecord or electrical ties. A well-defined ligature in-jury mark encompassed Stephanie’s neck and sev-eral marks at the rear base of her neck gave theappearance that a garrote-type device was used inconjunction with the ligature. The restraints andligature were removed by the offender and takenwith him when he left the crime scene. An autopsyreport disclosed that Stephanie was sexuallyassaulted orally, anally, and vaginally. DNA fromthe unidentified offender has been profiled and ismaintained in the FBI’s Combined DNA IndexSystem (CODIS) and the North Carolina StateBureau of Investigation Laboratory.

Alert to Law EnforcementLaw enforcement agencies should bring this

information to the attention of all crime analysisand sexual assault units, as well as officers investi-gating crimes against persons. Also, the offender’sDNA profile should be provided to local and statelaboratories for comparison purposes. Any agencywith similar crimes should contact HomicideDetective Lieutenant Chris Morgan of the Raleigh,North Carolina, Police Department at 919-890-3934 or Crime Analyst Glen W. Wildey, Jr.,ViCAP, Quantico, Virginia, at 703-632-4166 [email protected].

ViCAP Alert

Unsolved SexualAssault/Homicide

October 2004 / 13

brown hair and brown eyes who stood 5' 5" andweighed 125 pounds, was found sexually assaultedand murdered in her apartment located in north-west Raleigh, North Carolina. Stephanie recentlyhad graduated from college and had lived in theapartment for about 10 months with two femaleroommates, one of whom was her stepsister. Atabout 3:30 p.m. on May 21, 2002, Stephanie’sstepsister authorized apartment management per-sonnel to enter the apartment for a welfare checkafter she could not contact Stephanie at the apart-ment. Stephanie was discovered deceased.

The Crime SceneStephanie Renee Bennett and her two room-

mates lived on the first floor of a three-bedroomcorner apartment in a building centrally locatedwithin the complex. Evidence suggested that theoffender’s initial contact with Stephanie was in herbedroom. Egress into the apartment appears tohave been made by removing the screen to anunlocked window in one of the unoccupied bed-rooms. Even though there was very little distur-bance within the apartment, including no signs of a

O

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM17

n a summer evening inthe northeastern partof the United States,

when he saw the male, with agun in each hand, begin to runtoward him. The man fired bothweapons at the officer, whoreturned two rounds from hisservice weapon, striking themale in the center of his chest.However, the man continued tofire. One round struck theofficer in the head, killing himinstantly. The male survived thetwo gunshot wounds and laterwas convicted of killing theofficer.

This scenario is a collageof several cases dealing withthe use of deadly force, by andagainst law enforcement, that

the authors have examined overthe last decade. Studying thesecases and interacting with offi-cers attending the FBI NationalAcademy,1 who have experi-enced similar incidents in theirown agencies, have led them toquestion if officers have diedbecause of any of the followingfactors:• The type of weapon issued

to the officer.• The type of ammunition the

department issued forservice rounds.

• The lack or quality of self-defensive training providedto the officer.


Oa patrol officer received a radiodispatch at approximately7 p.m. to respond to an addressfor a disorderly subject. Theofficer arrived at the locationand parked his patrol vehicle onthe opposite side of the street,several houses away. Beforeexiting the vehicle, the officerpaused to observe the scene. Hesaw a male move from behind alarge tree in front of the addressof the alleged disorderly sub-ject. The officer started to exithis vehicle, but then stopped

© Corel

One-Shot DropsSurviving the MythBy ANTHONY J. PINIZZOTTO, Ph.D., HARRY A. KERN, M.Ed., and EDWARD F. DAVIS, M.S.

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM18

October 2004 / 15

Special Agent Kern serves inthe Behavioral Science Unitat the FBI Academy.

Dr. Pinizzotto is the seniorscientist and clinical forensicpsychologist in the BehavioralScience Unit at the FBI Academy.

Mr. Davis is an instructor inthe Behavioral Science Unitat the FBI Academy.

• Overconfidence because theofficer was wearing a bullet-resistant vest and, thereby,took unnecessary chances.

• The officer’s own prepara-tion for a violent encounter,such as wearing a bullet-resistant vest or remainingin excellent physicalcondition.

• The officer’s choice to no-tify dispatch of the locationduring a traffic stop or otherencounter with suspects.

• Any other circumstancespresently unknown to theofficer’s department.In the opening scenario, did

the officer “hesitate” after firingthe two rounds that struck theoffender? Was he instructedto “double tap” and pause, asmany departments once trained?The authors have learnedfrom their research on law

enforcement safety that thereexists a significant hesitancy onthe part of many officers to usedeadly force. However, theyhave not determined the reasonfor either the hesitation or whyofficers stop shooting beforethey neutralize the threat. Onequestion they can answer is thathandguns used for protectionby law enforcement are capableof immediately eliminating adeadly threat quickly. However,the fact largely remains thatbullet placement, rather thancaliber, causes immediate stop-page of body functions in mostinstances.2

With all of this in mind,then, if officers are adequatelyarmed, what causes them to fallvictim to criminals wieldingless powerful weapons? Anexamination of the myth of the“one-shot drop,” data relative tothe type of weapons offenders

have used to attack officers, andeffective survival and firearmstraining may help law enforce-ment agencies begin to reversethis tragic trend.

THE MYTHIn many of the classic, albeit

simplistic, cowboy movies fromthe early days of the Americanfilm industry, the stereotypical“good guys” wore white hats,whereas the “bad guys” donnedblack ones. After meeting in themiddle of a dirt street in somesmall town, two shots wouldring out. The bad guy’s bulletalways missed, but the one fromthe hero in the white hat in-evitably found its mark andfreed the town of the criminalthreat. With one shot from thegood guy’s gun, the bad guyimmediately dropped to theground and became completelyincapacitated.

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In today’s films and televi-sion programs, Hollywood hasvaried not only the clothing ofthe actors but also their stan-dards and demeanor, both thegood guys and the bad guys. Itnow has become difficult todistinguish the protagonist fromthe antagonist. Unfortunately,however, this increased realismhas not always carried over tothe portrayal of gun battles.Many current shooting scenescontinue to display unrealisticreactions and underlying expec-tations regarding ballisticeffects. For example, one shotfrom a handgun often lifts thewounded person 2 feet off theground and causes immediateincapacitation.

Even knowing that these aremovies and television programs,some in the law enforcementcommunity still expect one-shotdrops in real-life shootings. Infact, few actual instances endthis way.

Realistic and regular lawenforcement training mustcounterbalance and mentallyand emotionally override thefallacy of the one-shot drop stillpromoted by some media. Shortof disrupting the brain or sever-ing the upper spinal column,immediate incapacitation doesnot occur.3 Therefore, the threatremains to the officer. Yet, im-plicit in the media presentationsof law enforcement encountersis the belief that with the

“proper handgun” and the“proper ammunition,” officerswill inflict immediate incapaci-tation if they shoot offendersanywhere in the torso. Variedand multiple real-life law en-forcement experiences contra-dict this false and dangerousbelief.

Only then did the offender dropthe knife. This individual washit five times with 230-grain,.45-caliber hollow-point am-munition and never fell to theground. The offender laterstated, “The wounds felt likebee stings.”

In another case, officersfired six .40-caliber, hollow-point rounds at a subject whopointed a gun at them. Each ofthe six rounds hit the individualwith no visible effect. The sev-enth round severed his spinalcord, and the offender fell to theground, dropping his weapon.This entire firefight was cap-tured by several officers’ in-carvideo cameras.

In a final case, the subjectshot the victim officer in thechest with a handgun and fled.The officer, wearing a bullet-resistant vest, returned gunfire.The officer’s partner observedthe incident and also fired at theoffender. Subsequent investiga-tion determined that the indi-vidual was hit 13 times and, yet,ran several blocks to a gangmember’s house. He later said,“I was so scared by all thoseshots; it sounded like the Fourthof July.” Again, according tothe subject, his wounds “onlystarted to hurt when I woke upin the hospital.” The officershad used 9-millimeter, depart-ment-issued ammunition.

The surviving officers re-ported that they felt vulnerable.

Actual ShootingsIn the authors’ ongoing

study of violence against lawenforcement officers, they haveexamined several cases whereofficers used large-caliber hand-guns with limited effect dis-played by the offenders. In onecase, the subject attacked theofficer with a knife. The officershot the individual four timesin the chest; then, his weaponmalfunctioned. The offendercontinued to walk toward theofficer. After the officer clearedhis weapon, he fired again andstruck the subject in the chest.


“Realistic and regularlaw enforcement

training mustcounterbalance and

mentally andemotionally override

the fallacy of theone-shot drop....

”

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM20

October 2004 / 17

They wondered ifthey had done some-thing wrong thatcaused their injury orplaced them in theproximity of physicaldanger. They alsowondered if theywould react differ-ently if faced with asimilar situation.

PracticalExpectations

Social sciencediscloses that ifpeople expect to seesomething, they wellmay see it. For ex-ample, in basicpsychology courses,instructors generallyinclude the perceptualset theory, whichshows students apicture. Althoughexactly the samepicture, it appearsto some as an oldwoman, whereasothers see a youngwoman. People oftensee what they expect to see.This explains why so manysightings of the Loch Ness“monster” turn out to be float-ing logs.

Officers’ expectations ofhow they will respond whenshot significantly affect theirreactions to these situations.Development of advanced,practical expectations may be

influenced best by clarifyingmisconceptions and impartingnew knowledge during purpose-driven training concerning thetopic. Absent a clear, purposefulunderstanding of the session’straining objectives, little influ-ential and practical learning canoccur. Further, lack of purpose-ful training may prove detri-mental to an officer’s practical

expectations, psychologicalpreparation, and capabilitieswhen employing complex tasksin response to the significantstressors of a life-threatening,critical incident.

Humans are largely differ-entiated from animals throughtheir miraculous ability todevelop skills and abilities toperform multiple, complex

Law Enforcement Officers Feloniously Killedin the Line of Duty with Firearms 1993-2002

Source: U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, LawEnforcement Officers Killed and Assaulted, 2002 (Washington, DC, 2003).

Size of Total While Wearing With OwnAmmunition Slain Body Armor Weapon

.22 caliber 28 9 2

.25 caliber 18 11 1

.32 caliber 9 6 0

.32-20 caliber 1 0 0

.357 magnum 30 19 5

.38 caliber 65 28 5

.380 caliber 43 24 0

.40 caliber 34 24 11

.41 magnum 1 1 0

.44 magnum 11 7 1

.45 caliber 36 24 5

.455 caliber 1 1 0

.50 caliber 1 1 07.62x25 millimeter 1 1 09 millimeter 136 65 149x18 millimeter 1 1 010 millimeter 2 0 1Size not reported 25 10 0

Total 443 232 45

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM21


tasks simultaneously throughrepetitive practice. By necessityof minimizing risk to them-selves and others, officers effec-tively learn many firearm-useprocedures and tactics through aprogressive building-blockprocess. Herein, initial exposureis given to learning gross andfine motor skills. Some con-scious behaviors develop intosubconscious ones. Officersprogressively hone skills to areasonable level of mastery,then apply them under shortertime constraints during whichthey must incorporate and

maintain mental processes ofassessing their surroundings andchanging conditions. Trainersneed to remain cognizant of therole that repetition plays in themental processes reinforcedduring training scenarios andcourses of fire. From learners’perspectives, ideal firearms andtactics training objectivesshould embrace an achievablenotion that they will learn“something new” about theirpersonal performances, skilllevels, and capabilities withtheir equipment each time theyreceive training.

THE DATATo better grasp

the scope andgravity of the mythof the one-shotdrop, the authorsprovide an over-view of felonious,line-of-duty lawenforcement officerdeaths. From 1993to 2002, 636 offi-cers were feloni-ously killed in theline of duty.4

Offenders usedhandguns, rangingfrom .22 to .50caliber, to kill 443of the officers.5

Forty-five of thesevictims were slainwith their ownweapons.

Fifty-six of the443 officers (12.6 percent) werekilled by small-caliber weaponsthat fire lightweight bullets atlow velocity and included .22,.25, and .32 calibers. Undoubt-edly, no officer would considerany of these firearms as aprimary weapon of choice, andno records indicated that agen-cies issued any of these to theiruniformed patrol officers.

Concerning the 45 officerskilled with their own weapons,3 were slain with small-caliberrounds from backup/off-dutyweapons they carried, either.22 or .25 caliber. Twenty-five

Justifiably Killed Justifiably Killed CommittedYear by Victim Officer by Other Than Victim Suicide

1991 2 6 51992 3 6 51993 2 7 61994 4 12 91995 4 5 81996 1 14 31997 2 6 121998 2 11 41999 0 5 52000 3 6 5

Total 23 78 62

Source: Compiled by members of the FBI’s Criminal Justice Information ServicesDivision with data from U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation,Law Enforcement Officers Killed and Assaulted, 2002 (Washington, DC, 2003).

Offenders Justifiably Killed or Committed Suicide1991-2000

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October 2004 / 19

officers (56 percent) were killedwith their 9-millimeter or .40-caliber service weapons, com-mon to law enforcement duringthe time period examined. Theremaining 17 officers were slainwith other weapons, including.38 caliber, .357 magnum, 10millimeter, .44 magnum, and.45 caliber.

In two previous studies onviolence against law enforce-ment officers conducted by theauthors, offenders stated theirreason for selecting a particularfirearm as availability, 41 per-cent in the first study and 68percent in the second.6 Theseoffenders did not care aboutbullet weight or velocity. Themajority of the offenders in bothstudies had been involved inprior shootings before assault-ing or killing the officers. Theirmajor concern was being “faston the trigger” and deliveringthe bullet to its intended target.One stated, “There’s no time tosight up the gun. If you hesitate,you’re dead.”

Because of the time neededfor adjudicating these offenses,the most recent disposition dataavailable for offenders involvedin line-of-duty law enforcementofficer felonious deaths are forthe 10 years 1991 to 2000.7 Ofthe 665 persons charged withkilling a law enforcement offi-cer for this time period, only 9remained fugitives. The major-ity (464) of these individuals

were arrested and convictedof murder. The victim officersjustifiably killed only 23 of theirattackers. Other officers re-sponding to the scene killed anadditional 78 offenders. Sixty-two of the perpetrators commit-ted suicide after killing the offi-cer. In their ongoing research,the authors are examining if anyof these incidents could havestarted as an officer-assistedsuicide or, more commonly,suicide by cop.

to extreme stress concerningnatural physiological, psycho-logical, and emotional re-sponses that occur in normalpeople during abnormal situa-tions. Such training is impera-tive in conquering survivalversus succumbing to an other-wise treatable, recoverableinjury.

Survival TrainingEffective survival training

should provide a clear under-standing of how authorizedweapons and ammunition likelywill perform under varyingconditions to 1) strengthenofficer confidence in personalskills with equipment and2) prepare officers to efficientlyand quickly incapacitate/controla threat against life. First andforemost, officers shouldpossess a working knowledgeabout terminal ballistic perfor-mance of bullets when firedthrough intervening obstaclesthat they, by necessity, mayhave to shoot through andpenetrate to incapacitate aviolent adversary. Some com-mon intervening obstaclesencountered in law enforcementshootings can include heavyclothing; building materials,such as wood and drywall;automobile windshield glass;and sheet metal used in vehicledoors. Such obstacles may alterterminal projectile performance(i.e., the medium may plug or

THE TRAININGA firm understanding of

what an officer possibly mayexpect if shot or severelyinjured during a violent con-frontation with an adversaryremains crucial. This includesheightening an officer’s aware-ness about establishing a sur-vival mind-set and practicalmeasures to combat reactions

“

”

Such an exerciseemphasizes that theofficer must aim at adistinct spot on the

torso to achieveincapacitation, ratherthan merely shootingat the entire target.

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM23

close the hollow point of abullet, making it perform as aball round or become deformedand, thus, limit penetration).

Officers also should knowabout ammunition performanceat different, reasonable dis-tances. Such training promotesgreater understanding of agencypolicy when applied to differentsituations encountered in dailywork experiences (i.e., whenit is reasonable to shoot, notshoot, or seek alternate methodsof self-preservation). Agenciesusing firearm ranges of 25 yardsor fewer may consider optionsof periodically shooting atreduced-size targets, simulatinga longer-distance handgun shot.

Finally, officers should pos-sess a basic understanding ofthe human anatomy and relatedsystem functions from a three-dimensional perspective. Train-ing should visually convey theplacement and vulnerabilitiesof the cardiovascular system(heart, lungs, and blood-bearingorgans) and the central nervoussystem (brain and upper spinalcolumn). Knowledge of howthese human systems likely willrespond to low-velocity projec-tiles, such as from most hand-guns, and high-velocity ones,such as from high-poweredrifles, will augment officerawareness that reactions tobeing shot may not occur imme-diately. Perhaps more impor-tant, this information can help

prevent officers from forminga false assumption or precon-ceived expectation that the ad-versary will be rendered imme-diately harmless following awell-placed shot from theirfirearm.

Firearms TrainingWell-rounded firearms

training programs should in-clude instruction and courses offire emphasizing fundamentalsof marksmanship and positionshooting. However, from a sur-vival aspect, additional trainingpoints require consideration.Examples include alternatecourses of fire that possessphases unfamiliar to the officer,as well as a preset number offired rounds, such as routinelyemployed in qualificationcourses and largely gathered forthe purpose of establishing a“standard” of proficiency ifneeded in litigation. Alternate

courses of fire (e.g., specializedcombat courses), by design,should reinforce desirable be-haviors and thought processes.Combat courses should necessi-tate officers shooting until theyincapacitate the threat (target)or the threat ceases. This canhelp prevent, rather thanencourage, psychologicalreinforcement and presumptionthat the threat will desist afterfiring a given number of rounds.If lethal force is warranted andappropriate under the circum-stances, the officer must shootuntil the threat ceases.

Use of cardboard or papertargets, although economical,inherently forces personnel toperceive bullet impacts on asingle plane of reference with-out dimension—much differentfrom a human simulation withdimension and placement oforgans/skeletal structure of abody. An occasional mix oftraining on a three-dimensionaltarget, such as clothed manne-quins, preformed targets, andother devices limited only byimagination, may better demon-strate and encourage personnelto exercise critical-thinkingskills for delivering optimalshot placement and effective-ness. An example is a shootingscenario requiring accurateshot placement on a three-dimensional target at an adverseangle substantially differentfrom the usual 90-degree target


© Corel

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October 2004 / 21

placement in many trainingscenarios due to range design,safety, and economy of trainingresource time.

Economical, three-dimen-sional reaction targets made ofcardboard to resemble a torsoare available. These targets,suspended by heavy string orcord to one or two inflatedballoons inside the body of thedevice, can become lifelike byplacing old clothing, such as ashirt or jacket, on the exterior.When one or both of the bal-loons are struck by a bullet, theballoon pops and the targetdrops from its suspended posi-tion. Such an exercise empha-sizes that the officer must aimat a distinct spot on the torso toachieve incapacitation, ratherthan merely shooting at theentire target.

New technology incorpo-rated into training simulatorsportraying lifelike, real-timescenarios permits course de-signers to define the zones ofimmediate or quick incapacita-tion similar to the relative areaon a human body. Additionally,designers can denote zonesof incapacitation based on theangle and distance of the adver-sary from the officer, as well asscenarios representing bodyarmor worn by the adversary.

CONCLUSIONJust as in the days of the

American Old West when only

the peace officers’ superbgun-handling abilities stoodbetween them and the violentoutlaws of their time, today’slaw enforcement professionalsstill must rely on their firearmskills to protect their communi-ties from similar lawlessness.Employing deadly force againstanother human being is not aneasy choice, nor should it be.

that they have to continuallyhone their survival skills,always expect the unexpected,and never give up; they mustprotect themselves to protecttheir communities.

Endnotes1 The FBI hosts four 10-week sessions

each year during which law enforcementexecutives from around the world cometogether to attend classes in variouscriminal justice subjects.

2 “Physiologically, a determinedadversary can be stopped reliably andimmediately only by a shot that disruptsthe brain or upper spinal cord. Failing tohit the center nervous system, massivebleeding from holes in the heart, or majorblood vessels of the torso causingcirculatory collapse is the only way toforce incapacitation upon an adversary,and this takes time. For example, there issufficient oxygen within the brain tosupport full, voluntary action for 10 to15 seconds after the heart has beendestroyed.” See U.S. Department ofJustice, Federal Bureau of Investigation,Firearms Training Unit, FBI Academy,Handgun Wounding Factors and Effec-tiveness (Quantico, VA, July 14, 1989), 8.

3 Ibid.4 U.S. Department of Justice, Federal

Bureau of Investigation, Law EnforcementOfficers Killed and Assaulted, 2002(Washington, DC, 2003).

5 Members of the FBI’s CriminalJustice Information Services Divisioncollected and supplied this information tothe authors for this article.

6 U.S. Department of Justice, FederalBureau of Investigation, Killed in the Lineof Duty (Washington, DC, 1992); and,U.S. Department of Justice, FederalBureau of Investigation, National Instituteof Justice, In The Line of Fire: ViolenceAgainst Law Enforcement (Washington,DC, 1997).

7 Supra note 4, 44.

However, when an individual isintent on causing grave bodilyinjury, even death, to officerssworn to uphold this nation’slaws, those officers must reactresponsibly and quickly toprotect their communities and toavoid the loss of innocent lives,as well as their own.

The perpetuation of the one-shot drop by movies and televi-sion programs has no place inthe real world of violent crimi-nals bent on their destructivemissions. Officers must realize

“

”

Effective survivaltraining should providea clear understanding

of how authorizedweapons and

ammunition likelywill perform under

varying conditions....

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM25

Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation:A Multidisciplinary Approach, edited byRobert R. Hazelwood and Ann WolbertBurgess, CRC Press, Washington, DC, 2001.

Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation is astate-of-the-art book on the comprc ehensiveinvestigation of sexual assaults and rapes usinga multidisciplinary approach to ensure the ef-fectiveness of efforts. It represents the latest“contemporary bible” on modern investigativeawareness, with the methods, information, andtechniques specifically focused on the victims,investigators, forensic scientists, prosecutors,and perpetrators of sexual crimes.

The book presents a unique understandingand the motivations of the criminal that pro-vides investigators, responders, and technicalsupporters with the latest insights into theoffender’s behavior and allows for a morecomplete and systematic investigation intosuch crimes. It is a book by the experts in thefields of multidisciplinary approaches involv-ing members of the uniform and investigativebranches of law enforcement; prosecution, be-havioral science, and forensic science person-nel; and special populations of victims, includ-ing their victimology and attackers, all with the

primary mission of effective case investigation,management, and prosecution.

The book offers contemporary informationmethods and techniques through 24 chapterssystematically loaded and incorporated intofive distinct sections. Section I addresses thevictims of sexual assault and rapes, theirthoughts and reactions, and the often-over-looked sexual crimes committed in nursinghomes. Section II categorizes the rapist from aprofile standpoint and discusses the fantasiesand motivations regarding serial sexual crimes,including behavioral interviews with rape vic-tims. It also covers false allegation investiga-tions, the typology of offenders who commitassaults on children, the latest on cyberstalkingpedophiles and investigations thereof, and theidentification and use of collateral materials insexual crime investigations and prosecutions.

Section III contains the latest in physicalevidence and evidence recovery considera-tions. It discusses forensic science examina-tion, collection, and observation of physicaland trace evidence of the victim, offender, andthe crime scene, as needed, in a multi-disciplin-ary approach. Sections IV and V update thelatest information concerning juvenile and fe-male sexual offenders, with findings about theserial rapist that contradict popular stereotypesabout serial criminals.

Numerous areas standout in the book, butthree emerge above the others. First, the bookgives a valuable typology on analyzing sexcrimes from the viewpoint of the offender,rather than only from the victim, society, ormental health professionals. Second, the bookuses several real cases (names protected) inselected chapters to set the stage for capturingthe valuable concepts and techniques and theirapplications, including a proposed investiga-tive model concerning false allegations. Third,


Book Review

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM26

the book contains a case study supported bythe criminal investigative analysis conceptand methodology applied against the studysupported with a recommended questioningsequence for professional multidisciplinaryinvestigative results and completeness.

Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation isa book that every active multidisciplinarymember involved in investigating and re-sponding to sexual assaults and rapes shouldnot only read but keep nearby to assist them intheir duties. The book could help law enforce-ment agencies select investigators to handlethese crimes and aid all multidisiplinary agen-cies conducting sexual assault and rape inves-tigations and responses prepare written poli-cies and procedures. It contains informationon practical approaches for cyberstalking

investigators and image task force members.Sexual assault nurse examination programsand the multidisciplinary departments of uni-versities and colleges could incorporate ele-ments of the book into their efforts. Overall,implementing the information, concepts, andtechniques in this book should assist ongoinginvestigations and coordinate more arrests,convictions, and resolutions of cases, witha spin-off of providing for a safer societythrough cost-effective efforts.

Reviewed byLarry R. Moore

Certified Emergency ManagerInternational Association of Emergency

ManagersKnoxville, Tennessee

he Cumberland County, NorthCarolina, Sheriff’s Office presents

this law enforcement memorial, locatedin the courtyard between the agency andthe county courthouse. This monument,dedicated on May 11, 1999, features twolight granite walls containing the namesof county, city, state, and military offi-cers killed in the line of duty inCumberland County. In the middle of thetwo light walls is a dark granite wallfeaturing a kneeling deputy holding hishat in prayer.

T

October 2004 / 23

The Bulletin Honors

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:55 PM27


aw enforcement officersface traumatic incidentsdaily. These events, typ-

trauma; appropriate develop-ment of coping strategies forstress; availability of supportnetworks (e.g., family, friends,and colleagues); and recognitionof the dangers of ignoring signsand symptoms of post-incidentstress, which is a normal re-sponse to abnormal circum-stances.2 Regardless of anofficer’s personal experienceswith traumatic incidents, avoid-ing, ignoring, or burying theemotional aftermath of a trau-matic event can lead to serious

short- and long-term conse-quences. Sadly, however, someofficers believe that substanceuse and abuse may offer thebest way to cope with theirotherwise unbearable feelings.

Certainly, not every officerdeals with stress and trauma byabusing chemicals, and notevery officer who chooses toabuse chemicals does so tonumb the effects of trauma.However, overwhelmingevidence suggests that thetwo factors often are linked,

Lically unexpected and sudden,fall well beyond the bounds ofnormal experience;1 hence, theycan have profound physical,emotional, and psychologicalimpacts—even for the best-trained, experienced, andseasoned officers.

The ability to cope withstressful incidents is a personaljourney that depends on anofficer’s past experiences with

Police Trauma and AddictionCoping with the Dangers of the JobBy CHAD L. CROSS, Ph.D., and LARRY ASHLEY, Ed.S., LADC

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October 2004 / 25

Mr. Ashley, recognized internationallyfor his work in combat trauma andaddiction, is on the faculty in theDepartment of Counseling at theUniversity of Nevada, Las Vegas.

Dr. Cross, a research scientist,is a member of the associategraduate faculty at the Universityof Nevada, Las Vegas.

particularly in the high-stressenvironment of police work.Therefore, law enforcement ad-ministrators need to understandthe responses to trauma andstress, the link between traumaand substance abuse, and thestrategies for intervention andtreatment needed to help theirofficers survive the rigors oftheir chosen profession.

UNDERSTANDINGTRAUMA AND STRESSRESPONSES

Critical incidents experi-enced by law enforcement offi-cers are broad and far-ranging.A retired officer turned counse-lor, who survived a seriousassault early in his career, hassuggested that “any situation inwhich an officer’s expectationsof personal infallibility sud-denly become tempered byimperfection and crude realitycan be a critical incident.”3

Examples could include anofficer-involved shooting, thedeath of a coworker, seriousinjury while on duty, life-threatening incidents, hostagesituations or negotiations, expo-sure to intense crime scenes, apolice suicide, or any situationthat falls outside the realm ofnormal experience.

Stress responses and thesymptoms resulting from suchincidents can be cognitive(confusion, difficulty concen-trating, or intrusive thoughts),physical (fatigue, headaches,

or changes in appetite or sleeppatterns), behavioral (with-drawal, acting out, or substanceuse), or emotional (anxiety orfear, depression, anger or guilt,or feelings of helplessness).4

Most often, a combination ofthese symptoms emerges—frequently worsening and com-pounding as multiple traumasoccur over time. If officers donot develop or take advantageof avenues for coping withstress appropriately, physical,mental, and emotional exhaus-tion (“burnout”) can result.

Diagnosis of PsychologicalStress Responses

Similar to military combatveterans, law enforcement offi-cers experience a plethora oftreacherous, violent stresses on

a daily basis.5 The psychologi-cal aftermath of such experi-ences can be either acute orchronic and can emerge orreoccur across broad temporalscales. While on active duty andupon returning to civilian life,military personnel—and, like-wise, law enforcement offic-ers—carry this stress-ladenemotional baggage, which canproduce multitudinous residualeffects that, all too often, leadto substance use and abuse.

Post-traumatic stress disor-der (PTSD) is associated mostoften with critical incidentsexperienced by law enforcementofficers,6 but many other diag-nostic criteria could be linkedto stressful incidents, includingsuch disorders as adjustment,mood, anxiety, impulse-control,

1658 October041.pmd 9/13/04, 12:56 PM29


and substance abuse/depen-dence. PTSD includes symp-toms that develop owing toexperiencing intense fear, help-lessness, or horror, which, inturn, often can lead to reexperi-encing the traumatic event,avoiding situations associatedwith it (even if not experiencedat the time the event occurred),and “numbing” of the arousalresponse. These symptomscause impairment or distress insocial or occupational function-ing. If the symptoms persist formore than 1 month or appearfor the first time 6 months afterthe event, then possible PTSDwould need to be investigated.If the symptoms appear andsubsequently disappear within a1-month time frame, then acutestress disorder should be inves-tigated.7 Of note, subclinicalindividuals may chronicallydevelop PTSD symptoms indis-tinguishable from those for-mally diagnosed with the dis-order if they remain untreated.8

Impacts of TraumaThe impact of traumatic

experiences differs for everyindividual; however, beginningwith the studies of combatfatigue after World War II,similarities across individualshave led to a generalized con-ceptualization of expected stressreactions, particularly those thatmight lead to career burnout.If or when this occurs, lawenforcement organizations and

other first-responder publicsafety agencies may find them-selves understaffed, unable toperform expected duties, andfaced with increased apathy,suicide rates, and substanceabuse.9

Generally speaking, stressresponses begin with anxietyand panic reactions, which oftenlead to difficulties in concentra-tion and feelings of beingoverwhelmed or out of control.

ideation and rates increase, and,all too often, substance abuse todull these feelings leads toaddiction and dependence.10

LINKING TRAUMA ANDSUBSTANCE ABUSE

Substance use and abuseamong law enforcement officersrepresent widespread, albeitsomewhat underreported, phe-nomena. Alcohol and other drugabuse are maladaptive behav-iors associated with stress andtrauma, and when these behav-iors emerge in law enforcement,the profession must afford themspecial attention.11

Alcohol Use and AbuseStudies have indicated that

nearly one-quarter of lawenforcement officers are alcoholdependent as a result of on-the-job stress; however, researchersbelieve that this estimate fallswell below the true number dueto incomplete reporting.12 Astudy of 852 police officers inNew South Wales, Australia,for example, found that nearly50 percent of male and 40percent of female officers con-sumed excessive amounts ofalcohol (defined as more than8 drinks per week at least twicea month or over 28 drinks amonth for males and more than6 drinks per week at least twicea month or 14 drinks a monthfor females) and that nearly 90percent of all officers consumedalcohol to some degree.13

This can progress to physicalsymptoms, such as tachycardia,gastrointestinal distress, andhypertension. If interventiondoes not occur, then workerapathy tends to increase, leadingto absenteeism, lateness, pro-crastination, and increased useof chemical substances (e.g.,tobacco, caffeine, alcohol, painkillers, or sleeping pills). Ifofficers continue along thispath, then major depressivesymptoms begin to increase,feelings of hopelessness andhelplessness abound, suicidal

Alcohol and otherdrug abuse are

maladaptivebehaviors associated

with stress andtrauma....

”“

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October 2004 / 27

The unique subculture ofthe law enforcement professionoften makes alcohol use appearas an accepted practice to pro-mote camaraderie and socialinteraction among officers.14

What starts as an occasionalsocializing activity, however,later can become a dangerousaddiction as alcohol use evolvesinto a coping mechanism tocamouflage the stress andtrauma experienced by officerson a daily basis.15 When theeffects of the alcohol wear off,however, the stress or traumathat led to the drinking episodestill exists.

In addition, researchers haveidentified four occupationaldemands that can trigger alco-hol use by law enforcementofficers, namely depersonaliza-tion (reacting unemotionallyto the everyday stresses of thejob), authoritarianism (officers’behavior governed by a set ofregulations, making them feelas if they are not in control),organizational protection (thestructure in place to protect lawenforcement agencies from crit-icism), and danger preparation(the stress related to officersknowing that their lives poten-tially are in constant danger).16

Some may argue, then, thatalcohol use among officersserves both as a personal copingmechanism related to socializa-tion and presumed stress/traumareduction and also as a reactionto the internal stresses created

by law enforcement agenciesthemselves.

Drug Use and AbuseOther drug use also is on the

rise in law enforcement agen-cies.17 This increasing problemhas led to the establishment andmaintenance of drug-testingprograms. Though this hascaused numerous challengeswithin the legal system, an ever-growing movement towardmaintaining a drug-free work-place exists throughout lawenforcement agencies.18

drugs because they often comein close contact with illegalsubstances and the individualswho use or deal in them; theylearn how, why, when, andwhere to obtain and use drugsand the rationalizations for suchuse from drug offenders; andthey may find that drugs offer away to help them cope with theconstant stress on the job andthe ever-present traumaticincidents that they encounter.19

Impacts of SubstanceUse and Abuse

Both the acute and chronicimpacts of substance use andabuse often lead to profoundnegative consequences. Notlimited to the individual user,these consequences can extendto loved ones, colleagues, theemploying agency, and thecitizens who depend on lawenforcement personnel. In otherwords, substance abuse by lawenforcement officers is not apersonal journey because theyalways must be prepared toconscientiously and continuallyreact, respond, serve, and pro-tect. Such high expectations canprove difficult to meet whensober, let alone when impairedby alcohol and other drugs orwhile recovering from usingsuch substances.

Alcohol and other drug useand abuse have both overt andcovert social and economiccosts, including lost productiv-ity and wages; increased family

Sadly, those officers, clini-cally diagnosed or not, facingthe aftermath of traumaticexperiences may feel that drugscan help numb their pain, ifonly temporarily. Additionally,law enforcement officers main-tain a role that may make themmore susceptible to abusingdrugs. For example, they haveample opportunities to obtain

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problems, including risks ofdomestic violence; and risingcosts to the criminal justicesystem to respond to, house, oradjudicate substance abusers.20

When substance abusers aremembers of the public safetysector, the problems multiply—employees can become unableto perform their sworn duties,administrators can find them-selves increasingly overbur-dened trying to deal with aproblem that can result in nega-tive perceptions of their agen-cies, and the public can losefaith and trust in the system.

Substance use may lead toa number of problems for lawenforcement officers and theiragencies. When officers dealwith stress or trauma usingalcohol and other drugs, theymay find that they simply

BREAKING THE CYCLEOF TRAUMA ANDSUBSTANCE ABUSE

Substance use often beginswith the best intentions—ameans of social interaction.However, when the mind-numbing qualities of alcoholand other drugs become ameans of coping, albeit a short-sighted one, substance use thenmay progress into abuse anddependence because officers seeno other avenue of reducingstress. More stress often meansmore chemical use, and, beforelong, officers may find them-selves in a dangerous cycle.Unfortunately, however, thismeans that the officers neverdealt with the real problem orissue in a satisfactory way; itremains an open wound thatoften cannot heal on its own,despite the best efforts ofself-medication.

Where and when, then, doesthe cycle of trauma/stress andsubstance use/abuse end? Ifappropriate intervention doesnot occur, tragedy may result.But, agencies do not have towait for tragedy to occur; theycan act beforehand to save theirofficers.

Intervention StrategiesTraditional trauma/stress

intervention involves sometype or form of critical inci-dent stress management ordebriefing;22 however, recentresearchers have questioned the

cannot perform their dutiesadequately. They often becomeagitated, hypervigilant, andaggressive. They feel tired andoverwhelmed and have diffi-culty concentrating on theirwork. Family problems mount,and officers become isolated.Accelerated substance use leadsto occasional and then progres-sive lateness and absenteeism.Continued use may result in theinability to perform the job atall and intensified feelings ofworthlessness and apathy,causing officers to becomemore and more depressed andconfused. Ultimately, the endresult is a tremendous increasein the risk of suicidal ideation,which studies have linkedstrongly to alcohol and otherdrug use among law enforce-ment officers.21

R.G. Dunham and G.P. Alpert, eds., Critical Issuesin Policing: Contemporary Readings, 3rd ed. (ProspectHeights, IL: Waveland Press, 1997).

J.M. Violanti, Police Suicide: Epidemic in Blue(Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 1996).

J.M. Violanti, D. Paton, and C. Dunning, eds., Post-Traumatic Stress Intervention: Challenges, Issues, andPerspectives (Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 2000).

The Web site http://www.cophealth.com provides awealth of information, including articles, books, andpsychological material.

Resources

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October 2004 / 29

ability of these techniques toreduce the symptoms stemmingfrom trauma.23 These techniquesmay prove useful for some, butreactions to traumatic eventsand the stresses inherent in po-lice work make a more indi-vidualized model more appro-priate in many circumstances.24

Situations may indicate indi-vidual and group mental healthtreatment, along with profes-sional or peer counselors, as anecessary part of the interven-tion. However, treating lawenforcement officers can posesome challenges to mentalhealth personnel.

Traditionally, law enforce-ment officers have viewed themental health profession withsome skepticism because theyoften did not feel that counse-lors understood what it meant todo police work. To combat thismind-set and deal effectivelywith officers, counselors mustreceive some unique training.They also must have—• a grounding in policing;• a localized knowledge of the

agency and administrationswithin which their clientsreside;

• a unique comprehension ofthe trauma and stressesinherent in police work;

• an understanding of the darkhumor often used by offi-cers to vent stress-inducedanger and frustration; and

• an ability to build rapport byestablishing a trusting, re-spectful atmosphere whereinthey can assure officers ofcomplete confidentiality.25

A unique field, substanceabuse counseling requires spe-cialized training to appropri-ately and legally administerassessments and treatments. Thefirst intervention for substanceabuse should occur at the ear-liest possible time—beforerecruits become law enforce-ment officers. Police academies

substance use can cause. Addi-tionally, training at this stagereaffirms that the law enforce-ment agency administrationunderstands the pressures in-herent in police work that maylead to substance use and abuse.Further, instruction by seniorofficers during the trainingphase provides appropriatemodels of behavior and sendsthe message to young recruitsthat they need not resort to sub-stance use as a means of copingwith the trauma and stress of thelaw enforcement profession.

Many brief interventionsexist for initial stages of sub-stance abuse, and most havefocused on group interventionswhere members discuss the prosand cons of binge drinking andalcoholism. These discussionsoften focus on the health effectsof alcohol and other drug use,an understanding of societalnorms as a baseline to comparean individual’s personal con-sumption, and the cognitive-behavioral interventions tochange the thinking patternsassociated with substance use.26

Long-term, heavy drinkers,on the other hand, may needdetoxification and a period ofrecovery before introducingpsychoeducational interven-tion.27 Providing a supportiveintradepartmental atmospherefor officers in need of this levelof intervention is a necessarycomponent.

should contain didactic trainingin substance use and abuse andthe inappropriateness of suchbehavior in police work. In-creasing awareness at this stageof professional development notonly puts useful and necessaryinformation into the hands offuture officers but also raisestheir awareness of the manypotential problems, both per-sonally and professionally, that

...avoiding, ignoring,or burying the

emotional aftermathof a traumatic eventcan lead to serious

short- and long-termconsequences.

”“

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Integrated TreatmentApproach

It seems clear that treatingtrauma/stress and substance use/abuse should occur in comple-ment. After all, police traumaand stress will not disappear norwill substance use and abusewithin the ranks. What canchange, however, is the atmo-sphere within those law en-forcement administrations thatmay tend to downplay, rational-ize, or deny addictions. To helpeffect this change and to savetime, money, and, most impor-tant, lives, law enforcementagencies can invest in an inte-grated model of awareness andtreatment. To help agencies, theauthors offer some consider-ations in developing such amodel.

Support Services• Law enforcement agencies

should have mental healthprofessionals trained andcertified in addictions coun-seling on staff for consulta-tions, interventions, andreferrals. They should offerpolice counselors trained inpolicing who have knowl-edge of police infrastruc-ture, programming, andadministration.

• Agencies should havetrauma teams that includemental health professionalson call for consultations andinterventions when needed.

• They should make employeeassistance professionalsavailable to provide confi-dential services outside theagency.

• Agencies should institutepeer counseling programs.28

Ideally, these peer counse-lors would have experiencesin both trauma and addic-tions or would work inteams to develop integrated

understanding the negativeeffects of substance use andabuse.

• Law enforcement agenciesshould make critical inci-dent trauma managementtraining available to allofficers on an ongoing basis.Officers often receive train-ing in such programs for thetreatment of the citizensthey protect. But, a strongeffort also needs to focusinternally within law en-forcement agencies, specifi-cally aimed at the traumaticincidents most often en-countered in police work.

• Agencies should provideongoing training to continu-ally educate their officerson the effects of alcohol andother drug use. Agenciesfrequently serve their com-munities by supportingalcohol and other drugprevention programs, yet,all too often, they neglectthe problems of their ownpersonnel.

• Law enforcement agenciesneed to learn the value ofearly intervention programsover treatment programs andhow to provide a supportiveatmosphere that acknowl-edges trauma and addictionintervention efforts withintheir organizations. Further,upper-level officers andadministrators need toexhibit empathy toward

programs. Officers are morelikely to respect the experi-ences of fellow officers overoutside professionals, andthe models of positivebehavior that such peersupport groups offer maybe a key component ofsuccessful intervention.

Training and Research• Young recruits should

receive training in recogniz-ing stress, dealing withtraumatic incidents, and

”“Similar to militarycombat veterans, lawenforcement officersexperience a plethora

of treacherous,violent stresses on

a daily basis.

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October 2004 / 31

their officers, provideservices when necessary,and encourage open com-munication about addictionproblems in their ranks.

• Researchers, mental healthprofessionals, and lawenforcement experts need tofurther examine the role thattrauma, stress, and addictionplays in the lives of all first-responding public safetypersonnel and find newmethods of intervention andtreatment to help thesededicated men and womendeal with the tremendouspressure of their profession.

CONCLUSIONAll members of the law

enforcement community havean important role to play whenit comes to evaluating, interven-ing, and treating trauma andaddiction. When officers sufferthe aftermath of trauma, theyare not alone. Many may touttheir “tough guy” image, seethemselves as weak or abnormalif they seek help, and believethat admitting psychological oremotional pain will result indisciplinary action and, perhaps,job dismissal. Unfortunately,however, severe anxiety reac-tions, workplace apathy, absen-teeism, and depressive symp-toms have far-reaching impacts,not only on the officers suffer-ing the trauma but, importantly,on their colleagues, the families

they love, and the public theyhave sworn to protect and serve.Adding substance abuse to thisalready tragic scenario tremen-dously increases the potentiallyharmful impact—for whenchemical substances enter thepicture, everyone loses.

6 J.M. Violanti, Police PsychologicalTrauma, Law Enforcement WellnessAssociation, Inc.; retrieved on August 5,2003, from http://www.cophealth.com/articles/articles_psychtrauma.html.

7 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual ofMental Disorders, 4th ed., text revision(Washington, DC: American PsychiatricAssociation, 2000).

8 D.S. Weiss, C.R. Marmar, W.E.Schlenger, J.A. Fairbank, K. Jordan, R.L.Hough, and R.A. Kulka, “The Prevalenceof Lifetime and Partial Post-TraumaticStress Disorder in Vietnam Veterans,”Journal of Traumatic Stress 5 (1992):365-376.

9 J.M. Violanti, Police Suicide:Epidemic in Blue (Springfield, IL: CharlesC. Thomas, 1996); and supra note 5.

10 Supra note 1.11 B.A. Arrigo and K. Garsky, “Police

Suicide: A Glimpse Behind the Badge,” inCritical Issues in Policing: ContemporaryReadings, 3rd ed., eds. R.G. Dunham andG.P. Alpert (Prospect Heights, IL:Waveland Press, 1997), 609-626.

12 J.M. Violanti, Dying from the Job:The Mortality Risk for Police Officers,Law Enforcement Wellness Association,Inc.; retrieved on August 5, 2003, fromhttp://www.cophealth.com/articles/articles_dying_a.html.

13 R.L. Richmond, A.K. Wodak, and L.Heather, “Research Report: How HealthyAre the Police? A Survey of LifestyleFactors,” Addiction 93 (1998): 1729-1737.

14 Supra note 11; and H.W. Stege,“Drug Abuse by Police Officers,” PoliceChief 53 (1986): 53-83.

15 Supra note 11.16 J. Dietrich and J. Smith, “Nonmedi-

cal Use of Drugs and Alcohol by Police,”Journal of Police Science and Administra-tion 14 (1987): 300-306.

17 R.G. Dunham, L. Lewis, and G.P.Alpert, “Testing the Police for Drugs,”Criminal Law Bulletin 24 (1998):155-166.

18 T.J. Hickey and S.T. Reid, “TestingPolice and Corrections Officers for DrugUse After Skinner and Von Raab,” Public

Endnotes1 J.T. Mitchell and G.S. Everly, Jr., The

Basic Critical Incident Stress ManagementCourse: Basic Group Crisis Intervention,3rd ed. (Baltimore, MD: InternationalCritical Incident Stress Foundation, Inc.,2001).

2 Ibid.3 A.W. Kureczka, “Critical Incident

Stress in Law Enforcement,” FBI LawEnforcement Bulletin, February/March1996, 10-16; and A.W. Kureczka,“Surviving Assaults: After the PhysicalBattle Ends, the Psychological BattleBegins,” FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin,January 2002, 18-21.

4 Ibid. and supra note 1.5 J.M. Violanti, “Residuals of Police

Occupational Trauma,” The AustralianJournal of Disaster and Trauma Studies 3(1997); and J.M. Violanti and D. Paton,Police Trauma: Psychological Aftermathof Civilian Combat (Springfield, IL:Charles C. Thomas, 1999).

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Administration Quarterly 19 (1995):26-41.

19 Supra note 17, 155.20 Alcohol and Drug Services: Impacts

of Alcohol, Health Services, San DiegoCounty Web site; retrieved on August 12,2003, from http://www.co/san-diego.ca.us/cnty/cntydepts/health/services/ads/aclimpct105.html.

21 M. Wagner and R.J. Brzeczek,“Alcoholism and Suicide: A FatalConnection,” FBI Law EnforcementBulletin, August 1983, 8-15; and supranotes 9 and 11, 620.

22 Supra note 1.

23 I.V.E. Carlier and B.P.R. Gersons,“Brief Prevention Programs After Trauma”and R. Gist and J. Woodall, “There Are NoSimple Solutions to Complex Problems,”in Post-Traumatic Stress Intervention:Challenges, Issues, and Perspectives, eds.J.M. Violanti, D. Paton, and C. Dunning(Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas,2000), 65-80 and 81-96.

24 J.M. Violanti, D. Paton, and C.Dunning, eds. Post-Traumatic StressIntervention: Challenges, Issues, andPerspectives (Springfield, IL: Charles C.Thomas, 2000).

25 Supra note 3.

26 R.L. Richmond, L.H. Kehoe, S.Wodak, and A. Uebel-Yan, “Quantitativeand Qualitative Evaluations of BriefInterventions to Change ExcessiveDrinking, Smoking, and Stress in thePolice Force,” Addiction 94 (1999):1509-2140.

27 Psychological education designedto help clients access the facts about aparticular mental health issue.

28 J.M. Madonna, Jr. and R.E. Kelly,eds. Treating Police Stress: The Work andthe Words of Peer Counselors (Spring-field, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 2002).

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The Bulletin Notes

Officer O’Connor

Officer Kevin O’Connor of the Ottawa, Illinois, Police Department wasthe first officer to respond to a report of a fire at an apartment complex.Upon his arrival, Officer O’Connor was advised by tenants that they couldnot make contact with one of the residents. Officer O’Connor immediatelywent to the apartment, where he observed thick black smoke coming fromunder the entrance. Upon forcing open the door and calling inside, he heardsomeone screaming from the apartment. After entering three times andreceiving minor burns, Officer O’Connor was able to locate the victim andpull him to safety. The man then received immediate medical help and laterrecovered from his ex-tensive injuries. The

heroic actions of Officer O’Connor pre-vented this man’s death.

Law enforcement officers are challenged daily in the performance of their duties; they face eachchallenge freely and unselfishly while answering the call to duty. In certain instances, their actionswarrant special attention from their respective departments. The Bulletin also wants to recognizethose situations that transcend the normal rigors of the law enforcement profession.

Nominations for the Bulletin Notes should be basedon either the rescue of one or more citizens or arrest(s)made at unusual risk to an officer’s safety. Submissionsshould include a short write-up (maximum of 250words), a separate photograph of each nominee, and aletter from the department’s ranking officer endorsingthe nomination. Submissions should be sent to theEditor, FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, FBI Academy,Madison Building, Room 201, Quantico, VA 22135.

Officer Gibson

Officers Adam Gibson and Brent Holtman of theQuincy, Illinois, Police Department responded to areport of a suicidal person adjacent to a busy four-lanehighway. Upon their arrival, the officers found a dis-traught woman holding a box cutter to her throat. Sheresisted the officers’ efforts to persuade her to surren-der the blade. Anticipating the woman’s attempt tolunge into moving traffic in hopes of being struck by acar, Officer Gibson tackled her before she could reachthe highway and Officer Holtman tried to restrain thewoman, who now was attacking her throat with the box

cutter. Fortunately, the officers disarmed her before she could inflict life-threatening wounds.The brave actions of Officers Gibson and Holtman saved this woman’s life.

Officer Holtman

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The patch of the David City, Nebraska, PoliceDepartment features an eagle surrounded by threewords that describe the feelings that the agency’sofficers have toward their work. The terms includecourage—“to take action when needed;” knowl-edge—“to know when to act and when not to;” andintegrity—“to maintain oneself in a position ofpublic trust.”

The patch of the Mecklenburg County, NorthCarolina, Sheriff’s Office features the agency’scolors—green and yellow. The hornet’s nest at thecenter of the patch serves as a reminder of thecounty’s colonial heritage. Ardent supporters ofthe American Revolution, locals made the areawhat British forces described as “a hornet’s nest ofrebellion.”

Patch Call

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FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin - Oct04leb

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