A CASE STUDY OF A NANG GI RNAM THAR:

THE EXAMPLE OF KUN SPANGS PA CHOS KYI RIN CHEN’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY1

MICHELA CLEMENTE (Rome)

1. A Brief Introduction to the Nang gi rnam thar’s Typology

The autobiography of Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen is a nang gi rnam th r, one of the three levels existing in the literary genre of life stories. This typology recounts the specific meditative cycles, initiations, etc. imparted to the master and taught by him to his disciples.2 The division in phyi, nang and gsa g levels had been followed by the sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) in the classification of the gsung ’bum of the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682) and, after him, other Tibetan authors continued to use it as a form of respect for the Dalai Lama’s life story.3 We know that most of the rnam thars contain all the three levels, even though one of them is emphasised to a greater extent. Some rnam t ars, however, deal specifically with only one level. Actually, the boundary line between phyi, nang and gsa g is quite tenuous, and thus it is often difficult to distinguish

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1 I wish to express my thanks to Professor Elena De Rossi Filibeck for assigning me this intriguing work for my MA thesis, for her precious remarks, help and kind support. I also want to thank warmly my colleagues and friends Federica Venturi, Marta Sernesi, Sabrina Rossi, Stefanie Calestini and Marco Passavanti for their suggestions and comments.

2 See Petech 1958: XIX; Seyfort Ruegg 1966: 44; Willis 1985: 312; Willis 1995: 5.

3 See Vostrikov 1970: 187.

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between the various typologies.4 Most studies thus far have focused on external and secret levels. The nang gi rnam th r’s type is thus the less studied and least known, and I am not aware of any nang gi rnam thar translated into a Western language.

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According to Vostrikov, thob yigs (or gsa yigs) are similar to the ‘inner (or ‘internal’) biographies,’ because both contain systematised lists of disciplines, precepts, teachings and consecrations of all types, but thob yigs endeavour to establish a more or less complete succession of the persons who received these instructions, beginning with the founder himself and ending with the author of that work.5 This specific genre of Tibetan literature originated from the effort to establish the lineages of transmission of Indic texts or text-clusters. Thob yigs and inner and secret autobiographies both focus on transmission, but we can utilise thob yigs to supplement the information found in r am t ars.6 Unfortunately, thob yigs are as neglected as nang gi rnamthars, even though the former “constitute potentially primary historiographic source material.”7 As Dan Martin pointed out, “in the future, historians of Tibet will be relying more and more on lineage records, on evidence contained in the records of te chings received,” because these “are not just passive historical sources, but texts with interesting histories of their own to tell” (Martin 2002: 344).

However, it is important to bear in mind that a work may be called nang i r am thar without being necessarily an ‘inner biography.’8 Concerning this,

4 See Gyatso 1998: 103; Willis 1985: 312, n. 17.

5 See Vostrikov 1970: 187, 199.

6 See Gyatso 1998: 104; van der Kuijp 1995: 919; Sobisch 2002: 162.

7 Van der Kuijp 1995: 920.

8 I am indebted to Janet Gyatso for raising this issue after the presentation of my paper. On this subject, she wrote that “one suspects that the proliferation of labels

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Jeffery Schoening, taking up a debate Gene Smith initiated many years ago,9 wrote that “genre classification according to Tibetan terms is a mystery we western scholars have yet to solve.”10 It is necessary to think about the reasons why a mechanical classification of genres based on titles cannot be applied at all.11 Orna Almogi, agreeing that a classification of “Tibetan texts by mechanically relying on the Tibetan terms is no real solution,” argues though that titles “may be more helpful than we have tended to think.”12 With regard to this, she suggests that

… for a development of a comprehensive general scheme and for a classification of a particular text, three factors have to be taken into consideration: 1) the descriptive components of the titles, including the genre terms appearing in them, 2) the ornamental components of the titles, and 3) any additional titles of one and the same text, especially if these contain different genre terms (Almogi 2005: 29).13

2. The Text and Some Notes about Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen

Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen’s gsung ’bum that includes the master’s autobiography, is a dbu can manuscript (cm. 42,5x12 [34,5x7,5]). It is one of

naming increasingly esoteric levels of discourse is often more a matter of rhetoric than genuinely descriptive of content” (Gyatso 1998: 103).

9 See Smith 1970: 1.

10 Almogi 2005: 28; Schoening 1988: 424.

11 In his article, Schoening enumerated four reasons: a genre may change over time; a work may be called one genre but consists mostly of another; the title may say the work is one genre while the margin says it is another; the author may not have included a genre indicator in the title (Almogi 2005: 28; Schoening 1988: 425).

12 Almogi 2005: 28, 29.

13 I am indebted to Orna Almogi for her precious remarks on this subject and for kindly providing me a copy of her article before the publication.

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the numerous works selected and brought by Giuseppe Tucci (1894–1984) from his scientific missions in Tibet with the aim of preserving a representative part of the different Tibetan literary genres, and kept in the Tucci Tibetan Fund at the Library of IsIAO in Rome.14 It seems to be the only known copy of this work, which probably dates back to the 17th Century. The pattern of the folios is similar to that of the so-called ‘prefaces,’15 thus the manuscript could have well originated from Western Tibet.16

The gsung ’bum includes the dkar chag and five works.17 The present article is based on the first work and the dkar chag.18 The first work contains Chos kyi rin chen’s autobiography (ff. 1–22b), which is a rnam mgur entitled “A Biography of the Venerable Chos kyi rin chen [containing] ‘The Bla ma’s Biography: A Wish-fulfilling Gem’ and So Forth.”19 The dkar cha (ff. 1–5), entitled “A Catalogue: An Illuminating Lamp that, Upon Being Perceived, Clarifies the Meaning,”20 contains some data about Chos kyi rin chen’s

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14 I wish to express my thanks to the President of IsIAO, Professor Gherardo Gnoli, for kindly allowing me to study this manuscript.

15 The ‘prefaces’ are dedicative folios that precede a manuscript. They contain information about the sponsorship or the preparation of some copies of the work in question. Tucci collected some prefaces of this kind in Western Tibet due to their historical and philological value and described them well before others. See Tucci 1935: 8–10, 177–78.

16 On this subject, see De Rossi Filibeck 1999: 194; De Rossi Filibeck 2001: 237–40, especially 239 (‘foglio C’).

17 For the cataloguing of this gsung ’bum, see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 35.

18 See also Clemente (forthcoming).

19 Bla ma rnam thar yid bzhin nor bu la sogs pa btsun pa chos kyi rin chen gyi rnam thar (see f. 1).

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lineage. The sponsor (sbyin bdag) of the gsung ’bum was the physician Ngag dbang Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan. His family and he are profusely thanked in verses with a stanza for each of them at the end of the dkar chag.21

Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen was a less-known Bka’ brgyud pa master, who lived in the 17th century.22 According to the TBRC database, he is the author of two works.23 One of these24 seems to be written together with another bla ma, Rdo dmar zhabs drung Mi ’gyur rdo rje (1675–?).25 It seems that for an unspecified period of time, the two masters lived in the Gnya’ nang monastery, near the Nepalese border, where they wrote this work.26

The illuminated folio (1b) of Chos kyi rin chen’s r am thar shown below provides an evidence of the master’s belonging to the Bka’ brgyud school: on the right there is Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen’s icon,27 and on the left we find the representation of Rje btsun Mi la ras pa (1040–1123).28

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20 Dkar chags gsal ba’i sgr l [= sgron] me mthong pa (sic) don gsal (see f. 1). I emended sgrol me into sgron me according to the context. Indeed, gsal ba’i sgron me is a common metaphor in this kind of works. On this subject, see Almogi 2005: 41.

21 See the Dkar chag, ff. 3b–4b.

22 Personal communication from Ellis Gene Smith to Elena De Rossi Filibeck (28th November 2000).

23 See TBRC (P 6086).

24 See TBRC (W 30157). Unfortunately, I was not able to consult this work, but it will be the topic of a future research.

25 Rdo dmar zhabs drung Mi ’gyur rdo rje was a layman Rnying ma yogin. According to Ehrhard, he was a gter ston. For information about him and his works, see DZMD; Ehrhard 2007: 123; Schmidt 2003; TBRC (P 1014).

26 According to Ehrhard, a certain Rdo dmar ba was active in the region of Gnya’ nang at the end of the 17th Century. See Ehrhard 1997: 338.

27 The caption reads btsun pa chos rin chen la na mo.

28 The caption reads rje btsun mi la ras pa l na mo.

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Furthermore, in the dkar chag written by Bya bral Skal bzang rgyal mtshan, probably a disciple of Kun spangs pa, we find mention of two important masters of the ’Brug pa Bka’ brgyud sub-school: Rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje (1189–1258),29 the founder of the Stod ’brug pa Bka’ brgyud, and Chos rje Spyil dkar ba (1228–1300),30 one of his main students.31 Rgod tshang pa is probably also the founder of the Gnya’ nang monastery.32 The title kun spa gs pa, lit. ‘the one who abandoned everything,’ is apparently an honorific title given to accomplished masters and practitioners. I am aware of eighteen masters with that title who lived between the 13th and 17th Century, most of them belonged to the Sa skya, Jo nang and Zhwa lu schools, and in particular to the Kālacakra transmission lineage. Among them we must underline Kun spangs Thugs rje brtson ’grus (1243–1313), the founder of the Jo mo nang monastery.33

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As a proper nang gi rnam th r, the autobiography of Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen does not provide any information about the master’s life. Like

29 About Rgod tshang pa, see Roerich 1949/53: 680–88; Smith 2001: 45, 46, 48, 75, 78; TBRC (P 2090); KGSPCM: 452–543. 30 About Spyil dkar ba, see Aris 1979: 173; Roerich 1949/53: 686–87; TBRC (P 5916). 31 See the Dkar chag, f. 3a–b.

32 See Dargye 2001: 37; TBRC (P 2090).

33 For further details about Thugs rje brtson ’grus, see Roerich 1949/53: 771–72.

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numerous r am t ars of other Bka’ brgyud pa masters,34 this one alternately contains sections in prose and verse: the master gives the teachings in prose, while in the songs he speaks of his spiritual experiences. The rnam mgur is written in colloquial language, especially in the verse parts. In the songs of the dkar chag, too, we find apparently unknown colloquial expressions.35 At the beginning of his autobiography, the author pays numerous homages to the masters of his lineage.36 Unfortunately, their identification is extremely complex due to the Tibetan habit of giving to disciples the same names of previous masters.

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It is possible that at least a part of the autobiography has been dictated by Chos kyi rin chen to a student who added some elements of his own, maybe after his master’s death. Indeed, there are many orthographic and grammatical mistakes, and in some passages of the rnam t ar the tone becomes quite different, more ceremonious.37 Maybe the volume of the IsIAO Library is a copy of a ruined original. Unfortunately, we do not know where, when and how the manuscript arrived in the hands of Giuseppe Tucci, thus we cannot say whether the text was copied down on his request. In this case, the copy was surely done in haste. Moreover, concerning the orthographic and grammatical mistakes, we should remember that, as pointed out by José Cabezón, in some traditions

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34 For example, see the biography of Rgod tshang pa written by Sangs rgyas dar po, a disciple of both Gtsang smyon Heruka and Lha btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal (cited in Tucci 1949: 158).

35 For example, the expression ngo mtshar che yo ang (which I translate as ‘what a great wonder’) figures many times (Dkar chag, ff. 3b–4a).

36 Ratna A dkar Vajradhara, Jñāranda, Ratnavajra Mañjuśrī, Bodhisiṃha (Byang chub seng ge), Gzhon nu seng ge, Nam mkha’ bzang po, Rgyal mtshan dar, Ye shes rgyal mtshan, Lha dbang blo gros. See the R am thar, ff. 1b–6b.

37 For a discussion about the merging of authors and readers, see Gyatso 1992: 469.

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… monks’ inability to write proper Tibetan was never seen as detracting from their status as scholars. Scholarship was measured not by one’s ability as a writer, but by devotion to what was considered, both intellectually and soteriologically, most important, namely the reading, memorization, and oral explanation of the classical texts of the tradition (Cabezón 2001: 236).

3. Nang gi rnam thars as Inspirational and Instructional Works

From the excerpts I am going to present it will become quite clear that ‘inner biographies’ are inspirational and instructional works. This had been already noted by Janice Willis some years ago.38 In addition, due to their characteristic structure, these works are often associated with practices. For example, before practicing the ma āmudrā teachings, the practitioner reads the part in relevant nang gi rnam th rs that concerns their prayers and instructions, thus such rnam thars become a sort of handbook. Furthermore, Willis notes:

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… bl mas often use rnam thars in their teaching activities. No bla ma would, for example, introduce a new teaching or begin a series of initiations without first narrating one or more rnam thars of the teachers in the lineage who practiced that teaching or meditation successfully. This makes for very practical instruction. The recitation of r am t ars sets the stage for practice by giving authority and credence to the lineage of teachings, by prefiguring the conditions conducive to practice, and by subtly sowing the seeds for similar liberation (Willis 1995: 16).

Thus, one interesting feature of this kind of works is the explanation of particular religious practices.

In his autobiography, Chos kyi rin chen describes the creation of the Circle of Protection (ra ṣācakra: srung ba’i ’khor lo) within the preliminaries of a

38 See Willis 1995: 5, 16. She also wrote that a nang gi rnam thar “lends itself to consideration under the heading of ‘liturgy’ and, in fact, often functions that way within the tradition” (Willis 1995: 5).

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s dhana (sgrub thabs) in detail.39 It is connected with the cycle of Cakrasaṃvara. The meditation begins with the visualization of the syllable ūṃ, in this case the seed-syllable of a vajra. The yogin sees the hūṃ

transforming into a viśvavajra (sna tshogs rdo rje). The circle of protection is built from rays of light that blaze out from the double vajra. The yogin visualises a protective shield of vajras that encompasses the entire universe.40 Chos kyi rin chen describes a structure called ‘the immeasurable Mansion of Great Liberation’ (thar pa chen po’i gzhal yas kha g), similar to a temple palace, where the deity is generated. He states:41

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I pay homage to the glorious Cakrasaṃvara!

While [one] is training for the [pronouncing of] the sumbha ni [mantra],42 [one should recite] OṂ ŚŪNYATĀ JÑĀNA VAJRA SVABHĀVA ATMAKO

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39 See the R am t ar, ff. 8–10a.

40 For a description of the creation of the Circle of Protection, see English 2002: 131–36.

41 R am t ar, ff. 8a–b: shri tsa ra saṃ bha ra na mo | […] sum bha ni sbyangs l | oṃ shu nya ta dznya na badzra swa bha wa a ma ko haṃ | stong pa dang ye shes dbyer med pa’i nga g las | ri rab kyi steng yangs zhi g [= shing] rgya che ba’i dbus su | hūṃ l s sna tshogs rdo rje shar dkar lho ser nub dmar byang ljang | lte ba ‹’thing ka› [= mthing ga] la hūṃ gi [= gyis] mtshan pa | hūṃ l s ’od zer ’og tu ’phros pas | ’og rdo <rj>e’i sa bzhi steng du ’phros pa las | steng rdo rje’i bla bres phyogs mtshams kun du ’phros pas | rdo rje’i rtsig pa ra ba bra ‹ba gur› [= sbra gur ] du gyur | phyi rol nas ye shes kyi me phung rab tu ’bar bas bskor ba’i dbus su | hūṃ las thar pa chen po’i gzhal yas khang |. On this subject, Elizabeth English wrote: “The yogin sees the axial mountain Sumeru rising up into the heavens. Above this, he installs the circle of protection […] Finally, upon the mountain’s peak, he visualises an elaborate and decorative temple palace as the future abode of the deity” (English 2002: 144).

42 Concerning this mantra, see English 2002: 133, 444, n. 299.

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HAM43 [and visualise the following]: From the state of the indivisibility of emptiness and gnosis, [arises] Mount Sumeru [with] a large and spacious summit. In its centre [appears] the syllable HŪṂ which [transforms itself into] a double vajra, whose eastern [ray] is white, southern [ray] yellow, western [ray] red, northern [ray] green, and the centre, marked with [the syllable] HŪṂ, blue.44

Rays of light emanate from HŪṂ downwards and strike the surface of the adamantine earth beneath, and then strike the canopy above in all cardinal and intermediate directions, thereby becoming [like] a felt tent [with] barriers of adamantine walls. [It] is surrounded from the outside by a mass of the blazing fire of gnosis. In the centre [there arises the syllable] HŪṂ from which the Immeasurable Mansion of Great Liberation [emerges].

Then, the author describes the emission and retraction of rays of light from the seed-syllable hūṃ. Once they have accomplished their purposes, the rays retract back into the ūṃ. h

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The text continues with a description of a maṇḍala of the Cakrasaṃvara’s cycle, in which the twenty-four sacred sites ( īṭhas) are associated with twenty-four īras and their ṡaktis. The maṇḍala is divided into three dimensions: the sphere of Body (sku’i ’khor lo) or sphere of the Underground (sa ’og), the sphere of Speech (gsung gi ’khor lo) or sphere of the Earth (sa), and the sphere of Mind (thugs kyi ’khor lo) or sphere of the Sky (nam

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43 According to Elizabeth English, this emptiness mantra is a standard feature of mainstream ādhanas. For further details, see English 2002: 126–27, 439, n. 271.

44 See the description in Gyatso 1991: 115.

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mkha’).45 According to Elizabeth English, the sacred sites within the maṇḍala confirm the maṇḍala ‘as’ the universe.46

Then, Chos kyi rin chen puts into verse some ma āmudrā teachings.47 Here is a short stanza:48

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Look whether phenomena and perception have merged or not! If they have merged, You, beggar who exerts himself on the Path, Is certain to be successful!49 The mind, which is primordially unborn, Is imperceptible in the three times and is free from manifoldness. Since it is not subjected to arising, It has no abiding [either]. [If there is] no abiding, how can cessation be possible? For instance, it is similar to a hare’s horn.

Reading the rnam t ar, it seems that all doctrines contained in the text addressed high practitioners, perhaps Kun spangs pa’s disciples.

At the end of his r am t ar, the master gives some bar do instructions50 according to the teachings of Rgyal ba Yang dgon pa Rgyal mtshan dpal

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45 Such a maṇḍala of Cakrasaṃvara is found in the Bde mchog temple of Tsa pa rang, in Western Tibet. This could be an evidence that supports the Western origin of Chos kyi rin chen’s gsung ’bum. For a discussion of the maṇḍala of the Bde mchog temple, see Tucci 1936: 38–42, 44–45, 65–66.

46 See English 2002: 196.

47 See the R am t ar, ff. 11b–13b.

48 R am thar, ff. 12b–13a: snang sems gcig tu ’dres sam bltos [= ltos] | ’dres na lam du ’gro bar nges | lam l ’ba pa’i sprang po khyod | gdod (13a) nas skye ba med pa’i sems | dus gsum ma dmi s spros dang bral | skye rgyu med pas gna pa med | gnas med ’ga pa ga l sri | dper na ri bong rwa dang mtshungs ||. 49 For the translation of lam du ’gro ba as ‘to be successful,’ see Schmidt 2003.

50 See the R am t ar, ff. 15–22b.

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(1213–1258), another important disciple of Rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje. Rgyal ba Yang dgon pa is the founder of the Yang dgon pa sub-school, which arose from the Stod ’brug pa.51 The Yang dgon pa ultimately produced the ’Ba’ ra Bka’ brgyud of ’Ba’ ra ba Rgyal mtshan dpal bzang (1310–1391).52 Thus, we can assume that Chos kyi rin chen was a ’Brug pa Bka’ brgyud pa master, even though we cannot know which one of the several sub-schools he belonged to.

As stated by Bryan J. Cuevas, it seems that “one of the earliest explicit references to the variety of bar do lineages prevalent in Tibet can be found in a thirteenth-century work by Yang dgon pa.”53 There, the master mentions at least fifteen separate traditions of instructional advice on bar do, and provides a list of eight distinct teaching-lineages. This list seems to be one of the earliest Tibetan classifications of bar do traditions in Tibet. Furthermore, in another work, Yang dgon pa sets out six individual bar do states which differs from the six presented in Mi la ras pa’s Song of the Golden Rosary. It appears that Yang dgon pa is closer to the Rnying ma tradition rather than the Bka’ brgyud one. According to Cuevas, Yang dgon pa’s different view of bar do states could be imputed to his studying with many teachers of several religious schools, and thus his version could be a synthesis of diverse traditions.54

The chos nyid bar do is missing in the part of Chos kyi rin chen’s rnam thar containing the bar do teachings. Indeed, during the 13th Century the

51 About Yang dgon pa and his sub-school, see Aris 1979: 181; Cuevas 2003: 56; Roerich 1949/53: 686, 688–91; Smith 2001: 45, 47, 48, 49; TBRC (P 5262); KGSPCM: 544–679.

52 See Smith 2001: 45.

53 Cuevas 2003: 46.

54 On this subject, see Cuevas 2003: 46–47, 56–57.

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Intermediate State of Reality was more familiar in the Rdzogs chen literature. Here is an excerpt of that part:55

Then, when external breathing has ceased, the following should be said: “You with such and such a name, at this point when [your] external breathing has ceased, the appearances of this life has come to an end, [but] the inner breath has not yet ceased and the appearances of the intermediate state (bar do) have not yet arisen, an awareness—called “Innate Gnosis, Luminous Mahāmudrā,” characterised by clarity and emptiness and similar to the orb of clear sky—would emerge nakedly and vividly once the energy winds and mind (rlung sems) have entered the Avadhūti (i.e. the Central Channel). Please recognise this!

Furthermore, for those who have practised the path, the mother[-like] and child[-like] luminosity would meet. Also for those who have not practised the path, the Natural Luminosity would emerge. Thus, abide in [the state of] meditative absorption single-pointedly and without distraction!

Moreover, abide clearly and vividly in the non-conceptual state of the indeterminate true nature (gshis), which is [found] empty [when] observed from without; empty [when] observed from within; free from manifoldness [when]

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55 Rnam t ar, 17a–b: de nas phyi dbugs cha pa’i tshe ’di skad brjod par bya ste | ming ’di zhes bya ba khyed phyi dbugs chad | tshe ’di’i snang ba ’ga s | nang dbug ma chad | bar do’i snang pa (sic) ma shar ba’i dus ’dir | rlu g sems dbu mar tshud pas | l cig skyes pa’i ye shes ’od gsal phyag rgya chen po zhes bya ba | shes pa gsal stong nam (17b) mkha’ dangs pa’i dkyil lta bu cig rjen l g ’byung pas | de ngo shes par mdzod | de ’ang lam nyams su blangs pa rnams la ’od gsal ma bu ’phrod cing | l m nyams su ma bl gs pa rnams la ’ang rang bzhin gyi ’od gsal ’char bas | ma yengs pa rtse cig [= gcig] tu mnyam par zhog mdzod | de ’ang phyi lta stongs [= stong] | nang ltas stong | phyi bltas [= ltas] spros pa dang bral | nang ltas spros pa dang bral | kha dog dbyibs su ma grub | dngos po dang mtshan mar ma zhen | skye ’gag [= ’gags] gnas gsum gyi stong zhi g | bshis ci yang ma yin pa l | blos cir yang mi ’dzin par | rtog med kyi ngang l gsal sing nge zhog mdzod | zhes brjod do ||. I am indebted to Professor Per Kvaerne for kindly discussing with me this difficult part of the text.

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observed from without; free from manifoldness [when] observed from within; devoid of colour and shape; detached from entities and [their] characteristics; and devoid of the three [processes of] arising, ceasing, and abiding—without grasping to anything [in any way].”

4. Conclusion

Through centuries Tibetan culture received a very sizable contribution from neighbour countries. In particular, Tibet welcomed Buddhist teachings, especially from India and, to a lesser degree, China. In all these countries, the literary genre of life-stories plays a very important role. In Tibet it has been used not only to give ordinary people a model to follow but also to give legitimacy to schools, lineages, masters, and so on. Some years ago, James Robinson proposed three ways to read a siddha’s life story: as history, as hagiography, as myth.56 Thus considering the significance of rnam thars, they should certainly be more studied in each and every aspect.

This paper does not claim to be an exhaustive study on nang gi rnam th r. It is instead an attempt to put emphasis on a very little known subject. My will was to present the examples of the creation of the Circle of Protection, Mahāmudrā and bar do practices and teachings contained in Kun spangs pa Chos kyi rin chen’s r am thar, with the final aim of underlining the particularity of the inner biographies. It is my hope that a systematic study of nang gi rnam th rs could contribute to expand further our knowledge of Tibetan literature.

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56 See Robinson 1996: 61.

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APPENDIX A: AN OUTLINE OF THE CONTENT OF KUN SPANGS CHOS KYI RIN CHEN’S RNAM THAR

- title (f. 1a) - homages to the masters of his lineage (ff. 1b–6b) - benediction (ff. 6b–8b) - creation of the circle of protection (ff. 8b–10a) - maṇḍala (ff. 10a–11b) - ma āmudrā songs (ff. 11b–13b) h

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- prayer on bar do (ff. 13b–14b) - bar do teachings based on Yang dgon pa’s instructions (ff. 15a–22b)

APPENDIX B: AN OUTLINE OF THE CONTENT OF THE

DKAR CHAG OF KUN SPANGS CHOS KYI RIN CHEN’S GSUNG ’BUM - title (f. 1a) - ma galācara a (f. 1b) - homages (ff. 1b–2b) - cosmogony of the world (f. 2b) - origin of mankind in Tibet (f. 2b) - life of Buddha Ṡākyamuni (ff. 2b–3a) - history of the arrival of Buddhism in Tibet (f. 3a) - spread of Buddhism in Tibet and mention of Rgod tshang pa and Spyil dkar

ba (f. 3a–b) - homage to the gsung ’bum’s sponsor, Ngag dbang Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan,

and his family (ff. 3b–4b) - index of the gsung ’bum of Kun spangs Chos kyi rin chen (f. 4b) - reference to the dkar chag’s author (f. 5a) - homages to the sponsors, and to Chos kyi rin chen (f. 5a) - ma galācara a (f. 5a) - place and date of writing (f. 5a)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Tibetan Sources

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