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White Racial and Ethnic Identity in the United States

Author(s): Monica McDermott and Frank L. SamsonReviewed work(s):Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 31 (2005), pp. 245-261Published by: Annual ReviewsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29737719 .

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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2005. 31:245-61doi: 10.1146/annurev.soc.31.041304.122322Copyright 2005 byAnnual Reviews. All rights eservedFirstpublishedonline as aReview inAdvance onApril 7, 2005

White Racial and Ethnic Identityin the United StatesMonica McDermott and Frank L. SamsonDepartment of Sociology, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305;email: mcderm @ Stanford, edu, flsamson @ Stanford, edu

Key Words race awareness, whiteness, racism? Abstract This review examines research on white racial and ethnic identity, pay?ing special attention to developments in whiteness studies during the past decade.Although sociologists have long focused on white ethnic identity, onsiderations ofwhite racial identity are more recent. White racial identity is commonly portrayed asa default racial category,an invisibleyet privileged identityformedby centuriesofoppression of nonwhitegroups.Whiteness has become synonymouswith privilege inmuch scholarly writing, although recent empirical work strives to consider white racialidentity as a complex, situated identity rather than amonolithic one. The study of whiteracial identity can greatly benefit from moving away from simply naming whiteness asan overlooked, privileged identity nd by paying closer attentiontoempirical studiesof racial and ethnic identity y those studyingsocialmovements, ethnic identity,ndsocial psychology.

INTRODUCTIONWithin thepast decade, thestudyofwhiteness has attracteda greatdeal of attentionfromscholars of such disciplines as history,cultural studies, and communications.Although the impact of thisnew intellectualmovement has been less considerableamong sociologists, therehas nonetheless been a resurgence of interest n thestudyofwhites as a racial group. This renewed interestreflectsdemographic changesin the racialmakeup of theU.S. population, with increasing numbers of Asiansand Hispanics resulting in a corresponding shrinkingof the relative size of thewhite population, highlighting theexistence ofwhites as a racial category ratherthanas a default identity. t the same time, sociologists of race and ethnicityhaverightfullycriticized the almost exclusive focus on nonwhites in studies of racialidentity, mplying thatwhites have no racial identitybut are instead treatedas thebase group towhich others are compared. Itwould be difficult to sustain such acritique today, as there has been a recent profusion of articles, monographs, andedited volumes onwhiteness produced by sociologists.Inmany respects, the relative drought of sociological research onwhite racialidentity, er se, is ironic, as the study of European ethnicity among whites had

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246 MCDERMOTT ? SAMSON

been a bedrock of sociological research throughoutmuch of the twentiethcentury,as evidenced by such classics as Thomas & Znaniecki (1927),Whyte (1943), andGans (1982 [1962]). The publication ofEthnic Options (Waters 1990) andEthnicIdentity (Alba 1990) heralded the end of thisera, as the assimilation ofEuropeanimmigrantsintoAmerican societywas found tobe all but complete. Consequently,there has been a gradual shift in focus from the studyofwhite ethnic identitytowhite racial identity, eflectingtheminimal impact ofEuropean ancestral originson thedaily lifeofmost Americans. This is a step closer to the long-standing focusof studies of black racial identity, hich have often been concerned with identityformation and group attachments among all black Americans (Burlew & Smith1991,Helms 1990,Resnicow & Ross-Gaddy 1997).There is a growing realization that ne cannot fullyunderstand theexistence ofracism and racial inequalitywithout paying close attention to the formation andmaintenance ofwhite racial identity. hile much of thecontent of any dominantsocial identity nvolvesprivilege (Doane 1997), rarelyare thereno variations in thedegree of privilege bestowed bymembership in a socially dominant group. Thisis especially truewhen considering a population as socioeconomically diverse asthewhite population in theUnited States,where theboundaries and definitionsofwhiteness are constantly shiftingover both time and space. Both historians andlegal scholars have outlined the evolution of popular and official definitions ofwhiteness (Delgado 1995,Haney-Lopez 1996, Jacobson 1998, Roediger 1991);theirwork highlights thevagaries of racial definitions, as the inclusion ofArabsas white and Chinese as nonwhite seemingly reflect the idiosyncrasies of judgesand thedominant politicalmood more thanany consistentpatternof identification.Although history isfilledwith examples of ethnic groups struggling tobe recog?nized as white, thepost-Civil Rights era has witnessed a shift in thisprocess, asmany of the legal barriers thatcorresponded tobeing identifiedas nonwhite havebeen lifted.A growingmultiracial population has furthercomplicated theprocessof racial identification (Daniel 2002, Harris & Sim 2002), reflected in theU.S.

Census Bureau's decision to allow respondents to check more than one race forthemselves or familymembers in the2000 Census.The ambiguous racial status of post-1965 immigrants fromAsia and LatinAmerica highlights theneed tounderstandwhat itmeans tobe white in the con?temporary nited States (Bean et al. 2003). There is arich body of social scientificresearch on white ethnic identity, racial attitudes, and social movements that, com?bined with recentwork inwhiteness studies, reflects centraldevelopments and keyresearch questions in the rapidly growing sociological literatureon white racialidentity.The focus of this review is solely on white racial and ethnic identity in theUnited States, initiallyputting forwarda tentativedefinitionofwhite along with adiscussion of racial terminology.We assess significantdevelopments in thefieldofwhiteness studies and the studyofEuropean American ethnic identity nd brieflyreview theresearch onwhite identity evelopment models by social psychologists(foramore thoroughreview of the social psychological research on identity, ee


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WHITE RACIAL AND ETHNIC IDENTITY 247

Howard 2000). Examples of theformationand uses ofwhite racial identity ywhitesupremacist groups provide a counterpoint to the studies ofwhiteness and whiteidentitydevelopment, many of which are concerned with developing antiraciststrategies, especially on college campuses.

WHITE, CAUCASIAN, ANGLOAlthough white is typicallyused toreferto thosewith European ancestry (Bonnett1998), local understandings of justwhat white means vary, often reflecting theracial ecology of a community or region.Debates about theappropriate labels forwhites provide an interestingexample of the interplaybetween self-identityandthe social context.The terminologyused todescribe thewhite population has var?ied throughout .S. history,and thereremains no consensus as to theoptimal termone should use todescribe American descendents ofEuropean andMiddle Easternimmigrants.The U.S. Census has always used the termwhite, and this is the termmost commonly used today.However, other labels such as Caucasian, EuropeanAmerican, and Anglo have been used by whites when identifying their racialgroupmembership. Goldstein (1999) finds significantdemographic variation inthepreferences forone label over another amongwhites sampled in the 1996 Cur?rentPopulation Survey.Although white ispreferredby over 60% of respondents,stronggeographic patterns of preference reveal corresponding differences in themeaning ofwhite. For example, white is strongly preferred in theDeep South,where dichotomous black/white racial divisions have long held sway. In contrast,Anglo ismore likely tobe preferred inboth theSouthwest andUpper New Englandthan in the restof the country (although still only reflecting thepreferences of asmallminority of respondents), demarcating whites in these areas fromHispanicsand French Canadians, respectively (Goldstein 1999, p. 19). Caucasian is oftenpreferred by more educated respondents, despite this term's historical associa?tionwith scientificracism;Goldstein (1999) suspects that this trendreflects theserespondents' desires to disassociate themselves from the associations ofwhite?ness with social dominance, aswell as a preference for the scientific sound of theterm.The use ofCaucasian inplace ofwhite has become increasingly commoninmedical literature since the early 1990s (Aspinall 1998), reflecting the ironicresurrection of an arguably racist term.

WHITENESS STUDIESThe scholarship onwhiteness inthe nited States has highlighted several importantcharacteristics ofwhite racial identity: t is often invisible or taken forgranted, itis rooted in social and economic privilege, and itsmeaning and importare highlysituational.Much of the research on white racial identityduring thepast ten years hasfocused on how whiteness, and theprivileges associated with whiteness, remain


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invisible tomany whites, especially thosewith limited interracialcontact (Delgado& Stefancic 1997,Lipsitz 1998). Instead,whiteness isnormative (Hyde 1995), anunexamined default racial category.Although many nonwhites, especially AfricanAmericans, are confrontedwith theirrace on a daily basis (Feagin & Sikes 1994),many whites do not think f themselves as really having a race at all. In thisrespect,white is an unmarked identity,such as heterosexual ormiddle-aged (Brekhus1998).One of theearliest identificationsof the issue of invisibilitywas Frankenburg's(1993) attempt tomake sense of theracial difficulties encountered by the feministmovement among ostensible allies. Because white feminists could not see the im?portance of race and its connection with gender inequality, especially theirownprivilege aswhite (largelymiddle-class) women, many black feministswere turnedaway from active involvement inwomen's organizations. College (Jackson &Heckman 2002) and high school (Perry2002) studentsare often unable to artic?ulate what itmeans to be white, instead describing it as nothing or a vacuum,although Gallagher (1995) finds that college students exhibit a high degree ofracial consciousness, perhaps given his focus on students in a citywith a largeblack population. Frankenberg (2001) has since rejected her earlier understand?ing of whiteness as simply invisible privilege. The shrinking size of thewhitepopulation as well as the increased presence of nonwhites inprominent posi?tionshas renderedwhiteness more visible rather thanas an implicit synonymforAmerican.Associations ofwhiteness with privilege are more immune to changes in thedemographic makeup of theUnited States thanare associations between whitenessand invisibility; ifanything,the linkbetween whiteness and privilege ismore likelytobe strengthened thanweakened with an increase in thenonwhite population.Although theprivileges associated with whiteness are oftenobvious tononwhites(Roediger 1998),many whites themselves fail to see theconnection between theiropportunities in life nd their acial identity, uch as their ace isgenerally invisibleto them. n some cases, thisfailure torecognize theconnection isdue tononobviouslegacies of structuraladvantage (Lipsitz 1998); inothercases, itstemsfrom desiretoaccentuate individual achievement (DiTomaso et al. 2003, Lowery et al. 2004).In fact,much of the recentwork onwhiteness concerns how whites minimize,acknowledge, deny, embrace, or feel guilty about theirprivileged status (Doane& Bonilla-Silva 2003). The denial ofwhite privilege is the foundation of color?blind racism, an ideological assertion of the fundamental equality of all racialgroups?not only in terms of rights, but also in terms of experiences?that as?serts thatrace-based programs and policies only serve to furthersolidify racialdivisions (Andersen 2001). This perspective is a reflectionof an understandingofwhite racial identity thatassumes its content is like that of any other racialgroup?we are only humans, not whites, blacks, or Asians. On their surface,such ideas sound remarkably similar to those articulated by antiracists duringtheCivil Rights movement in the 1960s, yet they are currently aimed at emp?tyingwhiteness of itsprivileged content rather than at transformingwhiteness


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froman identity f social superiority toone of social responsibility (Bonilla-Silva2003).The identificationof whiteness with social responsibility is a frequent themeincurrentwork onwhite racial identity. ecause white pride has historically beenpredicated upon a denigration of nonwhites, thearticulation of the duties and re?quirements of whiteness reflects a desire to correlate a conscious white identitywith positive attributes. Ifwhiteness is explicitly associated with racism and dis?criminationyet otherwise relativelybereftof content, there is a tendency to createdistance between oneself and whiteness; what is marked as white is not a richand varied set of cultural practices but socially destructive practices (Appiah &Gutmann 1996). The cultural emptiness and social culpability ofwhite identityisreflected in the tendencyof semiautobiographical narratives on whiteness to cat?alog theadvantages of being white (e.g.,Mclntosh 1988) rather than todescribespecific cultural practices, as ismore common in narratives about the formation ofother racial or ethnic identities.Links between white racial identity nd privilege and/orracism also stimulatecalls by scholars and activists for the abolition ofwhiteness (Ignatiev & Garvey1996,Mazie et al. 1993,Roediger 1994) without advocating color blindness, in?stead urgingwhites tobe traitorsto theirrace and to adopt an antiracist identity(O'Brien 2001). The new abolitionistmovement suggests thatwhiteness be repu?diated, and whites should instead embrace all thatwhiteness isnot (Winant 2001).Critics of this approach, in turn,suggest thatwhiteness should not be abolishedbut instead should itselfbe studied as an object (Bonnett 1996), as when whiteidentity is defined and examined by black writers (Roediger 1998). On a relatednote,Omi (2001) argues thata relentless focus onwhiteness andwhite attitudes,as in thenew abolitionist movement, is thought tobe less likely to erode whitesupremacy thana consistent understanding of racial identities as relational (Omi2001).In addition to the emphasis on invisibility and privilege, a more promisingrecent trend nresearch onwhite racial identity sa focus onwhiteness as a situatedidentity,not as an identityof uniform privilege but as a complex social identitywhose meaning is impartedby theparticular context inwhich white actors arelocated. Poor (Buck 2001), gay (Berube 2001), or otherwisemarginalized whitesare likely tohave a differentexperience of theirprivileged racial identitythanareothers able to see thedirectpayoffofwhite skinprivilege (Rasmussen et al. 2001).This trend toward considering whiteness as increasingly complex is reflected inthework of one of thefirst social scientists towrite specifically about whitenessas invisible privilege, Ruth Frankenberg (2001), who urges a shift in thinkingabout white racial identityas more complex than she or others had previouslyconsidered. Specifically, she notes that the current "conditions and practice ofwhiteness" render "the notion thatwhiteness might be invisible.. .bizarre in theextreme" (p. 76). Especially aswhites become more ratherthan less likely tohaveinterracial contact, the conditions of whiteness are increasingly explicit. Giventhe close association between whiteness and socioeconomic privilege, poor and


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working-class whites are especially likely tobe aware of theirwhiteness as wellas tohave a complex understanding ofwhat itmeans tobe white in theUnitedStates today.For example, Hartigan (1999) finds thatpoor whites living amongblacks inDetroit are more likely tobe aware of racial identity s well as tohavealternating experiences of shame and pride.While the affluentwhite gentrifiersHartigan studies resemble thewhites described by the literatureon whiteness asprivilege, thepoverty of theHillbilly whites across town renders a one-to-onecorrespondence between whiteness and privilege virtually impossible. In contrast,Royster (2003) details thedirectyetunseen benefits ofwhiteness amongworkingclass men, who receive advantages in employment specifically because of thesocial networks towhich theirwhiteness gives themprivileged access.The complex and situated character of whiteness is also highlighted among themultiracial population, where switchingbetween white and nonwhite identities isnot uncommon (Rockquemore & Brunsma 2002). Storrs (1999) finds thatyoungbiracial women in theNorthwest are actuallymore likely todistance themselvesfromwhiteness, instead opting for themore meaningful nonwhite identity. ow?ever, identifying s white can grant a psychological sense of superiority to thosewho are nonblack (Warren& Twine 1997).

SOCIALPSYCHOLOGICALTHEORIESSocial psychologists have long been concerned with conceptualizing and mea?suring identity,with white racial identityno exception. Social identity theoriststreatwhite racial identitymuch like any otherdominant group identity; tforms inrelation to the other actors in an environment and is constantly subject to change(Ellemers et al. 2002). The differentiation of an in-group froman out-group im?plies a need tomaintain the superiorityof one's group over theout-group (Tajfel&Turner 1985); this is clearly evident in thehistory ofdiscrimination against blackspracticed bywhites (Sidanius & Pratto 1999).Helms (1990) has developed and tested several scales measuring white racialidentity evelopment. Much likeCross's (1991) theoryof black identitydevelop?ment, Helms proposes a theoryof stages thatwhites pass throughon theirway tointernalizing a racial identity, lthough forwhites thefinal stage includes accept?ing a "nonracist core" (Helms 1990, p. 52). Although theparticulars of her scalehave been subject todebate (Rowe & Atkinson 1995), Helms's identificationofameasurement instrument forwhite racial identityremains one of the standardscales inuse today (Hardiman 2001). Along with the diversewhite identityscalesthatpreceded hers (see Helms 1990 for a review), thefinal, ideal stage ofwhiteidentity evelopment is a rejection of racism.Despite their ifferences,each of these social psychological theories of identitydevelopment relies primarily on laboratory experiments, typicallywith collegestudents (Frable 1997). It is unclear how the experience of being white mightdifferamong differentpopulations inmore complex social settings.


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WHITES AS EUROPEANAMERICANSBecause many of thosewho are today considered white were once white eth?nics, research on the ethnic identityof whites has touched upon themeaningsand construction ofwhite racial identity. uropean immigrantsflooded into thelarge cities of theNortheast and Midwest during the late nineteenth and earlytwentiethcenturies, and their incorporation into theAmerican racial systemhasnot been without struggleand uncertainty.However, when compared with AfricanAmericans, the experiences and hardships of European immigrantswere muchless difficult, y anymeasure (Lieberson 1980). Throughout the twentiethcentury,white ethnicdistinctions gradually blurred intoamore diffuseEuropean Americanidentity Alba 1990), especially by the third nd fourthgenerations (Alba & Nee1997), although most white Americans still claim an ethnic ancestrywhen re?sponding to theU.S. Census (Lieberson & Waters 1993). In the contemporaryUnited States, white ethnic identityhas ranged froma symbolic identity (Gans1979) to a strategicmeans of counteringAfrican American demands forequality(Formisano 1991, Patterson 1977, Steinberg 1981). Among middle-class whites,ethnic identity smore representativeof affinitiesforcertain cultural practices thanan important art ofwhites' self-concept; unlike racial identity, thnic identityhasbecome optional (Waters 1990). For Barkan (1995), theconscious yetmateriallytangential ethnic identityrepresents thefifthstage of a six-stage assimilation pro?cess, whereby some nominal cultural ties aremaintained with countries of originyetprimary identityrestswith thecore society.Historians have traced themany paths bywhich Irish, Italians, Jews, etc., havebecome whites. Despite a relativelyuncomplicated embrace ofwhiteness by thedescendents of European immigrants (Durr 2003, Sugrue 1996), their ancestorsfaced a radically different set of attitudes and assumptions about who was tobe considered white. At the turnof the century, Irish, Jewish, and Italian im?migrants were considered neitherwhite nor black (Allen 1994, Brodkin 1998,Ignatiev 1995, Jacobson 1998). Union organizing that focused on the dignityand privilege of ethnicworkers played a critical role in forging a white iden?tityforEuropean immigrants (Roediger 1991). Anti-black activism on thepart ofimmigrantgroups also played a crucial role in securing theprivileges ofwhite?ness forEuropean immigrants (Olzak & Shanahan 2003), as did the existenceof white youth gangs thatengaged in racist violence with the tacit approval ofadults in theircommunities (Adamson 2000). The historical and continued im?portance of white racial and ethnic identity indefended urban neighborhoods isevident in a wide range of locations, including Chicago (Kefalas 2003, Suttles1972), Detroit (Sugrue 1996),New Jersey (Lamont 2000), Baltimore (Durr 2003),

Boston (Formisano 1991), Philadelphia (Kazal 2004b), and New York (Rieder1985).As the nation's borders expanded westward, the correlation between white andEuropean American became stronger, ith religious and ethnicdifferences amongEuropean immigrants inCalifornia fading in the service of a united white front


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used tomarginalize Indians, Asians, andMexicans (Almaguer 1994). The relativeimportance ofwhite racial privilege is evident when assessing the socioeconomicattainmentof twentieth enturyEuropean immigrants,as substantial ethnic groupdifferences inhuman capital at the turn f thecenturydid notmanifest themselvesindifferentialoutcomes threegenerations later (Alba et al. 2001).The ethnic community has been a primary source of identitymaintenance forthese immigrants and theirdescendents, and the dispersion of European ethnicgroups to suburban neighborhoods is likely amajor reason for thedeclining im?portance ofwhite ethnic identity Alba et al. 1997). Among ItalianAmericans intheNew York City region, "the overall population shift an be described as takingpeople from themost ethnic neighborhoods and placing them in the least" (Albaet al. 1997, p. 908). In other cases, such as among German Americans living inPhiladelphia, external shocks such as thenativism stokedbyWorld War IIprovidedan additional push in thedirection of assimilation (Kazal 2004a).Although themain story to tell about white ethnic identityduring the past30 years has been itsdeclining distinctiveness and importance, thereare nonethe?less some counter-examples, primarily from small, relatively isolated communi?tiesof recentEuropean andMiddle Eastern immigrants to theUnited States. ArabAmericans are an especially interesting xample, as theyare officially consideredwhite by theU.S. Census yetoftenhave stronger dentificationwith their ountriesof origin thanwith awhite racial identity. nDearborn, Michigan, Lebanese Amer?ican adolescents categorize each other along a continuum ranging from boater, orone who exhibits immigrantculture, towhite (Ajrouch 2000, p. 458). To theseteenagers,white embodies both thepositive attributes of education and wealth aswell as thenegative attributes of irresponsibility and a lost sense of familial andcommunity obligation (Ajrouch 2000).

WHITE IDENTITYANDWHITESUPREMACIST OVEMENTS

The studyof social movements and collective action provides othervantage pointsfromwhich toanalyze theconstruction and reproductionofwhite racial and ethnicidentity. he sociological literature s repletewith explorations of therelationshipbetween ethnic identities and collective action (Green & Seher 2003, Williams1994). Some studies seek todetermine the conditions that lead to ethnic conflictand the specificmechanisms thattriggersuchphenomena, whereas others explorecases of collective action thatmay not explicitly rely or focus onwhite ethnic orracial identities.However, while struggling andmobilizing toprotect or acquireparticular resources, groups may invokewhite ethnic and racial identities indefin?ing constituents, allies, and threats (Formisano 1991, Rieder 1985). Inmany ofthese studies, white racial and ethnic identity acts as a by-product or instrumentalcategory masking other conflicts such as competition over material resources, lossof status, etc. (Olzak 1992). However, white racial identityalso constitutes the


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raison d'?tre for a number of socialmovements that,despite theirsmall size, aregiven a comparatively large role inpublicly definingwhite racial identity.In recentwork, sociologists have delved further ntounderstanding the rela?tionshipbetween socialmovements and whiteness by exploring perhaps thequin?tessential convergence ofwhite identityand collective action: white supremacistmovements. Contemporary white supremacist formations include theKu KluxKlan, neo-Nazis (and racist skinheads), and militia movements (Dees & Corcoran1996, Ezekiel 1995,Gallaher 2003, George & Wilcox 1996,Langer 2003, Levitas2002, Ridgeway 1990). Across thesevarious formations,Christian IdentityChurchdoctrine provides a religiously based justification forwhite supremacistmove?ments (Burlein 2002, Bushart et al. 1998, Sharpe 2000). This religious doctrineposits a seedline genealogy of thehuman species with thewhite racial descendentsofAdam (God's creation) pitted against the demonic andmongrel Jewishdescen?dants of Cain (theoffspringof Satan and Eve) and his nonwhite consortwho hailsfrom thepre-Adamic mud people thatgave rise tononwhite racial stocks (Barkun1994,Dobratz 2001, Ferber 1998).

Drawing upon theanalytical tools of deconstructionmost popularly associatedwith thehumanities, Ferber (1998) analyzes white supremacist periodicals andwebsites to explicate theways inwhich white supremacist organizations engagein theproduction (and elevation) of what is essentially awhite, patriarchal, hetero?sexualmasculinity. Building upon Omi & Winant's (1986) racial formation theoryand introducingJudith utler's (1990) work on theconstruction of gendered iden?tity nd subjectivity,Ferber reveals how white supremacist organizations engagein theprocess of delineating white racial identityprimarily throughconstructingboundaries and framingdifference as absolute.In white supremacist discourse, white racial identity s simply theessential ex?pression of genetically distinct races resulting from thenatural evolution of thehuman species. The case for racial difference ismade by constant references toreligion (Christian IdentityChurch doctrine) and science (mobilizing evidentiaryclaims of physiological and anatomical difference to signifyessential racial dif?ferences). Arguing fornatural gender distinctions is part and parcel of thewhitesupremacistWeltanschauung, which argues, for instance, thatdisparities inmathproficiency are simply expressions of genetically encoded, biological differencesbetween males and females. Racial and gender hierarchy ispitched as theconse?quence of the age-old, natural, evolutionary progress of the human species.Within this ideological framework,policies such as affirmative ction, schooldesegregation, and residential integration are framed as conspiracies that threatenthenatural order by promoting black male-white female intercourse that leads towhite racial genocide. Orchestrated by an inventedgroup ofmixed-race Jews, theobjective is to eradicate thegenetically superiorwhite racial stockby introducingbiological deficiencies via black male-white female contact and ensuing interra?cial sexuality, in the endmongrelizing thewhite race.Even thefeministmovementbecomes a knowing accomplice to this plot, because threatening the natural, com?plementaryhierarchy (inwhite supremacist discourse) betweenmales and females


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throws intoquestion the other natural hierarchy (as thenarrative goes) betweenblacks and whites.These arguments concern the constructionof a patriarchal form fwhite identity,as white supremacistmovements perceive white men as under siege and literallyemasculated. The rupture inpatriarchal gender roles thatremoves white womenfrom theprotection ofwhite males creates a crisis inwhich white women, naturallyseeking a strongmasculine protectorand provider,must seek bestial and dominat?ingmasculinity through interracial intercoursewith black males. The obsessionwith interracial sexuality is ubiquitous throughoutwhite supremacist discourse.The reiterationand propagation of these narratives,Ferber argues, embodies thegendered construction of a particular racial identity,thewhite supremacistmale(see also Ferber 2004).

Focusing on thecontours and characteristics ofwhite supremacist propagandaandmobilizing frames does not sufficientlyexplain why individuals participatein thesemovements. Recognizing that thesemessages may be received and inter?preted differentlyby both constituents and potential recruits,Blee (2002) seekstounderstand themicroprocesses and mechanisms that recruit and retain activeparticipants in organized white supremacistmovements. Contrary tomedia por?trayalsofwhite supremacists as irrationalor extremistswith pathological dispo?sitionsor dysfunctional upbringings,many active participants come fromnormalbackgrounds and leadmainstream lives.Rather thanassuming a priori conditionsor static intereststhatpredispose individuals to join organized racistgroups, Bleeargues that recruitment and membership in these organizations for women ac?tivistsentail the social constructionof individual interest.Social interactionswithacquaintances, peers, friends,and familymembers involved inwhite supremacistorganizations may shape, structure, and perhaps define a potential recruit's inter?ests toalignwith thegoals of theorganization and itsespoused ideologies.Withincollective action research, thisphenomenon describes theconversion process andhighlights the importance of social interactionwithin movements. In the contextof white supremacist organizations, theconversion often involves an incrementalchange in self-identity(fromwhite towhite supremacist) and self-interest (fromapathy toadvocacy) thattakesplace during one's involvement in racist activities,and is facilitated by thenarrative frameof theorganization. Conversion towhitesupremacist identity s learned,often throughretrospectivereflectionon lifeeventsvia the lenses provided bywhite supremacist organizational narratives, ratherthanrevealed as an instantaneous epiphany thatbrings an individual immediately intothewhite supremacist fold.The roles that omen play inwhite supremacistmovements sometimes facilitatethe reproduction of racistwhite identities.Given themaintenance of patriarchalgender hierarchies within white supremacist organizations, women most oftenfind themselves inmothering roles, taskedwith birthingand childrearing thenextgeneration of white supremacists.Women send children toAryan schools andhelp forge the social networks that hildren grow upwithin, including Aryan playgroups. Some women promote white racial identity throughfamily consumption


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patterns and throughtime devoted tomaking and selling arts and crafts that dheretowhite supremacist symbols and themes.White supremacistmovements also provide concrete organizational and institu?tional settingswithin which collective white supremacist identitiesare formed.Or?ganizations andmovements furnish the spacewithinwhich a sense ofbelonging toa largerwhite community can be imagined,while providing concrete activities (re?cruiting, celebrating, protesting, committing violent acts, studying,etc.) thatbringindividuals together to reaffirm ndividual and collective white supremacist iden?tity. ovements and organizations also provide a vehicle for thedissemination ofa setof culturalmarkers that ften signifywhite supremacist commitments. These

may include clothing, tattoos (e.g., Swastikas), accessories (e.g., Klan crosses),hairstyles, and formany younger adherents,white powermusic. The relativepop?ularityof such cultural products has even given rise towhite power recording andpublishing companies (Burghart 1999). Memorizing musical lyrics and readingmagazine articles allow supporters to reiterate, rehearse, and reinforce their racistbeliefs.

Collective identitiesare also affirmedwhile working towardwhite supremacistorganizational goals. The ultimate expression and celebration ofwhite supremacistbeliefs is to shoulder the responsibility impartedby one's racial heritage and be?come a white supremacist activist. Movement organizations provide the infra?structure,networks, resources, and training throughwhich the belief inwhiteracial supremacy can be proven throughtheexemplary commitmentdemonstratedbywhite racist activists.However, white supremacist activities are not solely thepurview of organizational cadres. In fact,Blee and other researchers and analysts(Blee 2002, Durham 2002, Whine 1999) have observed the decentralization ofwhite supremacist organizations in lightof the law enforcement crackdown fol?lowing theOklahoma City bombing in 1995. Going underground orworking insmall and secretcells,white supremacist activists, althoughharder todetect, are us?ing technologies such as theInternettocontinue tocommunicate across distanceswhile maintaining some measure of anonymity (Gerstenfeld et al. 2003, Levin2002,Whine 1999). Evolving informationtechnologies thusprovide another ve?hicle forthereproduction and diffusionofwhite supremacist racial identity Burriset al. 2000, Swain 2002).

POINTS OFAGREEMENTANDDEPARTUREOne common theme links these disparate lines of research on white racial iden?tity: he context inwhich whites are enmeshed influences theirperceptions andexperiences of being white. Virtually all theoristsagree that,whether it is placedinhistorical context (Allen 1994, Brodkin 1998, Jacobson 1998), class context(Giroux 1997, Hartigan 1999), racial context (Stoddart 2002), or the situationalenvironment (Hartigan 1997),whiteness isnot a static,unchangeable, easily defin?able identity. hat is,white racial identity smore of a process thana descriptive;


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itreflectstheever-shiftingboundaries between differentracial groups (Lamont&Molnar 2002, Nagel 1994).However, attempts at specifying concreteways inwhich theprocess ofwhiteracial identityformation varies or experiences ofwhiteness differhave been con?siderably lacking; instead, studies show amix of "pride, denial, and ambivalence"inbeing white (Jaret Reitzes 1999). Consequently, we have no standardway ofclassifying how whiteness, or any other dominant group identity, s experienced.There is agreement thatwhite racial identity is not the same for all groups at alltimes,but just how this identitydiffersremains unclear.The studyofwhite racial identity n theUnited States can greatlybenefit frommoving away fromsimplynamingwhiteness as an overlooked, privileged identityand by paying closer attention to empirical studies of racial and ethnic identityin the areas of social movements, ethnic identity, nd social psychology. In par?ticular,theadherence to standards of evidence?regardless of themethodologicalapproach?is of vital importance to the studyofwhite racial identity. heoreticalreflections on whiteness have far outpaced empirical investigations of the con?struction,experiences, andmeanings of white racial identityin theUnited Statestoday.Although there re notable exceptions (especially Hartigan 1999), includinga spate of recentwork on how children and adolescents learn about race ingeneralandwhiteness inparticular (Bettie 2003, Lewis 2003, Perry 2002, Van Ausdale &Feagin 2001), much ofwhat has been written aboutwhite racial identity s rootedinautobiographical reflection.A tendency togeneralize froma few individuals orarchival fragments to theentirewhite population has furtherhampered theprocessof specifyingwhite identity Arnesen 2001), although increasingly frequent callsformore empirically grounded studies (i.e., Barrett 2001) should begin to yieldprogress. Part of thedifficulty ies in thefact thatwhile white racial identity sverymuch influx, itnonetheless simultaneously encompasses theenduring structuralprivilege ofEuropean Americans (Duster 2001, Lewis 2004). Navigating betweenthe long-termstayingpower ofwhite privilege and themultifariousmanifestationsof theexperience ofwhiteness remains thetask of thenext era of research onwhiteracial and ethnic identity.

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