CONDITIONAL SENTENCES IN THE ALPI. A CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS...

Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),109-140.ISSN:2013-2247

109

Received9August2015.

Accepted1October2015.

CONDITIONALSENTENCESINTHEALPI.ACONTRASTIVEANALYSISOF

THEPENINSULARNORTHWEST1

RosaMOUZOVILLAR&CarolinaPÉREZCAPELO

InstitutodaLinguaGalega-UniversidadedeSantiagodeCompostela

[email protected]/[email protected]

Abstract

In the field of syntax, conditional sentences were the research focus of many studies

concentrating upon different aspects of such constructions: structure, tenses used in protasis and

apodosis, etc. (Xove1986;Veiga1991). Someof these studieshaveexamined thepeculiaritieswhich

occurinconditionalsaccordingtothelinguisticterritoryoccupiedbythem.Bytakingintoaccountthese

previousworks, theobjectiveof thispresentstudy is toanalyseconditionalsentences inthedifferent

Romance languageswhichconverge in the IberianPeninsula (Galician,Portuguese,Astur-Leoneseand

Castilian).Thedifferenttensespresentintheprotasisandapodosisofthesesentenceswillbethechief

focusofthisstudy,whichwillexaminethemostfrequentineachlanguageandobservewhetherthereis

some kind of dialectal distribution or not. The basis for this will be the data provided by the Atlas

Lingüísticode laPenínsula Ibérica (ALPI)andthethreeconditionalsentencesfeatured inthisatlaswill

formthecoreofthepresentanalysis.

Keywords

conditionalsentences,AtlasLingüísticodelaPenínsulaIbérica,protasis,apodos

ASORACIÓNSCONDICIONAISNOALPI.UNHAANÁLISECONTRASTIVADONOROESTEPENINSULAR

Resumen

Noeidodasintaxe,asoraciónscondicionaisforonobxectodeinvestigacióndemúltiplesestudos

centradosendiferentesaspectosdestasconstrucións:estrutura,temposverbaisusadosnaprótaseena

1ThisworkhasbeensupportedbytheXuntadeGalicia(ConselleríadeCultura,EducacióneOrdenación

Universitaria)andtheEuropeanUnion(undergrantcodeGRC2013/40).

©Universitat de Barcelona

R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

110

apódose, etc. (Xove 1986; Veiga 1991). Algúns deses traballos téñense fixado nas peculiaridades que

presentan as condicionais segundo o territorio lingüístico que ocupan. Tendo en conta estes estudos

previos, desenvolvemos este traballo que ten como obxectivo analizar as oracións condicionais nas

diferentes linguas románicas que conflúen no noroeste da Península Ibérica (galego, portugués,

asturleonés e castelán). Principalmente ocuparémonos dos diferentes tempos verbais presentes na

prótase e na apódose destas oracións, examinando cales son os máis frecuentes en cada lingua e

observandosesedáounonalgúntipodedistribucióndialectal.Nonosoestudopartimosdosdatosque

nos proporciona o Atlas Lingüístico de la Península Ibérica (ALPI) e centrámonos nas tres oracións

condicionaisqueforonrecollidasnesteatlas.

Palabraschave

oraciónscondicionais,AtlasLingüísticodelaPenínsulaIbérica,prótase,apódose

1.Introduction

TheAtlasLingüísticode laPenínsulaIbérica (ALPI)hasgeneratedabroadseries

of studies in recent years related todifferent areasof linguistics. In spiteof itsdata

beingcollectedduringthefirsthalfofthe20thcentury,theALPIcontinuestocausean

impression today because of the modernity of its questionnaire, precisely as David

Heap observes (2002: 13). Heap also points out that it is an atlas which provides

extensive information thatallows for theundertakingofphoneticand lexical studies

(the favouritestudiesofgeolinguistics),andalsomorphosyntatic studies,onaccount

of thenumerousquestions registered inNotebook I regardingunstressedpronouns,

different verb forms, constructions with the impersonal ‘se’, passive reflexive

sentencesorconditionalsentences,whicharethesubjectofthisstudy.

This is the reasonwhy for this presentwork thedatawhich this atlas offers is

taken as a basis to analyse the structures of conditional sentences in the linguistic

varieties of the northwest of the Peninsular Northwest. The three conditional

sentences which are included in Notebook I, in the section onmorphosyntaxis, are

considered:

386.Situvieradinerolocompraría[IfI/he/shehadmoney,I/he/shewouldbuyit]

387.Siestudiaseaprendería[IfI/he/shestudied,I/he/shewouldlearn]



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388.Sipudieralamataría[IfI/he/shecould,I/he/shewouldkillher]

Thisstudywillfocusuponthesyntaticalstructurepresentedbythesesentences

in each linguistic area of the Peninsular Northwest, as well as the tense-mode

morphemes(TMM)oftheverbformswhichconstitutethem,inordertodetermineif

these features present or not a dialectal distribution in the territory under

examination.

1.1.ALPI

In1914RamónMenéndezPidalconceivedtheideaofdevelopingalinguisticatlas

in order to study the Romance varieties of the Iberian Peninsula. In order to co-

ordinatethisproject,MenéndezPidalchosehisdisciple,TomásNavarroTomás,who

undertook the selection and supervision of the group of interviewers who would

attend to the collectionofmaterials in the selectedpoints of theprincipal linguistic

areas:

§ AníbalOtero,RodrigodeSáNogueira,ArmandoNobredeGusmãoandL.F.

LindleyCintra:GalicianandPortugueseareas

§ AurelioM.EspinosaandLorenzoRodríguezCastellano:Castilianarea

§ FrancescdeBorjaMollandManuelSanchisGuarner:Catalan,Valencianand

Balearareas.

The researchers began the data collection from 1931,2 but in 1936, with the

outbreak of Civil War, the collection work was interrupted and left incomplete in

Asturias, Cataluña, Valencia and Portugal; these were finished in their majority

between1947and19543(Sousa2010:243-244).

The ALPI sought to be an exceptionally knowledgeable atlas, similar to those

which were being produced at that time in Central Europe (Pedrazuela 2005: 274);

whatwasbeingsoughtwasnotadetailedvisionoftheterritory,but“unhavisiónde

2“LaprimerasalidalarealizóEspinosaenlaprimaverade1931porpueblosdeCáceres”,inPedrazuela

2005:280.“ThefirstexcursionwasundertakenbyEspinosainthespringof1931throughouttownsin

Cáceres.”3 In some Portuguese locations the fieldworkwas not completely finished until the summer of 1956

(ALPI1962).


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

112

conxunto que definise as grandes liñas e mesmo as características dos principais

dominios”(Álvarez2014:179).4Thelocationsnetworkwasmadeupof528locations

and the informants were selected carefully in order that they be the best

representativesoflocalspeech:

Tenían que ser naturales del pueblo estudiado, y se procuraba que también lo

fuesen sus padres y esposas. Eran preferidos los que habían viajado poco y no

habíanresididofueradellugar,ytambiénlosanalfabetosomuypocoinstruídos,

afindequeseviesenexentosdelainfluenciadelosdialectosdeotraslocalidades

ydelalenguaculta(ALPI1962).5

The ALPI questionnaire was divided in two notebooks for the gathering of

material:I,Phonetics,MorphologyandSyntax,inwhichthequestionsemployedfor

thisstudyareincluded,andII,LexiconandEthnography.6

At the time when the notebook enquiry was designed, Navarro Tomás was

carrying out research in phonetics abroad, and this can be seen reflected in the

questionnaireby the largestnumberofquestions related to thisdiscipline,by the

care when designing a complex phonetic alphabet and by taking the trouble to

provide efficient collection tools (Pedrazuela 2005). However, although the less

syntaxquestionswerescarcer,theyalsoallowustocarryoutstudiessuchasthis.

1.2.Territorystudied

InthisworkthespaceexaminedintheALPIislimited,andfocusisplacedsolely

on locations in Portugal and the northwest of the Spanish state, on the territory

comprised by Galicia, Asturias and the Castilian provinces of León, Zamora and

4“Avisionofthewholewhichmightdefinethemainlinesandeventhecharacteristicsoftheprincipal

domains.”5Theyhadtobenativesofthetownbeingstudied,anditwasalsotheintentionthattheirparentsand

partnersweretoo.Thosepeoplewhohadtravelled littleandhadnotresidedelsewhere,andalsothe

illiterateandlittleeducatedwerepreferred,withtheobjectiveofthembeingexemptfromtheinfluence

ofthedialectsofotherlocationsandofthelearnedlanguage(ALPI1962).6 Two versions of this second notebook were produced: an abbreviated version, the IIG, with 417

questions, and another more extensive version, the IIE, with 833 questions, which was the most

employed.



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Salamanca. In this study’s annexMaps (3) and (4) and the list of places where the

enquirywascarriedoutinthisterritoryareincluded,withcodesusedintheALPI.The

locationsnetworkstudiediswhatisschematicallyincludedinChart1.

GALICIA 52LOCATIONS(100–151)

ACoruña 15locations(100-113)

Lugo 14locations(114-127)

Pontevedra 13locations(128-140)

Ourense 11locations(141-151)

PORTUGAL 93LOCATIONS(200-292)

VianadoCastelo 5locations(200-204)

Braga 7locations(205-211)

Oporto 5locations(212-216)

VilaReal 3locations(217-219)

Bragança 9locations(220-228)

Guarda 6locations(229-234)

Viseu 6locations(235-240)

Aveiro 3locations(241-243)

Coimbra 5locations(244-248)

CasteloBranco 6locations(249-254)

Leiria 4locations(255-258)

Santarem 7locations(256-265)

Portalegre 6locations(266-271)

Lisbon 4locations(272-275)

Setúbal 3locations(276-278)

Évora 2locations(279-280)

Beja 6locations(281-286)

Faro 6locations(287-293)

ASTURIAS 24LOCATIONS(300-323)

LEÓN 13LOCATIONS(324-336)

ZAMORA 12LOCATIONS(337-348)

SALAMANCA 11LOCATIONS(349-359)

Chart1.Territorystudied

Fourlinguisticdomainsconvergeintheareastudied:Galician,Portuguese,Astur-

LeoneseandCastilian.Asiswellknown,thesedonotcoincidewiththeadministrative


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

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territorialdivisions. InChart2,the locationsbelongingtoeachoneofthedomains is

specified.7

Galician 61locations Galicia(52locations)+Asturias(5)+León(2)+Zamora(2)

Portuguese 92locations Portugal(92)

Astur-Leonese 31locations Asturias(19)+León(6)+Zamora(5)+Portugal(1)

Castilian 21locations León(4)+Zamora(5)+Salamanca(11)

Chart2.Linguisticdomains8

2.Corpusanalysis

In order to carry out this study, such as is conveyed in the introduction, the

conditional sentences included in Notebook 1 of the ALPI, in the Morphosyntaxis

section, are employed. It should be taken into account that, as De Benito (2010: 4)

pointsout:

El estudio de variables sintácticas en un atlas lingüístico presenta diversas

dificultades (...) resulta difícil aislar en el cuestionario los múltiples factores que

puedeninfluírenlavariación(...)sepretendíaelicitarlamismaoracióndetodoslos

informantes, los primeros atlas recurrían a la pregunta directa y les pedían que

repitiesenlaoración,loquepuedehaberinfluídodecisivamente,ydeformadifícil

devalorar,enelcomportamientolingüísticodelinformante.Enlaszonasbilingües

especialmente, la actitud del encuestador puede haber sido determinante a la

horadeelegirelmodelolingüísticoenelqueseformulólapregunta(castellano,

gallego, catalán, etc.), por lo que no podemos tener la certeza de si los datos

obtenidos son representativos de la situación dialectal o si se trata de una

imitacióndelmodelopropuesto.9

7 It is not always straightforward to ascribe specific diatopic varieties to one or another linguistic

domains,especiallywhen it concernsbordervarieties.Whenestablishing thedistributionof locations

studiedbydomain,theworksofBabarro(2003),SecoOrosa(2001)andMoralaRodríguez(2001)were

considered.8Inthetableoflocationsfoundintheannexe,thelinguisticdomaintowhicheachoneoftheenquiry

locationsisascribedisincluded.9Sectionsinboldhavebeenhighlightedbytheauthorsofthisarticle.“Thestudyofsyntacticalvarieties

in a linguistic atlas presents different difficulties. (...) It is difficult to isolate in the questionnaire the



115

Therefore,thevarietyofresponsesthatwefindinstructuresusedinconditional

sentencesorthealternationwhichtheTMMpresentcouldbeonaccountofdialectal

variation,butalsoofdifferentfactorswhichinfluenceddatacollections,inaccordance

withDeBenito.However,ashasalreadybeenindicated,astheterritorystudiedisan

areaoflinguisticconvergence,linguisticinterferencecanoccur.Thisstudywillseekto

analyzesuchissues.

Theanalysisthatisputforwardpresentlyregardingthedataobtainedfromthe

ALPIisorganizedinthefollowingmanner:

Firstly, the structures registered for each sentence in each linguistic area is

analyzed by focussing upon the variants encountered: their frequency, their

predominant structures, etc. This will allow the establishing of a comparison of the

resultsbetweenthedifferentvarieties.

Secondly, these structures are examined in themost detailedmanner, and by

focussingontheonehandontheprotasisanalysis,andontheotherhandonthatof

the apodosis. In this case, the three sentences are dealt with collectively, with

attentionpaidtoverbtensesandtheTMMwhichappearineachoneoftheclausesin

thedifferentlinguisticdomains.

2.1.Sentences.Structure

AsÁlvarez&Xove(2002:156)indicate:“naconstrucióncondicionalestablécese

queosfeitosnarradosnunhaoración(apódose)ocorrenouocorreríandesecumpri-la

hipótese ou condición expresa na oración que leva o nexo (prótase)”.10 These

multiplefactorswhichcaninfluencevariation(...).Theaimwastoelicitthesamesentencefromallthe

informants; the first atlases resorted to thedirectquestionandasked them if theywould repeat the

sentence,whichmighthavebeenadecisiveinfluence,andinawaythatisdifficulttoevaluate,uponthe

linguisticbehaviouroftheinformant.Inbilingualareasespecially,theattitudeoftheinterviewermight

have been decisive when choosing the linguistic model through which the question was formulated

(Castilian, Galician, Catalan, etc.). As such, we cannot be certain as to whether the data obtained is

representativeofthedialectalsituationorifitisamatterofanimitationoftheproposedmodel.”10 “In the conditional construction, it is established that theeventsnarrated in a sentence (apodosis)

occurorwouldoccurifthehypothesisorconditionexpressedinthesentencewhichcarriesthenexus

(protasis)cametohappen.”


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

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characteristics are shared by the languages of the Peninsular Northwest. Therefore,

the basic structure of the conditionals of the ALPI is the same in all the questions

analyzed:se+protasis+apodosis,althoughintheseclausesdifferentcombinationsof

verbtensesarefoundandwillbedescribedpresently.

2.1.1.Situvieradinerolocompraría[IfI/he/shehadmoney,I/he/shewouldbuyit]

2.1.1.1.Galician

Themajoritystructureregistered inGalician in this firstconditionalsentence is

thatformedbytivera+compraría(Setiveradiñeirocompraríao),whichisgroundin39

locationssurveyed. Intheremaining22, thestructureregisteredwasthat formedby

tivera+comprábao(Setiveradiñeirocomprábao).Inthiscase,acleardistributiondoes

notexist.Instead,thetwostructuresappeardistributedthroughouttheentireGalician

area.

2.1.1.2.Portuguese

Theconditionalpatternregisteredpractically throughouttheentirePortuguese

areaisthatformedbytivesse+comprava(Se(eu)tivessedinheiro,comprava-o),with

88examplesscatteredthroughouttheentireterritory.Other,lessfrequentstructures

are registered, like tivera+ comprava (Se tiveradinheiro comprava-o), logged in the

localitiesofMontemor-o-Velho(245),Almeirim(264)andRiodeOnor(222);tivesse+

compraria(Setivessedinheirocompraria-o),collectedonlyinthelocationofAtouguia

daBaleia(258)and,finally,tiver(e)+compraria,astructureregisteredonlyinPataias

(256):Setiverdinheirocomprava-o.

2.1.1.3.Astur-Leonese

IntheAstur-Leonesedomain,themostfrequentstructureistuviera+compraba

(Si tuviera dineru comprábalu), registered in practically the entirety of the survey



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locations. In the Asturian locality of Felechosa (315), in the county Ayer, a different

structure for this sentence is found: tuviera + compraría (Si tuviera cuartus

compraríalu). In the Portuguese location of Duas Igrejas (225), Miranda Do Douro

(Bragança), the structure tivesse + comprava (Se tivesse dinheiro comprava-lo)

appears.

2.1.1.4.Castilian

In the locations pertaining to the Castilian area, three different structures are

registered:tuviera+compraba,tuviera+compraríaetuviera+comprara.Thefirstof

them (Si tuviera dinero lo compraba) is the most frequent, found in 11 of the 21

locationswithinthisdomain.Theconstructiontuviera+compraría(Siyotuvieradinero

lo compraría), registered in 8 localities, is also common. Finally, the last of the

structures (Si tuviera dinero lo comprara) is very uncommon, ocurring solely in the

localitiesofFuenteguinaldo(357)andRetortillo(353),bothinSalamanca.

2.1.2.Siestudiaseaprendería[IfI/he/shestudied,I/he/shewouldlearn]

2.1.2.1.Galician

With this second conditional sentence, in the Galician domain, we find three

different structures: estudara + aprendería, estudara + aprendía, estudase +

aprendería.Themostcommonisthefirstofthem(Seestudaraaprendería),registered

in 41 locations. The responseSe estudara aprendía is also relatively frequent, being

collectedin13ofthesurveyedlocations.Finally,Seestudaseaprendería isregistered

in7locationsofthedomain.

2.1.2.2.Portuguese

The majority structure in the Portuguese area is that formed by estudasse +

aprendia(Seestudasseaprendia),with90examplesdistributedthroughouttheentire


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

118

territory. In just two locations, in Moita (276) and in Barrancos (281), a different

responseisregistered:(Se)estudasse+aprenderia.


With Astur-Leonese the majority response to this question is Si estudiara

aprendía.Thisstructure(estudiara+aprendía)isregisteredin20ofthe31locationsin

the domain. The structure estudiara + aprendería (Si estudiara aprendería) is also

found,althoughwith less frequency, in6 localities. Inthe locationsofPáramodelSil

(326)andPontedo(330),bothinLeón,andalsoinMahide(343), inZamora,another

different structure is obtained: estudiara + aprendiera (si estudiara aprendiera).

Finally,registeredintheAsturianlocalityofBusmente(304)areestudiase+aprendería

(Si estudiase aprendería), and in the Portuguese locality of Duas Igrejas (225),

estudasse+adeprendia(Seestudasseadeprendia).

2.1.2.4.Castilian

The majority pattern in the Castilian domain is estudiara + aprendería (Si

estudiaraaprendería),registeredin12locations.Thestructureestudiara+aprendía(Si

estudiaraaprendía),which is collected in8places, isalso frequent. In the localityof

Folledo (329), in León, the response was: estudiara + aprendiera (Si estudiara

aprendiera).

2.1.3.Sipudieralamataría[IfI/he/shecould,I/he/shewouldkillher]

2.1.3.1.Galician

Intheresponsestothethirdquestion,thetwostructurespoidera+mataríaand

poidera + mataba are found in the Galician domain. The first of them (Se poidera

mataríaa) is themost frequent,with 39 examples distributed throughout the entire



119

territory. The second (Se poidera matábaa) is also common, being registered in 22

localitiesdistributedthroughthewholeoftheGalicianarea.

2.1.3.2.Portuguese

ThemostfrequentstructureinPortuguese,againwithconsiderabledifference,is

thatformedbypudesse+matava(Sepudessematava-a),with91examples,ofwhich

one, which appears in Ferreira do Alentejo (283), presents the clauses in reverse:

Matava-asepudesse.Theonlylocationinwhichthisstructuredoesnotappearisthat

ofRiodeOnor(221),where(Se)+pudiera+matava-aisregistered.


In practically the entirety of the locations in the Astur-Leonese domain, the

structurepudiera+mataba(Sipudiera,matábala)isfound.Theotherexistingpatterns

areregisteredonlyineachofthefollowinglocations:Felechosa(315),inthecountyof

Ayer(Asturias),pudiera+mataría(Sipudiera,mataríala)andinthePortugueselocality

ofDuasIgrejas(225),Bragança,pudesse+mataba(Sepudessematábala).

2.1.3.4.Castilian

Finally, in the Castilian area, the most frequent structure is also pudiera +

mataba (Sipudiera lamataba), registered in17of the21domain locations. In three

localitiesofSalamanca(350-GuijuelodelBarro-,355-SerradilladelArroyo-and359-

Valdefuentes de Sangusín-) pudiera +mataría (Si pudiera la mataría) is found. In

location329(Folledo,León),theresponseregisteredisSipudieralamatara,withthe

structurepudiera+matara.

2.2.Verbtensesintheprotasis

TheTMMemployedintheprotasispresentanalternationandcleardistribution

throughouttheterritorystudiedinthiswork,ascanbeseeninMap1.


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120

Thegranitecolour,which represents theTMM-ra, isextendedthroughout the

Galician,Astur-LeoneseandCastilianarea,andthelinguisticlimitsinthiscasecoincide

withtheadministrativeones inregardtothePortuguesearea,wheretheTMM-sse,

representedbythecolourblue,isclearlydominant,itbeingtheonlyoneregisteredin

90of the92 locations surveyed in theareaofPortuguese speech.Thisquestionwill

nowbeanalyzedinmoreprecisedetailsineachlinguisticdomain.Títulodelmapaeninglés?

Map1.MMTProtasis

2.2.1.Galician

According to Álvarez & Xove (2002: 156), in Galician the most characteristic

conditionalpatternisthatwhichusestheconjunctionseasanexusintheprotasis.The

verbisintheindicativewhenthemoodisnon-irrealandinthepastsubjunctiveifitis

irreal,asoccurs intheconstructionsregistered intheALPI in theGalicianarea.Xove

(1992:150)indicatesthat:



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Desde o punto de vista do falante, este pode ter experiencia ou coñecemento

efectivo da súa irrealidade ou pode dalos como tales aínda carecendo de datos

seguros sobre a súa existencia. É dicir, un falante pode dar como irreais

acontecementos que empiricamentepoden revelarse non irreais (se viñesemañá

poderiamossaírxuntoséirrealaíndaqueapersoaencuestión“cheguemañá”,do

mesmomodo que virá mañá é plenamente real aínda que ó cabo resulte a súa

incomparecencia).(...)acreaciónexpresa[dassituaciónsinexistentes](...)realízase

necesariamenteconandaraouandase.11

ThepastsubjunctiveinGalicianpresentstwovariantsoftheTMM,-rae-se,and

accordingtoXove(1986:135-136):

... a frecuencia relativa de -ra e -se depende basicamente de se existe ou non

significadoirreal.Enpresenciadeste,aproporciónde-rasobeenormementeede

xeito regular. (...) O escaso número do -se irreal (...) aparece distribuído polas

distintas áreas xeográficas. é dicir, as porcentaxes non sofrenmodificacións en

relacióncoasvariedadesdialectais.12

Therefore,theTMMregisteredinGalicianintheprotasisofthethreeconditional

constructions which appear in the ALPI is the -ra of the past subjunctive, and

coincidingwithwhatXoveindicates,iswhatismainlyrecorded,sincein7locationsof

those in which -se was found, which was only in the responses of the second

conditional construction, -ra appears in the other two questions in these same

localities.

11 “From the speaker’s point of view, they can have an effective experience or knowledge of their

irrealityorcanprovidetheseassuchevenwhensecuredataregardingtheirexistenceislacking.Thatis

tosay,aspeakercaninterpretasirrealthoseeventswhichcanberevealedempiricallyasnon-irreal(se

viñesemañá poderiamos saír xuntos is irreal, even though the person in question “cheguemañá” or

arrivestomorrow,inthesamewaythatvirámañáiswhollyrealeventhoughintheendthereisanon-

appearance).(...)Theexpresscreation[ofinexistentsituations](...)isrealizednecessarilybyandaraor

andase.”12 “The relative frequency of -ra and -se depends basically on whether there exists or not an irreal

meaning.Ifitisthelattercase,theproportionof-raincreasesenormouslyandinaregularmanner.(...)

Thescarcenumberofirreal-se(...)appearsdistributedthroughthedifferentgeographicalareas.Thatis,thepercentagesdonotundergomodificationsinrelationtothedialecticvarieties.”


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122

Furthermore, the form -se, just as Xove also underlines, does not present a

dialecticdistribution,butappearsspreadoutacross7localitiesintheGalicianspeech

area: 2 in theA Coruña province (Abegondo -104- and Lavacolla -112-), 3 in that of

Lugo (Ferreira do Valadouro -116-, A Devesa -117- and Palas de Rei -121-) and the

remaining2werecollected inAsturianadministrative territory (Freal, inNavia -302-,

andCuantas,inIbias-323-).

Therefore,thevariant-ra is,withconsiderabledifference,themostfrequent in

the Galician area, occurring in 96.17% of cases, whilst the use of -se is reduced to

3.82%.ThedataregisteredintheALPIcorroboratewhathasbeenpointedoutbyXove

(1981) and by Álvarez & Xove (2002), since the variant -ra “tende a se-la máis

frecuentecosignificadodeirrealidade”.13

2.2.2.Portuguese

InthePortuguesearea,protasispresentstheTMMofthepretéritodoconjuntivo

-sse [copretéritodesubxuntivo]14 inpracticallyall registeredresponses, in98.18%of

cases. The exceptions, which constitute the remaining 2.17%, are found in just 4

localities. In2of them,Montemor-o-Velho (245)and inAlmeirim (264), theTMMof

thepretéritomais-que-perfeito-ra[antepretéritodeindicativo]wasregisteredonlyin

thefirstconditional(Situvieradinerolocompraría)andtheTMMofthecopretéritode

conjuntivo-seintheothercases.InRiodeOnor(221),theTMM-rawasregisteredin

theresponsestothreequestions.Finally,inPataias(256)aregisteroftheform-r(e)is

found,whichispossiblyafuturodeconjuntivowithaparagogic(e).

The Portuguese grammars consulted (Cintra & Cunha 2000 and Mira Mateus

2003) insistupontheuseof theconjuntivo inconditional sentences:“oconjuntivoé

porexcelênciaomododaoraçãosubordinada(...)Usa-senasoraçõescondicionais,em

que a condição é irrealizável ou hipotética” (Cintra & Cunha 2000: 466-469).15

Therefore, it is strange to find these three cases in which the pretérito mais-que-

13“Tendstothemostfrequentwiththemeaningofirreality.”

14TheequivalenttensesinGalicianareindicatedinbrackets.

15 “Thesubjunctive is themodeparexcellenceof thesubordinateclause (...). It isused inconditional

sentences,inwhichtheconditionisimpossibleorhypothetical.”



123

perfeito de indicativo is registered. In a preceding work (Mouzo 2009: 593), it is

suggestedthat:

Oquepuidoocorreréque,oubenexclusivamentenesta zona seusaopretérito

mais-que- perfeito de Indicativo con valor de pretérito de conjuntivo, ou ben se

comparta esta forma en común co copretérito de subxuntivo do galego

(tivera/tivese),poissendolinguasirmás,damesmamaneiraquecompartentrazos

fonéticostaménoscompartenmorfosintácticos.16

Inthiscase,whentakingintoaccountmoredataandalsoobservingwhattakes

place in other domains, the first hypothesis is regarded as being more accurate,

because the informants answered “tivera” as the first responseand “tivesse” as the

second,andthereforethisTMM-raisnotunknowntothem.Moreover,asDeBenito

points out (vide supra), it could have also influenced the “imitation of the model

proposed”byinterviewers.

2.2.3.Astur-Leonese

In the Astur-Leonese variety, as the Gramática de la Llingua Asturiana (ALLA

2001)[GrammaroftheAsturianLanguage]indicates,thetensethatisemployedinthe

protasisofconditionalsentencesisthepretéritoimperfeutudesuxuntivu[copretérito

desubxuntivo]:“amuesa[pretéritoimperfeutudesuxuntivu]conteíoscomo’ldedeséu

(quería que lo ficiera, oxalá lo ficiera) o – equivaliendo al condicional – el de

probabilidáfuturanelpasáu(cantaraunatonadasipudiera)”.17

ThisTMMiswhatwasregistered inpracticallyall the localitiessurveyed in the

Astur-Leonese territory included in this study, in 95.69% of cases. In the remaining

4.30% theTMM -se isemployed, inBusmente (304,Villayón–Asturias)and inDuas

16“Whatcouldhaveoccurredisthateitherexclusivelyinthisregionthepretéritomais-que-perfeitode

Indicativoisusedinthesamewayasthepretéritodeconjuntivo,orthisformissharedincommonwith

thecopretéritodesubxuntivoofGalician(tivera/tivese),sinceastheyaresister languages, theyshare

phoneticfeaturesinthesamewayastheysharemorphosynaticones.”17 “It shows [pretérito imperfeutude suxuntivu] contexts suchas thatofdesire (queríaque lo ficiera,

oxaláloficiera)or–equalingtheconditional–thatoffutureprobabilityinthepast(cantaraunatonada

sipudiera).”


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

124

Igrejas (221,Bragança–Portugal). In theAsturian localitya registerof theTMM-se,

which the informant gave as a response to the second question (Si estudiase

aprendería) was collected. This TMM does not belong to the verb paradigm of

Asturian, and therefore in the samemanner as occurred in the Portuguese domain,

thisisacasewhichmeritsattention.Ifthequestionsoftheatlasareanalysed,itcanbe

seenthatthissecondquestionisformulatedwiththeTMM-seinSpanish:

387.Siestudiaseaprendería

Therefore, in the sameway aswhat occurred in thePortuguese casewith the

form -ra, the variant -se that was registered in this Asturian locality was produced

through imitation of the interviewers.Moreover, as it is the only response and the

informantdidnotanswer“estudiara”asasecondresponse, itseemsthat theywere

not unaware of the form estudiase, which they could know through Galician or

Castilian,giventhatBusmenteisaborderlocality.InthelocationofDuasIgrejas,the

TMM -ssewas registeredasa response to three conditional sentences,but itwould

seemthattheexplanationinthiscasecanbefoundintheinfluenceofPortuguese.

2.2.4.Castilian

In Castilian, as with the other languages of the northwest of the Iberian

peninsulathathavebeensofarconsidered,intheprotasisofconditionalsentencesof

this kind thepretérito imperfecto de subjuntivo [copretérito de subxuntivo] is used.

This tensepresents, in the samemannerasGalician, thevariants -ra and -se, but in

conditionalcontexts-raisemployedwithgreaterfrequency:

Lasustitucióndeamāremporamavissemempezóadarseencontextosmodales,

enespecialcondicionales,loqueanticipabaelimportantecambiogramaticalque

CANTARAexperimentóenlahistoriadelespañol(RAE2009:1803).18

18 “The substitution of amārem for amavissem began to occur in modal contexts, under special

conditions, which anticipated the important grammatical change which CANTARA underwent in the

historyofSpanish”(RAE2009:1803).



125

Althoughatfirsttheforms-raand-secanbeused indistinctlybecauseoftheir

grammaticalequivalence,thegrammarsconsulted(RAE1999;RAE2009)indicatethat

theform-raisthemostemployed:

Enelestadoactualdelalengualaformaen-rasiempreadmiteserempleadacomo

equivalente de la forma en -se, y si lo contrario no es posible en todos los casos

paralaformasimplecantase,larazónnoesotraquelaconservaciónporpartede

cantara de algunos empleos modalmente indicativos, pervivencias de su valor

etimológico. Sin embargo, como expresiones del contenido modal propio del

subjuntivo,lasformasen-rayen-sesonhoyporhoyperfectamenteequivalentes,

con lo que tenemos que señalar la existencia de dos realizaciones expresivas

concretasenrelacióndealomorfismo(...).Lareducciónenelusodeunadeestas

formasafavordelaotraenlalenguahabladaes,contodaprobabilidad,unodelos

factores que han motivado en algunos autores querer ver diferencias de matiz

significativo entre cantara y cantase, diferencias completamente imaginarias de

acuerdo con el funcionamiento del sistema verbal español actual (RAE, 1999:

2910).19

Indeed,inthelocalitiessurveyedintheALPIwithintheCastilianarea,situatedin

the provinces of León, Salamanca and Zamora, only the -ra form was registered in

100%ofcasesintheresponsescollected,whichreassertsthereductionofthe-seform

with respect to the allomorph -ra. It would be interesting to know the responses

throughout the territory of Castilian speech in order to see if these results extend

throughoutorifanalternationwiththe-seformoccurs,althoughitisbelievedthata

new study,whichwould focus exclusively on the use of thepretérito imperfecto de

subjuntivoinSpanish,wouldbeneeded. 19“Inthecurrentstateofthelanguagetheformin-racanalwaysbeemployedasanequivalentofthe

formin-se,andiftheoppositeisnotpossibleinallthecasesforthesimpleformcantase,thereasonis

noneotherthantheconservationonthepartofcantaraofsomeindicativemooduses,remnantsofits

etymologicalvalue.However,asexpressionsof thesubjunctive’sownmodalcontent, the forms in -ra

and in -se are at present perfectly equivalent, with which the existence of two specific expressiveoccurrencesmustbeshown inrelationtoallomorphism(...).Thereduction intheuseofoneof these

forms in favour of the other spoken language us,with all probability, one of the factorswhich have

motivatedinsomeauthorsawishtoseedifferencesofasignificantkindbetweencantaraandcantase,

differences which are completely imaginary according to the workings of the current Spanish verb

system”(RAE1999:2910).


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

126

2.3.Verbtensesintheapodosis

Incontrasttowhatwaspresentedbeforehandregardingtheprotasis,thetenses

employedintheapodosisdonotdisplaysuchaclearterritorialdistribution.

Map2.Verbtensesintheapodosis

As can be observed on the Map 2, the majority tense is the copretérito de

indicativo which extends throughout the entire Portuguese domain, the south of

Galicia and a good number of Astur-Leonese locations. The employment of the

pospretérito de indicativo, represented in yellow, is also common, especially in the

Galician domain. However, the localities in which both tenses were registered are

frequent.Thedatagatheredineachoneofthelinguisticdomainwillnowbeanalyzed

morecarefully.

2.3.1.Galician

In Galician two verb tenses in the apodoses of the sentences analyzed are

registered: thecopretérito and thepospretéritode indicativo.However, themajority

option inthisarea is tousethepospretéritode indicativo,which is registered in126



127

examples: 39 correspondingwith the first question (compraría), 48with the second

(aprendería) and39with the third (mataría).As for thecopretéritode indicativo, 57

examplesoftheuseofthistenseintheseconstructionswerecollected:22inthefirst

question (compraba), 13 in the second (aprendía) and 22 in the third (mataba). In

short,thepospretéritoappearsin70%oftheexamplesandthecopretéritoin30%.

The information extracted from the ALPI regarding the employment of these

tensesinconditionalsentencescontrastswithXove’scontribution(1986:133,134):

NogalegofaladoapresenciadoAntepretérito irrealémoicativa;oCopretéritoé

conmoito a formamáis empregada, seguida do Pospretérito. Esta última forma,

xuntocoCopretérito,predominaencambionalinguaescritaenprosa.Apresencia

doAntepretéritoéenxeraltaménbaixanesterexistro,comonalinguafalada.20

In a note, Xove shows thedata that he took into accountwhenproviding this

information:

ValémonosdastranscripciónsdomaterialgrabadoportodaGaliciaparao

AtlasLingüísticodeGalicia(ALGa),quesuman245folios,edastranscripciónsdas

grabacións correspondentes á provincia da Coruña reunidas e arquivadas no

Instituto da Lingua Galega (ILGa), que fan un total de 389 folios. Nas primeiras

recollemos, para toda Galicia, 82 exemplos de Copretérito irreal, 24 de

Pospretéritoe6deApto.Nassegundas,97,18e2respectivamente.21

Regarding the differences between the data of theALPI that have been taken

intoaccountinthisstudyandthoseoftheALGa,examinedbyXove,itcanbeseenthat

20“InspokenGalicianthepresenceoftheirrealAntepretéritoisverylimited;theCopretéritoistheform

mostemployedandbyalargedegree,followedbythePospretérito.However,thisfinalform,together

withtheCopretérito,prevails inthelanguagewritteninprose.ThepresenceoftheAntepretéritois in

generalalsolowinthisregister,asinthespokenlanguage.”21“WemadeusofthetranscriptionsofthematerialrecordedthroughoutGaliciafortheLinguisticAtlas

ofGalicia(ALGa),whichtotals245pages,andthetranscriptionsoftherecordingscorrespondingtothe

provinceofACoruñacollectedtogetherandarchived inthe GalicianLanguage Institute(ILGa),which

makeatotalof389pages.Inthefirstwefind,forallofGalicia,82examplesoftheCopretéritoirreal,24

ofthePospretéritoand6oftheApto.Inthesecond,97,18and2respectively.”


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

128

in the approximately 40 years which separate the two atlases,22 a considerable

increase occurred in the use of the copretérito and a notable decrease of the

pospretéritoinordertoexpressirrealityinconditionalsentences,reachingthepointof

reversingthepercentagesoftheuseofthetwotenses.However,theremightbeother

causesofthismarkeddifferenceintheusesofthecopretéritoandthepospretérito.In

theALPIquestionnaire,thetenseemployedintheutterancesofthethreesentencesis

the pospretérito (compraría, aprendería, mataría); it is quite possible that the

interviewmethod (direct question and sentence repetition, or the “imitation of the

proposedmodel”towhichDeBenitorefers)influencedtheinformants’responsesand,

asaresult,thepercentagescitedbythisstudy.

Regardlessofthegreaterorlesseruse,inGalicianthreetensesintheapodosisof

theconditionalsentencecanbefound:copretérito,pospretéritoandantepretéritode

indicativo,althoughthelastoftheseisnotverycommonandisnotregisteredinthe

ALPI.JustasÁlvarez&Xove(2002:299,300)pointout,thethreetensesarevariantsof

meaningwhen in the“indicativo irreal”mood,where the timevaluesdisappear: the

copretérito loses its principal value of simultaneity towhat precedes the origin, and

thepospretéritotheprincipalvalueofposterioritytowhatprecedestheorigin,insuch

awaythatbothdonotpossessaspecifictemporalvalue.

2.3.2.Portuguese

InthePortuguesedomain,thepretérito imperfeitodeindicativo [copretéritode

indicativo] is practically the only tense registered in the apodosis of conditional

sentencesstudies.91examplescanbefoundinthefirstquestion(comprava),90inthe

second (aprendia) and 92 in the third (matava). The futuro de pretérito simples

[pospretéritodeindicativo]isalsofoundintheALPI,butitspresenceisveryminority,

beingregisteredonthisoccasioninjustthreeofthe92Portugueselocationssurveyed:

inAtouguiadaBaleia (258) it is found in the first sentence (compraria)and inMoita

(276)andBarrancos(281),inthesecond(aprenderia).

22ThecollectionofdatabytheALPI in theGalician locationstookplacebetween1931and1935.The

fieldworkforthedevelopmentoftheALGabeganin1974.



129

According toCunha&Cintra (2000: 462), both tenses canbe employed in the

apodosisoftheconditionalsentences,butdifferentnuancesintheuseofoneorthe

otherexist:

O futuro do pretérito pode ser substituído pelo imperfeito do indicativo nas

afirmaçõescondicionadas.Comparen-seasseguintesasserções:

Semasuainterferência,euestariaperdido.

Semasuainterferência,euestavaperdido.

Naprimeira,o factoprincipal (estarperdido)éapresentadocomoconsequência

provável da condição que não ocorreu; na segunda, ele aparece como o efeito

imediatoeinelutáveldela.23

2.3.3.Astur-Leonese

In the Astur-Leonese domain, the tense most frequently registered in the

apodosisoftheconditionalsentencesanalyzedisthepretérituimperfeutud’indicativu

[copretéritodeindicativo].Itisfoundin30responsestothefirstquestion(compraba),

in20tothesecond(aprendía)andin29tothethird(mataba);thatis,approximatelyin

88% of total responses. The probability value which the pretéritu imperfeutu

d’indicativopresentsintheseconditionalsentencesisdescribedintheGramáticadela

LlinguaAsturiana(ALLA2001:181)asanotionderivedfromtheimperfectcharacterof

thistense:

[Pretéritu imperfeutu d’indicativo] De la noción d'aición non peracabada pue

pasasea la improbabilidá,yd'aendeaespresar lanon realización.Porexemplu,

trayíenvoslosregalosnunespecificasil'aicióntuvoononunfinalocumplimientu

(frenteatraxéronvoslosregalos,onde'lcumplimientuyeefeutivu),poloquepue

entendese como una realización probable (trayíenvos los regalos si pudieren, 23“Thefuturodopretéritocanbesubstitutedbytheimperfeitodoindicativoinconditionalaffirmations.

Comparethefollowingassertions:

Semasuainterferência,euestariaperdido.Semasuainterferência,euestavaperdido.

Inthefirst,theprincipalaction(estarperdido)ispresentedasaprobableconsequenceofthecondition

whichdidnotoccur;inthesecond,itappearsastheimmediateandineluctableeffectofit.”


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

130

equivaliendoalcondicionaltrayeríenvos)ocomounanonrealización(trayíenvos

losregalos,peronunvoslostraxeron).24

Italsoappears intheALPI,althoughwithamuch lesser frequencythanthatof

the pretéritu imperfeutu, or condicional [pospretérito de indicativo]. It is registered

onceinthefirstandthirdquestions:compraríaandmataría,inlocations315and323

respectivelyandseventimesinthesecond:aprendería,inlocations304,310,311,313,

314,315and325.

Finally, the presence of the pretéritu imperfeutu de suxuntivu [pretérito de

subxuntivo] isveryminor, registeredonly in three responses to thesecondquestion

(aprendiera), in locations 326, 330 and 343, expressing the content of “probabilidá

futura nel pasáu” which is indicated for this tense in the Gramática de la Llíngua

Asturiana(ALLA2001:182):

[Pretérituimperfeutudesuxuntivu]amuesaconteníoscomo’ldedeséu(queríaque

lo ficiera, oxalá lo ficiera) o -equivaliendo al condicional- el de probabilidá futura

futura nel pasáu (cantara una tonada si pudiera, viniera o nun viniera tábemos

esperándolu).25

2.3.4.Castilian

In the sameway as inAstur-Leonese, in theCastiliandomain three tenses are

also registered in theapodosis: thepretérito imperfectode indicativo (copretéritode

indicativo), the condicional simple (pospretérito) and the pretérito omperfecto de

subjuntivo(pretéritodesubxuntivo).Themostfrequentistheimperfectodeindicativo,

registered in almost 60% of the total responses. The distribution by question is the

24“[Pretéritu imperfeutud’indicativo] Itcanshift fromthenotionofanunconsumedactiontothatof

improbability,and fromtheretoexpress thenon-occurence.Forexample, trayíenvos los regalosdoes

not specifywhether the action had an end or fulfillment or not (as comparedwith a traxéronvos losregalos, where the fulfillment is effective), so that it can be regarded as a probable completion

(trayíenvos los regalos si pudieren, equivalent to the conditional trayeríenvos) or as an incompletion

(trayíenvoslosregalos,peronunvoslostraxeron).”25“[Pretéritu imperfeutudesuxuntivu]displayscontentssuchasdesire (queríaque lo ficiera,oxalá lo

ficiera) or – equivalent to the conditional – that of futureprobability future in thepast (cantara unatonadasipudiera,vinieraonunvinieratábemosesperándolu).”



131

following: 11 examples of the use of this tense were found in the first of these

questions(compraba),9inthesecond(aprendía)and17inthethird(mataba).Theuse

of thecondicionalsimple isalsoquite frequent (35%),and iscollected in8examples

for the firstquestion (compraría),11 for thesecond (aprendería)and3 for the third

(mataría). This data extracted from the ALPI, through which a greater use of the

pretérito imperfecto in the Castilian of the Peninsular Northwest can be confirmed,

contrast with those recorded by E. Montolío (1999: 3667) for the context of the

Castilian domain; he notes that the pattern “<Si + imperfecto de subjuntivo +

condicional>” is, inaddition to the classicpatternofcondicionaispotenciais, also “la

combinación modal-temporal más frecuente de dicho valor”.26 However, this

researcher also points out the high frequency of the imperfecto de indicativo,

especiallyincolloquialregisters:

Laaparicióndel imperfectode indicativoen laapódosisdeesteesquema [<Si+

imperfecto de subjuntivo + imperfecto de indicativo>] constituye un uso no

normativo, pero que se encuentra notablemente extendido en registros

coloquialesdelespañol,demodoquepodríaconsiderarseunesquemapropiodel

estándar informal (...) No parece que este esquema sustituya al estándar

(imperfecto-condicional), sino que el hablante lo maneja como una variante

sintácticamásasudisposiciónparaexpresarcreenciaenunamayorprobabilidad

decumplimientode lopropuestoen laapódosisencasodecumplimientode la

proposiciónprotática.27

Finally,intheALPI,thepretéritoimperfectodesubjuntivo:compraraisregistered

onfouroccasionsinlocations353and357,aprendierain329andmataraalsoin329.

Theuseofthistenseintheconditionalapodosis,alreadyinfrequentbythebeginning

26“Themostcommonmodal-temporalcombinationoftheaforementionedvalue.”

27“Theappearanceoftheimperfectodeindicativointheapodosisofthispattern[<Si+imperfectode

subjuntivo+imperfectodeindicativo>]contitutesnotanormativeuse,butonewhichisfoundnotably

extendedincolloquialregistersofSpanish,insuchawaythatitcouldbeconsideredapatternproperof

the informal standard (...). It does not seem that this pattern substitues the standard (imperfecto-

condicional), but that the speakermanages it as a syntatical variant more at his or her disposal for

expressingbeliefinagreaterprobabilityoffulfillmentthanthatproposedintheapodosisintheeventof

theprotaticpropositionbeingcompleted.”


R.MOUZO&C.PÉREZ

132

ofthe20thcenturyascanbeconcludedfromtheALPIdata,isdescribedintheNueva

gramática de la lengua española (RAE, 2009: 1807) [New Grammar of the Spanish

Language] as a “característica de la lengua clásica, en la que adquiere el valor de

cantaría”.28 It also points out that constructions such asMe comprara un carro si

tuviera dinero are nowno longer employed in peninsular Castilian yet persist in the

popularlanguageofsomeHispano-Americancountries.

3.Conclusions

InthisstudythedataofferedtousbyALPIconcerningconditionalsentencesin

the Romance languages of the Peninsular Northwest has been analyzed. At the

beginningofexpositionoftheresultsobtained,thedifficultiespresentedbythestudy

ofsyntaxonthebasisofalinguisticatlaswereunderlined,sincetheresponsesoffered

bytheinformantscouldbeinfluencedbytheattitudeoftheinterviewerandbyhisor

hermannerofformulatingthequestion.Therefore,awarethatitisnotanidealcorpus

upon which the study of conditional sentences has been based, this analysis has

attemptedtoproceedwithcaution,presentingdatawhichispresentedintheALPIand

contrasting it with that provided by the grammars from the different languages

regardingtheseconstructions.

Nevertheless, in spite of the aforementioned limitations, the results obtained

reveal the existence of different conditional structures in the languages of the

Pensinular Northwest; in each linguistic domain, several structures and different

tensesinprotasisandapodosiswereregisteredintheALPI.Yetinspiteofthevariety

collected, it is alsopossible toobserve in each language thepredominanceof some

structuresoverothers.

Therefore,whilstGalicianrevealsapreferenceforconditionalstructuresformed

by the copretérito de subxuntivo with the alomorph -ra in the protasis and the

pospretérito de indicativo in the apodosis (tivera / estudara / puidera + compraría /

aprendería /mataría), Portuguese prefers the conditional pattern composed by the

28“Characteristicofclassiclanguage,inwhichitacquiresthevalueofcantaría.”



133

copretérito de subxuntivo in the protasis and the copretérito de indicativo in the

apodosis (tivesse / estudasse / pudesse + comprava / aprendia /matava). In Astur-

Leonese,thestructureformedbythecopretéritodesubxuntivointheprotasisandthe

copretéritode indicativo in theapodosis (tuviera /estudiara /pudiera+ compraba /

aprendía /mataba) is predominant. Finally, in theCastilianof thearea studied, two

conditionalpatternsalternate:ontheonehand,thatwhichcombinesthecopretérito

desubxuntivowiththealomorph-raintheprotasisandthecopretéritodeindicativoin

theapodosis(tuviera/pudiera+compraba/mataba);ontheotherhand,thatwhich

combinesthecopretéritodesubxuntivowiththealomorph-raintheprotasiswiththe

pospretérito de indicativo in the apodosis (estudiara + aprendería). It would be

interestinginfuturestudiestoextendtheterritorystudiedtotherestoftheCastilian

domaininordertocontrasttheresultsandthereforeobtainthemajoritysolutionby

takingintoaccounttheentireterritory.

This preference displayed by each language for certain specific structures in

ordertoconstructconditionalsentencesdoesnotimpedeadiscussionofthecommon

traitsbetweenthedifferentdomainsstudies.Thus,concerningprotasis,GalicianAstur-

LeoneseandCastiliansharethepreferencefortheuseofthecopretéritodeindicativo

with theTMM -ra.Although inGalicianandCastilian -se is a variantof -ra, theALPI

data reveals that -se is aminority in these languages, in contrast towhat occurs in

Portuguese,whereitispracticallytheonlyTMMregistered.Inregardtothetensesof

the apodosis, the copretérito and thepospretérito de Indicativo are registered in all

languages.InPortuguese,theemploymentofthecopretéritoisclearlythemajority;in

theothers,thedifferencesintheusagepercentagesarenotsostriking,withthetwo

tensesbeingregisteredinmorelocations.

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34.


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Annexes

LocationsoftheALPIstudiedGaliciandomain100Sismundi-ACoruña 130Cuntis-Pontevedra

101Valdoviño-ACoruña 131VilanovadeArousa-Pontevedra

102Miño-ACoruña 132Meaño-Pontevedra

103Oleiros-ACoruña 133Cerdedo-Pontevedra

104Abegondo-ACoruña 134Bueu-Pontevedra

105Aranga-ACoruña 135FornelosdeMontes-Pontevedra

106Baio-ACoruña 136Nigrán-Pontevedra

107Carballo-ACoruña 137Ponteareas-Pontevedra

108Corcubión-ACoruña 138Arbo-Pontevedra

109SantaComba-ACoruña 139Tui-Pontevedra

110Ordes-ACoruña 140ORosal-Pontevedra

111Boimorto-ACoruña 141OIrixo-Ourense

112ALavacolla-ACoruña 142Vilamarín-Ourense

112.1Muros-ACoruña 143AArnoia-Ourense

113Rois-ACoruña 144Maceda-Ourense

114Covas-Lugo 145Celeiros-Ourense

115Muras-Lugo 146OBolo-Ourense

116FerreiradoValadouro-Lugo 147Rubiá-Ourense

117Devesa-Lugo 148RairizdeVeiga-Ourense

118Guitiriz-Lugo 149AGudiña-Ourense

119Cospeito-Lugo 150Entrimo-Ourense

120Neiro-Lugo 151Oímbra-Ourense

121PalasdeRei-Lugo 300Salgueiras-Asturias

122NaviadeSuarna-Lugo 301AsCampas-Asturias

123Meixente-Lugo 302Freal-Asturias

124PedrafitadoCebreiro-Lugo 303Boal-Asturias

125Chantada-Lugo 323Cuantas-Asturias

126Sober-Lugo 324PontedeRei-León

127SanClodio-Lugo 333Castroquilame-León

128Agolada-Pontevedra 340Padornelo-Zamora

129Bandeira-Pontevedra 341Hermisende-Zamora



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Portuguesedomain

200Paderne-VianadoCastelo 247Chainça-Coimbra

201Insalde-VianadoCastelo 248Arganil-Coimbra

202Moledo-VianadoCastelo 249Belmonte-CasteloBranco

203Portuzelo-VianadoCastelo 250Ourondo-CasteloBranco

204Tamente-VianadoCastelo 251Monsanto-CasteloBranco

205Salamonde–Braga 252Alcains-CasteloBranco

206Balugães–Braga 253Oleiros-CasteloBranco

207Marinhas–Braga 254Rosmaninhal-CasteloBranco

208Apúlia–Braga 255Vieira-Leiria

209Brito–Braga 256Pataias-Leiria

210Fafe–Braga 257Mendiga-Leiria

211ArcodeBaúlhe–Braga 258AtouguiadaBaleia-Leiria

212ViladoConde–Oporto 259Espite-Santarém

213SantoTirso–Oporto 260FerreiradoZêzere-Santarém

214Nevogilde–Oporto 261Lapas-Santarém

215Gondar–Oporto 262RioMaior-Santarém

216PaçodeRei-Oporto 263Cartaxo-Santarém

217Montalegre-VilaReal 264Almeirim-Santarém

218CarrazedodeMontenegro-VilaReal 265Coruche-Santarém

219VilarinhodeSamardã-VilaReal 266Montalvão-Portalegre

220Sobreiró–Bragança 267Belver-Portalegre

221RiodeOnor–Bragança 268ValedeAçor-Portalegre

222Rebordãos–Bragança 269Reguengo-Portalegre

223TorredeDonaChama-Bragança 270Sousel-Portalegre

224Vimioso-Bragança 271CampoMaior-Portalegre

226Peredo–Bragança 272Sobreiro-Lisbon

227VilarinhodasAzenhas-Bragança 273Povos-Lisbon

228Lagoaça–Bragança 274Almargem-Lisbon

229VilaNovadeFoz-Coa–Guarda 275Alcabideche-Lisbon

230QuintaNova–Guarda 276Moita-Setúbal

231CasasdeSoeiro–Guarda 277Santana-Setúbal

232VilarFormoso-Guarda 278Grândola-Setúbal

233AldeiadoBispo–Guarda 279SãoMatias-Évora

234SãoRomão-Guarda 280Alandroal-Évora

235SãoJoãodaPesqueira–Viseu 281Barrancos-Beja

236MoimentadaBeira–Viseu 282Moura-Beja

237ValedeMatos–Viseu 283FerreiradoAlentejo-Beja

238Conlela–Viseu 284VilaNovadeMilfontes-Beja

239Castendo–Viseu 285Ourique-Beja

240EirasdeCastelões–Viseu 286MontedosSapos-Beja

241SobradodePaiva–Aveiro 287SantaJusta-Faro

242Pardilhó–Aveiro 288Odeleite-Faro

243Famalicão–Aveiro 289Alte-Faro

244PraiadeMira-Coimbra 290Marmelete-Faro


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245Montemor-o-Velho–Coimbra 291Sagres-Faro

246Lavos–Coimbra 292Fuseta-Faro

Astur-Leonesedomain225DuasIgrejas–Bragança 318Nozaleda-Asturias

304Busmente–Asturias 319Pintueles-Asturias

305Navelgas-Asturias 320Sames-Asturias

306SantaEulalia–Asturias 321LosCarriles-Asturias

307SotodelaBarca–Asturias 322Cimiano-Asturias

308PoladeSomiedo-Asturias 325LillodeBierzo-León

309Viḷḷanueva-Asturias 326PáramodelSil-León

310LaMata-Asturias 327Omañón-León

311SantiagodelMonte-Asturias 328Torrebarrio-León

312SanMartíndePodes-Asturias 330Pontedo-León

313Llantones(Leorio)-Asturias 334Lucillo-León

314Cenera-Asturias 337SanCipriándeSanabria-Zamora

315Felechosa-Asturias 338SanMartíndeCastañeda-Zamora

316Malveda-Asturias 339CubodeBenavente-Zamora

317CimalaVilla(Lada)-Asturias 343Mahide-Zamora

345VillarinotraslaSierra-Zamora

Castiliandomain329Folledo–León 350GejuelodelBarro-Salamanca

331Cofiñal-León 351CampodePeñaranda-Salamanca

332Pío-León 352HinojosadelDuero-Salamanca

335LagunaDalga-León 353Retortillo-Salamanca

336CalzadadelCoto-León 354AldeadelObispo-Salamanca

342OterodeBodas-Zamora 355SerradilladelArroyo-Salamanca

344Villafáfila-Zamora 356LinaresdeRiofrío-Salamanca

346LosaciodeAlba-Zamora 357Fuenteguinaldo-Salamanca

347Fariza-Zamora 358ElPayo-Salamanca

348ElPego-Zamora 359ValdefuentesdeSangusín-Salamanca

349Villarino(delosAires)-Salamanca



139

!Galiciandomain

!Astur-Leonesedomain

!Castiliandomain

Map3.Mapoflinguisticdomains(I)


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!Portuguesedomain

Map4.Mapoflinguisticdomains(II)


CONDITIONAL SENTENCES IN THE ALPI. A CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS...

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