gzhi bdag and yul lha

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    Wild Divinities and Wild Landscapes

    My quest for the indigenous wild divinities of explicit nature conservation began in

    August 1999 next to the Upper Yangtze, in Bengda County, Sichuan Province.

    It was triggered by the assertion of a Khampa farmerin Bengda County(Fig. 1);

    If we take care of the local forest and animalsJo Bowill be happyand bless our community. If

    not he will be angry and our crops will fail, our livestock will die and we will suffer

    The farmer went on to describe the role ofJo Bo, the resources and villages he presided

    over and the geospatial extent of the domain he inhabited. I was surprised that the farmer

    spoke of a divinity being happy and blessing the community, but I realised immediately that

    he was describing an animistic phenomenon1.

    This view contrasted with the symbolic approach adopted by one of his neighbours. She

    expressed her beliefs in the following statement;

    If we take care of the local forest and animals it will provide an ideal locale to pay our respects to Lord

    Buddha.

    Figure 1 The Farmer (in yellow) and his family

    My Dilemma

    The farmersstatement left me in a dilemma.Jo Bo,meaning Lord in Tibetan, appeared to

    be a local animistic divinity. How could this be explained under the rubric of Buddhism? I

    1Animism is predicated on the assumption that spirits exist not only in humans but also in animals,

    plants, rocks, and natural phenomena such as thunder, geographic features such as mountains or

    rivers, and other entities of the natural environmentAnimism encompasses philosophical, religious,

    and/or spiritual beliefs that souls or spirits exist not only in humans but also in all

    other animals, plants, rocks, and natural phenomena such as thunder, geographic features such

    as mountains or rivers, or other entities of the natural environment..

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    thought that the local gods had all been tamed by Buddhism, had lost their territories, and

    the landscape had been re-subjected to a Buddhist process to convert it into a

    mandala!mapped (or mandalized) following Buddhist ways of conceptualising space.

    Although I realised I was dealing with an animistic phenomenon, I lacked a conceptual

    framework to explain it or the nomenclature to describe it. The writings of local scholars did

    not help much. Animism is regarded as superstitious by the state and as a despised

    tamed tradition by much of the Buddhist clergy.

    The word mi-chos is used in the Tibetan literature to describethe dharmaor the

    spiritual path of human beings, but it is a literary term not understood by villagers. Nor did

    nature worship (rang byung yid rtonin Tibetan) explain what I had encountered. Eventually,

    as a result of my research into western scholarship, I realised that the phenomena was best

    described as a territorial cultand was presided over by local gods. Far from being tamed,

    either by Buddhism or by the modern state, this ancient indigenous tradition is being

    revitalized by nomads and farmers as an expression of Tibetanessand of territorial place

    makingand attachment to the land.

    Figure 2 A cairn or la btsededicated to a territorial divinity In Ganzi Prefecture

    Following my initial discovery in Bengda I was able to gather cognitive evidence of territorial

    cults from 86 sites scattered all over Eastern Kham and traverse a landscape that was

    punctuated by cairns (Fig 2) dedicated to territorial divinities.

    Staggering Discovery

    In 2009 I was asked to write chapters in two books, one on sacred natural sites in Kham andone on place attachment in Tibet. For both studies, territorial cults were pivotal.

    In the process of writing the chapters I discovered that the pre-Buddhist territorial cults

    affect 52,000 km2of land in SW China. They exist not only in China, but also among the

    Tibetan diaspora in Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, India and even Switzerland. They are also found

    in Mongolia and northern Pakistan.

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    I also established that territorial cults are presided over by a numinaor spirit of place

    known commonly in Tibetan as a yul-lha or gzhi-bdag, who inhabits a domain, often the

    upper part of a mountain, and characterized by explicit nature conservation.

    I was staggered to discover that, although there appeared to be 52,000 km2of sacred sites

    in SW China, they were not recognized nationally or internationally even though they are

    examples of explicit nature conservation. I am unsure if the lack of recognition is due to

    monocultural myopia or just an oversight, but one of my aims since has been to address this

    short-sightedness. Firstly, however, I had to establish the facts and be sure that the

    traditions and practices that underpin territorial cults were still on-going.

    A bio-cultural Audit

    During the summer of 2013 CERS provided me with an opportunity to conduct a bio-cultural

    audit of the Yuben Valley (Figure 3) in the Kawakarpo Mountains and examine the

    geospatial distribution of territorial cults in eleven villages in Zhongdian County.

    Figure 3 TheYuben Valley

    I was able to establish that 60% of the Yuben Valley is ritually protected. The upper slopes of

    six snow mountains are dedicated to and inhabited by territorial divinities (gzhi-bdag) and

    are largely undisturbed. Grazing is permitted on three forested mountains although they are

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    doubly protectedfrom any other disturbancebecause their upper slopes are inhabited by

    a gzhi-bdagand they are sealed (ri-rgya) by a Buddhist Lama (from Deqin).

    Figure 4 In the background is mount min tso mo the abode of a gzhi-bdag

    and in the foreground part of ben de rithe abode of a gzhi-bdag and a sealedmountain

    The domains of the gzhi-bdagdivinities in Yuben Valley appear to be refuges of biodiversity

    (both alpine and temperate) with recognized geospatial extents. There is even evidence of

    volunteer patrols in Yuben and the Kawakarpo range by local people who seek to protect

    the environment.

    Figure 5 Hunter turned eco-spiritual conservationist

    It appears that eco-spiritual wisdom and the protection of ritual territory is still being passed

    from generation to generation. I am concerned, though, that the transfer of indigenous

    wisdom and culture is being undermined by tourism, globalisation, remote formal education,

    the closureof a monastery and the introduction of a possible road. Until recently Yuben

    had a viable school (Fig 6) and the school master still lives in Yuben, but now students must

    travel a long distance to town to attend a new boarding school. Such is the cultural erosion

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    in Yuben it took me a week to discover the name of the Glacier Lakein spoken and written

    Tibetan. Several Han Chinese tourists in Yuben commented that the Tibetan tour guides in

    Shangri-la were ignorant of their own culture.

    Figure 6 Yuben's defunct School (CCTV)

    In Yuben topocosmic harmony with the gzhi-bdagdivinity appears to be maintained by self-

    regulation and lay ritualswithout religious specialists. No priests or lamas are involved in the

    rituals, namely burning incense (Fig 7) and reciting scripture, which are conducted by the

    entire community on the 15th

    June & 15th

    July, and by individuals on the 11th

    and 15th

    of any

    month.

    Figure 7 A bsang thabin Upper Yuben where incense is offered to placate and thank the gzhi-bdag

    A number of people in Zhongdian County mentioned the role of a Cangba as an

    intermediary betweenthevillagers and their divinitygzhi-bdag. I am unsure if the Cangba is

    a deity medium, somewhat like a shaman, and if the divinitygzhi-bdagactually descends

    on them.

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    In contrast, mountain sealing (ri-rgya) appears to be associated with Tibetan Buddhism and

    areas close to holy mountains (gnas ri). Although the practice is found throughout the

    Tibetan world it is not often associated with territorial cults. I am not sure how much longer

    the three mountains in the Yuben Valley will remain sealed, as the lower slopes are

    becoming contested as potential sites for cutting timber for hotel construction.

    Territorial cults appear to be widespread throughout the Tibetan world on the basis of a

    survey of the literature and my own observations. Of eleven villages I visited in Zhongdian

    County, most had three mountains dedicated to territorial divinities, (See Fig 8) with some

    domains up to 60km in linear extent.

    Figure 8 Honouring the Pushang gzhi-bdagat a bsang thab(right) near his abode (left)

    (Photo Anon)

    The domains of territorial divinitiesthe gzhi-bdagdivinities are generally recognized as

    biodiversity hotspotseven though a number of these sites in Zhongdian County are still

    recovering from tree felling during the Cultural Revolution and during the 1980 and 90s. As

    a result of this past disturbance there are not always noticeable differences in biodiversity

    between the domains of the divinitygzhi-bdagand adjacent land. Several interviewees in

    Zhongdian County, however, mentioned the presence of nabi or tufted deer in the

    domain of a divinitygzhi-bdag. Nabiare a good indicator for biodiversity because they are

    often hunted or caught in snares set for other animals.

    As a footnote I should point out that sacred natural sites are not always protected. Sacred

    can equally apply to sites that are unmanaged or even over-exploited with little biodiversity.

    It is ironic that when I started my quest in Bengda I had gone there to explore ecotourism in

    the context of a protected area recognized by the World Conservation Union, IUCN. In

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    reality it was just a paper park created by outsiders without reference to the local people,

    who had no idea it even existed. Conversely IUCN ignored the presence of a ritually

    protected territory that was an exemplar of biodiversity.

    Ways must be sought to enable outside interests to build on local efforts for nature

    conservation, rather than ignoring them. Territorial cults need to be recognized and

    international protection should be provided to ritually protected territories that are

    examples of explicit nature conservation.

    Territorial cults are part of the cultural heritage of the Tibetan people. These cults address

    Tibetaness, the ethnic identity of the people, the cohesion of the community, and their

    attachment to place. They are also hotspots of biodiversity. More must be done to

    preserve and protect them.