A comparative study of the yul lha cult in two areas and ...
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Wild Divinities and Wild Landscapes
My quest for the indigenous wild divinities of explicit nature conservation began in
August 1999 next to the Upper Yangtze, in Bengda County, Sichuan Province.
It was triggered by the assertion of a Khampa farmerin Bengda County(Fig. 1);
If we take care of the local forest and animalsJo Bowill be happyand bless our community. If
not he will be angry and our crops will fail, our livestock will die and we will suffer
The farmer went on to describe the role ofJo Bo, the resources and villages he presided
over and the geospatial extent of the domain he inhabited. I was surprised that the farmer
spoke of a divinity being happy and blessing the community, but I realised immediately that
he was describing an animistic phenomenon1.
This view contrasted with the symbolic approach adopted by one of his neighbours. She
expressed her beliefs in the following statement;
If we take care of the local forest and animals it will provide an ideal locale to pay our respects to Lord
Buddha.
Figure 1 The Farmer (in yellow) and his family
My Dilemma
The farmersstatement left me in a dilemma.Jo Bo,meaning Lord in Tibetan, appeared to
be a local animistic divinity. How could this be explained under the rubric of Buddhism? I
1Animism is predicated on the assumption that spirits exist not only in humans but also in animals,
plants, rocks, and natural phenomena such as thunder, geographic features such as mountains or
rivers, and other entities of the natural environmentAnimism encompasses philosophical, religious,
and/or spiritual beliefs that souls or spirits exist not only in humans but also in all
other animals, plants, rocks, and natural phenomena such as thunder, geographic features such
as mountains or rivers, or other entities of the natural environment..
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thought that the local gods had all been tamed by Buddhism, had lost their territories, and
the landscape had been re-subjected to a Buddhist process to convert it into a
mandala!mapped (or mandalized) following Buddhist ways of conceptualising space.
Although I realised I was dealing with an animistic phenomenon, I lacked a conceptual
framework to explain it or the nomenclature to describe it. The writings of local scholars did
not help much. Animism is regarded as superstitious by the state and as a despised
tamed tradition by much of the Buddhist clergy.
The word mi-chos is used in the Tibetan literature to describethe dharmaor the
spiritual path of human beings, but it is a literary term not understood by villagers. Nor did
nature worship (rang byung yid rtonin Tibetan) explain what I had encountered. Eventually,
as a result of my research into western scholarship, I realised that the phenomena was best
described as a territorial cultand was presided over by local gods. Far from being tamed,
either by Buddhism or by the modern state, this ancient indigenous tradition is being
revitalized by nomads and farmers as an expression of Tibetanessand of territorial place
makingand attachment to the land.
Figure 2 A cairn or la btsededicated to a territorial divinity In Ganzi Prefecture
Following my initial discovery in Bengda I was able to gather cognitive evidence of territorial
cults from 86 sites scattered all over Eastern Kham and traverse a landscape that was
punctuated by cairns (Fig 2) dedicated to territorial divinities.
Staggering Discovery
In 2009 I was asked to write chapters in two books, one on sacred natural sites in Kham andone on place attachment in Tibet. For both studies, territorial cults were pivotal.
In the process of writing the chapters I discovered that the pre-Buddhist territorial cults
affect 52,000 km2of land in SW China. They exist not only in China, but also among the
Tibetan diaspora in Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, India and even Switzerland. They are also found
in Mongolia and northern Pakistan.
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I also established that territorial cults are presided over by a numinaor spirit of place
known commonly in Tibetan as a yul-lha or gzhi-bdag, who inhabits a domain, often the
upper part of a mountain, and characterized by explicit nature conservation.
I was staggered to discover that, although there appeared to be 52,000 km2of sacred sites
in SW China, they were not recognized nationally or internationally even though they are
examples of explicit nature conservation. I am unsure if the lack of recognition is due to
monocultural myopia or just an oversight, but one of my aims since has been to address this
short-sightedness. Firstly, however, I had to establish the facts and be sure that the
traditions and practices that underpin territorial cults were still on-going.
A bio-cultural Audit
During the summer of 2013 CERS provided me with an opportunity to conduct a bio-cultural
audit of the Yuben Valley (Figure 3) in the Kawakarpo Mountains and examine the
geospatial distribution of territorial cults in eleven villages in Zhongdian County.
Figure 3 TheYuben Valley
I was able to establish that 60% of the Yuben Valley is ritually protected. The upper slopes of
six snow mountains are dedicated to and inhabited by territorial divinities (gzhi-bdag) and
are largely undisturbed. Grazing is permitted on three forested mountains although they are
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doubly protectedfrom any other disturbancebecause their upper slopes are inhabited by
a gzhi-bdagand they are sealed (ri-rgya) by a Buddhist Lama (from Deqin).
Figure 4 In the background is mount min tso mo the abode of a gzhi-bdag
and in the foreground part of ben de rithe abode of a gzhi-bdag and a sealedmountain
The domains of the gzhi-bdagdivinities in Yuben Valley appear to be refuges of biodiversity
(both alpine and temperate) with recognized geospatial extents. There is even evidence of
volunteer patrols in Yuben and the Kawakarpo range by local people who seek to protect
the environment.
Figure 5 Hunter turned eco-spiritual conservationist
It appears that eco-spiritual wisdom and the protection of ritual territory is still being passed
from generation to generation. I am concerned, though, that the transfer of indigenous
wisdom and culture is being undermined by tourism, globalisation, remote formal education,
the closureof a monastery and the introduction of a possible road. Until recently Yuben
had a viable school (Fig 6) and the school master still lives in Yuben, but now students must
travel a long distance to town to attend a new boarding school. Such is the cultural erosion
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in Yuben it took me a week to discover the name of the Glacier Lakein spoken and written
Tibetan. Several Han Chinese tourists in Yuben commented that the Tibetan tour guides in
Shangri-la were ignorant of their own culture.
Figure 6 Yuben's defunct School (CCTV)
In Yuben topocosmic harmony with the gzhi-bdagdivinity appears to be maintained by self-
regulation and lay ritualswithout religious specialists. No priests or lamas are involved in the
rituals, namely burning incense (Fig 7) and reciting scripture, which are conducted by the
entire community on the 15th
June & 15th
July, and by individuals on the 11th
and 15th
of any
month.
Figure 7 A bsang thabin Upper Yuben where incense is offered to placate and thank the gzhi-bdag
A number of people in Zhongdian County mentioned the role of a Cangba as an
intermediary betweenthevillagers and their divinitygzhi-bdag. I am unsure if the Cangba is
a deity medium, somewhat like a shaman, and if the divinitygzhi-bdagactually descends
on them.
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In contrast, mountain sealing (ri-rgya) appears to be associated with Tibetan Buddhism and
areas close to holy mountains (gnas ri). Although the practice is found throughout the
Tibetan world it is not often associated with territorial cults. I am not sure how much longer
the three mountains in the Yuben Valley will remain sealed, as the lower slopes are
becoming contested as potential sites for cutting timber for hotel construction.
Territorial cults appear to be widespread throughout the Tibetan world on the basis of a
survey of the literature and my own observations. Of eleven villages I visited in Zhongdian
County, most had three mountains dedicated to territorial divinities, (See Fig 8) with some
domains up to 60km in linear extent.
Figure 8 Honouring the Pushang gzhi-bdagat a bsang thab(right) near his abode (left)
(Photo Anon)
The domains of territorial divinitiesthe gzhi-bdagdivinities are generally recognized as
biodiversity hotspotseven though a number of these sites in Zhongdian County are still
recovering from tree felling during the Cultural Revolution and during the 1980 and 90s. As
a result of this past disturbance there are not always noticeable differences in biodiversity
between the domains of the divinitygzhi-bdagand adjacent land. Several interviewees in
Zhongdian County, however, mentioned the presence of nabi or tufted deer in the
domain of a divinitygzhi-bdag. Nabiare a good indicator for biodiversity because they are
often hunted or caught in snares set for other animals.
As a footnote I should point out that sacred natural sites are not always protected. Sacred
can equally apply to sites that are unmanaged or even over-exploited with little biodiversity.
It is ironic that when I started my quest in Bengda I had gone there to explore ecotourism in
the context of a protected area recognized by the World Conservation Union, IUCN. In
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reality it was just a paper park created by outsiders without reference to the local people,
who had no idea it even existed. Conversely IUCN ignored the presence of a ritually
protected territory that was an exemplar of biodiversity.
Ways must be sought to enable outside interests to build on local efforts for nature
conservation, rather than ignoring them. Territorial cults need to be recognized and
international protection should be provided to ritually protected territories that are
examples of explicit nature conservation.
Territorial cults are part of the cultural heritage of the Tibetan people. These cults address
Tibetaness, the ethnic identity of the people, the cohesion of the community, and their
attachment to place. They are also hotspots of biodiversity. More must be done to
preserve and protect them.