Enchanted Trees, Sacred Groves, and Forest Fairies:

A Sampling of Folk Beliefs Associated with Trees and Forests

Charles P. Castro

r ^ n ^ C M J j l ^ l h e n was the last time you have seen N * ^ ^ Gflfireflies? Don' t look now but I started w i t h <~i ^Q%rr2dii s rhetorical question to plug on the idea

- Jthat fireflies and the subject o f this essay, •> A, A A ^ J f o l k beliefs, have a number of things i n

common. First is that we don't see much of these two wonderful things anymore.

I n the case of fireflies, many bad things have happened to them: pollution in the air, for instance, then destruction of their habitat, disruption o f their life cycles, dwindling food sources. As for fo lk beliefs, same problems: pollution by intrusive technology, destruction o f the sites associated with their use, disruption of their fruitful existence by purveyors o f miseducation, diminishing number of believers/practitioners.

I also thought of fireflies because, just like much of our folk beliefs, they br ing nostalgia. They evoke images of those sweet yesteryears when, yes, grass was green and roses were red and you and I were young and alive and there was beauty in the twinkl ing stars and paradise could be found underneath the friendly neighbor's guava or mango trees. v

When.we get to see fireflies flickering and cavorting and swarming the way fireflies normally do atop some geriatric or flowering tamarind tree, we would believe among other things that they were the playmates of some supernormal friends. A n d , indeed, i f you were alone and brave and i n the middle o f the night stared closely and long enough, the myriad of f l ickering tiny lights would morph into an evanescent yet quite distinct figure, the likes of the outline perhaps of a long-haired maiden clad i n flowing white.

The author, a native of Nueva Vizcaya who new lives in Baguio City, is a forester currently taking graduate courses in development communication and environmental studies at UP Los Banos. He is currently employed as University Researcher at the Forestry Development Center.

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APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

Belief systems are windows we could use to review our history vis-a-vis the environment and natural resources •-and mend our currently destructive ways. For instance, they could indicate that their originators or earlier advocates, the early Filipinos, did have very deep respect and love for Mother Farth or Inang Kaiikasan.

WHY THE CONCERN FOR FOLK BELIEFS? 7*5^3Q5vfciere are still remnants of the notion that folk

beliefs and. related indigenous knowledge M . K« systems and practices (IKSP) have no

^ SjS scientific basis and are nothing but K; A A ASlguperstition or stupid concoctions fit for gullible dwellers in areas that have not been sufficiently reached by evangelizers, educators, and modernization. Increasingly, however, local as well as international agencies and institutions working in the environment and natural resources sector are showing keen interest on IKSP to which folk beliefs belong. In fact, the Rio Declaration explicitly calls for their respect and recognition. If this phenomenon means anything, it could only be the fact that we 're now realizing the immense value of this erstwhile ignored treasure trove of wisdom in improving all forms of life on Planet Earth and in increasing the chances for Planet Earth-itself to survive.

But the growing concern for IKSP may have come a little late. For one thing, these nuggets of wisdom are rapidly vanishing, quickly frittering away beyond our reach and far beyond the reach and enjoyment of our children. In other words, they are going... going... going.. . just like, well, the fireflies that formed magical moments in our youth: Doff t ask me why this snapshot appears biased for indigenous systems. I have been ruminating — or rather foraging — on belief systems and traditional practices for over a decade now, partly because of my inclinations as a leaf-lover and partly due to my involvement in social forestry and upland development. Among my distillations are the following:

Belief systems are windows we could use to review our history vis-a-vis the environment and natural resources — and mend our currently destructive ways. For instance', they could indicate that their originators or earlier advocates, the early Filipinos, did have very deep respect and love for Mother Earth or Inang Kaiikasan.

According to a pioneer of environmentalism in the Philippines, earlier F i l i p i n o s s u c h as the Ifugaos and the Kalingas of the Cordillera, the Maranaos and the Tausogs

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ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

of Mindanao, and the swidden cultures of Mindoro and Palawan — have developed systems of ecological adaptation to their environment and that some of these successful systems are still extant in the Philippines (Roque, 1988). "Tliese systems of use and management of natural resources were learned through empirical testing over centuries of trial and error. Wfiile most of these have no basis in theoretical science, their merits have been demonstrated by the stability of the ecosystems that they worked. However, the most important feature of these indigenous systems is their total integration with the political economy of the society. Vie system of use of natural resources has become an indistinguishable component of a seamless cultural fabric."

v Indigenous knowledge systems are pathways we

could try in our search for ways by which human beings could live in harmony with God's creation and not subdue or exploit nature for the sake of short-term material growth. They may be one golden key towards our finding solutions or powerful allies to minimize, retard, forestall, ward off, or even annihilate humanity's emerging nightmares, ranging from widespread famine and starvation to loss of species and biodiversity, to dying lakes and drying rivers, to destruction of the ozone layer, to acid rain.... " Indigenous people in every tropical forest region have developed traditions of forest restoration, and management but such traditional practices'have not yet been systematically examined as a basis for sustainable development by growing populations, let alone a promising tool for conservation. The loss of such cultural knowledge could prove as costly as the loss of plant or animal species," (Wolf, 1987)

Indigenous knowledge systems are reminders that indeed ordinary folks are also capable of extraordinary ideas and, along with their hinterland homes, can no longer be considered as unattractive backseat passengers in nation-building. And their continued presence may just be a blessing for us who have learned to forget that conscientious scientists, academicians, researchers, development workers, and policy-makers have much to learn from them. As the World Conservation Strategy (IUCN, 1980) puts it: "Rural communities often have profound and detailed knowledge of the ecosystems and

Indigenous knowledge systems are pathways we could try in our search for ways by which human beings could live in harmony with God's creation and not subdue or exploit nature for the sake of short-term material growth. They maybe one

golden key towards our finding solutions humanity's nightmares, ranging from widespread famine and . starvation to loss of species and biodiversity, to dying lakes and drying rivers, to destruction of the ozone layer, to acid rain....

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A P P L I C A T I O N O F I K S fN S U S T A I N A B L E U P L A N D D E V E L O P M E N T

Cultural beliefs and practices are answers of rural people to lack of government attention, the dearth of extension workers, the inaccessibility of development programs, the scarcity of friendly NGOs, and the Manila-centric nature of many environmental advocates.

species with which they are in contact and effective ways of ensuring they are used sustainably. Even when a community is growing in numbers and is clearly destroying a part of its environment, it should not be assumed that all this knowledge has disappeared or become invalid or that the traditional ways of regulating use have atrophied."

Cultural beliefs and practices are answers of rural people, the barriotic or sitiotic folks, and even the Baroks and the Bartolas in the boondocks, to lack of government attention, the dearth of extension workers, the inaccessibility of development programs, the scarcity of friendly NGOs, the Manila-centric nature of many environmentalists. These bodies Of knowledge, largely related to the natural environment, are highly adaptive for human-environment interactions and they often play critical roles in determining behavioral patterns that, in turn, affect, modify, and regulate many interactions within the human ecosystem. In the words of an anthropologist (Lovelace, 1988) who helped reorient people-focused forestry programs at the FAO: "Belief systems help human societies understand the world in which they dwell as well as other worlds they may believe to exist, and help account for each society's position and its members' roles with respect to these worlds. Beliefs and the ideas, emotions, and motivations that they generate often serve as important stimuli for a wide range of human behavior that directly or indirectly affects the environment. Beliefs affect how humans position and organize themselves within, and with respect to, the landscape. Tlicy also affect human decisions to exploit, and how, when, and to what degrees these should be occupied or exploited."

WHAT WE HAVE

t me take you down memory lane....to what pes of tree-associated or forest-related folk

eliefs used to be with us or at least within ur reach. A few words of caution though:

jFirst, depending on which side of the fence you stand, some of them may be outright

funny. Some ridiculous. Some naive, some even seemingly stupid. And yet, some are also ingenious. Some are products of common sense. Some are very useful. Some are very wise and wonderful.

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ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

I listed five categories to classify our listing of the belief systems: 1) belief in the Divine presence, 2) belief in sacred sites, 3) belief in critical hours, 4) belief in haunted places, and 5) belief in unfit or disfavored trees.

1. Belief in the Divine Presence In many forest communities, the Divine is often seen as a pervasive, diffuse spirit present throughout the cosmos, the earth, and natural phenomena. This belief is very common throughout Southeast Asia, particularly among tribal societies. It has led many people to view or perceive nature not as a raw material for human consumption to be manipulated in whatever way people choose but as an entity filled with spirit presence and, as such, must be respected.

Among the T'boli of Mindanao, McDonagh (1986) reports that "each river, tree or mountain has its own spirit." And just like the American Indians of yesteryears, much of the T'boli religious ritual is thus geared to pleasing or appeasing such spirits. The people are intent on attracting the blessings of the good spirits and warding off destruction from the evil ones. "Cosmic phenomena like eclipses, and natural destructive phenomena like earthquakes and typhoons, are seen as punishment for encroaching on the domain of the spirits by altering the natural world significantly." In such cases, even the simple matter of cutting down a tree demands the appropriate rituals to recognize the rights of the spirit world.

In a similar vein, June Prill-Brett (1986) tells that Bontok villagers view their Cordillera land as a gift from the entutong-cho ("the one in the highest"). To them land is the source of all life: "It belongs to no one or to everyone." Thus they have reverence for it. "The luta (soil) is invoked during oath-swearing rituals (sapata) whenever a person is ' accused of, a crime where there are no witnesses and the spirits of the dead are invoked to witness and punish the wrongdoer."

Some years back, I happened to join a hiking trip to the second highest mountain of the Philippines, Mount Rulog in Kabayan, Benguet. In one tiny village on the way

APPLICATION OF IKS m SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

Among the T'boli of Mindanao, "each river, tree or mountain has its own spirit. "Andjust like the American Indians of yesteryears, much of the T'boli religious ritual is thus geared to pleasing or

v appeasing such spirits. The people are intent on attracting the blessings of the good spirits and warding off destruction from the evil ones.

up, our group of Manila- and Baguio-based mountain enthusiasts (or ecotourists,.if you may) was admonished by an elderly Kalanguya who spoke in Ilocano: "Mapankayu ngem pangngaasiyu ta dikayu aglalaaw" (Go but please don't make noise). The mountain, the senior uplander said, is home to the Igorot god Kabunian and desecrating it may bring untoward incidents to the climbers as well as to the adjoining upland communities.

In her book, Peasants in the Hills, Violeta Lopez-Gonzaga (1983) described why, unlike most migrant damu-ong (lowlanders) whose land-speculation and cattle ranching have pushed the indigenous people of Mindoro to take refuge in the remote uplands of the island, Buhid Mangyan swidden cultivators have not been so keen on exploiting vast areas of Mindoro's forest lands for their subsistence. According to her, the Buhid consider land as "mostly a free and unlimited good to be extracted from the forest, but they use it with restraint and deference to the complex of spiritual powers that traditionally dominate the Buhid's universe."

Among such spiritual forces is one that has human attributes, the afu-daga. This spirit is thought to have direct control of the Buhid world and his acts are manifest in physically observable phenomena such as soil erosion (believed to be the result of the spirit's own swiddening activities) and earthquakes or floods (believed to be afu-daga's expression of wrath over man's failure to uphold the moral order). Though the afu-daga may be infuriated, the Buhid still conceive of him as their turok (literally "support post"), believed to be capable of dispensing good to people and withholding duwat, that is, anything that is bad, wicked, destructive, or upsetting the balance of the Buhid's physical universe such as starvation, war, sickness, or death.

2. Belief in Sacred Sites This category is similar to the belief in Divine presence but refers more to places considered as taboo. In this case, the areas m question are utilized for special purposes pr occasions only and unwarranted intrusions may invite the ire of lesser but still quite powerful spirits or deities dwelling in them.

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E N C H A N T E D T R E E S , S A C R E D G R O V E S , AND F O R E S T F A I R I E S

Prill-Brett (1986) says that among the Bontok, specific localities within the village territory are considered sacred. One is thepapatayan ("where sacrifices are offered"), a group of pine trees above the village where rice cultivation rituals are performed on village rest days. The guardian spirits of the village who reside here communicate a prognosis on village welfare through the butchering of sacrificial animals and the reading of their bile sacs and gall bladders. Cutting trees or even branches from diis site, Prill-Brett says, is punishable by fines and supernatural sanction, the latter usually invoked.

Also located above the village, she says, is a sacred grove for weather ceremonies (peray). "Whenever storms hit the village with winds strong enough to damage rice crops, a ceremony is performed at this site by the village

\ hereditary priest (pumapatay). This ceremony is believed to stop the strong winds and calm the storm." A third sacred grove is located above the entrance of the village, and this is for feast of merit and fertility (chuno), provided to the village by upper-ranking families.

In certain parts of Northeastern Thailand, there is a similar belief in village guardian spirits. Rathakette et ai. (1985) wrote of the belief in the existence of the phi pu ta spirits in certain wooded areas. "// is considered taboo to exploit, modify, or remove anything fromsuch sacred groves. Not even a leaf litter could be taken away and neither grazing nor hunting is permitted. Ignoring the taboo invites supernatural punishment by ghosts and other nefarious deities, and disaster is believed to ensue. Unintentional breaking of the prohibition requires the guilty to expiate the moral crime by requesting a diviner to K

conduct special prayers and offerings to the spirit ancestors." The authors say that prohibiting the exploitation of such areas resulted in the preservation and protection of many undisturbed patches of forest vegetation in various parts of Northeast Thailand.

Among the Buhid Mangyan, certain forest groves, unusual tree formations, and burial sites, frequently in tiie densest part of the forest, are rigorously avoided both for swiddening and settlement (Lopez-Gonzaga, 1983). It is believed that human encroachment on these areas would unleash the maleficient forces.

The belief in the presence of the Divine in wooded areas is very common throughout Southeast Asia, particularly among tribal societies. It has fed many people to view or perceive nature not as a raw material for human consumption to be manipulated in whatever way people choose but as an entity filled with spirit presence and, as such, must be respected.

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APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

In addition to wooded areas and springs, there are other sites considered to have sacred or ethnically vital associations and are therefore left relatively unmolested by indigenous people. These include mountain peaks, tribal hunting grounds, places of worship, tribal boundaries, and sites where sacrificial food and drink are offered to ancestor spirits.

I recently had the privilege of conversing with Yaom Sumbad (one of the key actors in Lopez-Gonzaga's book cited earlier). He confirmed the existence of such practice not only among the Buhid but also among the other Mangyan groups in Mindoro.M/tg Ubingang Mangyan'ay sari-sari. Merong ilalagay'sa puno na di abot ng hay op at hinahayaang maagnas. Meron ding binabakuran. Sa mga Hanunoo, ililibing at pagkatapos ng anim na buwan huhukayin at dadalhin sa kuweba."

The Buhid leader also revealed that sacred sites are not confined to forests. He warned that forest spirits also dwell in springs: "Ang paniniwala namin sa taong-gubat, yung di nakikita, ay nandoon din sila sa triga bukal. Ang sabi ay huwag umihi o twnae sa bukal. At magpasintabi ka sa kanila. Tabi-tabi! Makikiraan... Kung iihian o taehan mo ang mga ito, ang mangyayari ay babalikan ka nila at magkakasakit ang ari mo." (Yaom Sumbad, pers. comm., 1995)

In addition to wooded areas and springs, there are other sites considered to have sacred or ethnically vital associations and are therefore left relatively unmolested by indigenous people. These include mountain peaks, tribal hunting grounds, places of worship, tribal boundaries, and sites where'.sacrificial food and drink are offered to ancestor spirits. In Abra, the Banao, Gubang, and Mabaka tribal people maintain what they call lapat which are either forests where no human activities are to be done or streams where no fishing is allowed (Bernard Balansi and Jeremias Tiggangay, pers. comm., 1995). The lapat is said to be an age-old practice in Abra as well as in the adjoining province of Apayao to limit.irresponsible use of natural resources (see Box 1).

In Barlig, Mountain Province, terrace farmers consider it taboo to convert kaka-iw (ancestral woodlots) and hunting grounds into payyu (ricefields) no matter how suitable these wilderness areas are for growing rice (Delia Fiadchongan-Castro, pers. comm., 1995). This respect is the same as that accorded to family burial sites which are often located in steep slopes.

ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

Box 1 ISNEGS DECLARE LAPAT TO CONSERVE NATURAL RESOURCES

by Candido J. Tuscano

THE FIRST strains of the Apayao hymn which was written and composed by Dr. Maryann A. Soriano read:

Verdant are your mountains How bountiful your fields and plains Full of life your rivers clear O Apayao, we hold you dear. r

The hymn aptly describes the serene beauty and pristine environment of the province of Apayao as well as her bountiful natural resources.

The people of Apayao, particularly the Isnegs, have continued to nurture and conserve their resources which for generations have provided them most, i f not all, of their basic needs.

The Isnegs are the dominant or major ethno-ILnguistic group in the province who have,tilled the land and nurtured its resources following the traditional rules and laws which ha^e kept such resources as bountiful as ever. One of these rules was to declare any resource as aqapaty'

According to Ramon C. Basan, a former mayor of Kabugao, the capital of ApSyao, and the Provincial Tribal Chieftain who, at the age of 84, is the oldest living Isneg in Kabugao, lapat

— : ) literally means a territory declared to conserve the resources within. It is a culture of the Isnegs usually practiced when a member of the family dies.

Basan related that during the burial, the dead person's family declares a creek, river, forest, or fruit tree and others as their lapat for one year or a maximum of two years.

=) When any of these places has been declared as lapat, nobody is allowed to catch fish, gather forest products, and hunt wildlife or pick fruits until the period of the lapat lapses. Anybody caught fishing, gathering forest products and hunting wildlife in the area is punished in accordance with the culture.

The venerable Basan said the violators of the lapat wil l be meted out a dusa (penalty) or fine which consists of not less than PI,000 or any material of value such as gusi Oar) or blanket the value of which should not be less than PI ,000.

According to Basan, during the lapat period, the species in the area declared as lapat increased in population, hence these species are conserved. Thus, the population of the species remained at sustainable levels.

This traditional practice of the Isnegs helped conserve the environment and natural resources / in the area.

After the lapat period, Basan said, a ritual followed wherein the lapat sign will be taken down. But not anybody — not even the members of the family — can just remove the lapat sign. Basan said the concerned family wi l l hire somebody to do that — usually a brave warrior who is known to have killed a person before.

During the ceremony, the warrior wi l l have to inform the people how many persons he had killed and where, so that they will know i f he was fit to remove the lapat sign and to declare that the resources therein may again be used by the family.

The warrior and the family wi l l share in the expenses for the .celebration which normally consisted of the butchering of animals, playing of gongs, and dancing.

The w.hole community is invited to join the celebration. For the traditional dance, only those to be selected by the warrior can join in. After all the rituals, the warrior and a member of the family shall embrace in front of the people to signal the end of the lapat.

Once the lapat has ended, the family can now use the resources for their needs. Old man Basan said that the lapat is a very important cultural practice which should be

practised by more people because it is very effective in conserving and preserving the resources and environment in Apayao.

[Source: Baguio Midland Courier, Vol. XLIX, No. 39, Sept. 29, 1996]

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APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

"Ang paniniwala namin sa taorig-gubat, yung di nakikita, aynandoon din si/a sa mga bukal. Ang sabi ay huwag umihi o tumae sa bukal. At magpasintabi ka sa kanila. Tabi-tabi! Makikiraan... Kung iihian o taehan mo ang mga ito, ang mangy ay an ay babalikan ka nila at magkakasakit ang ari mo." —Yaom Sumbad, Mangyan leader

3. Belief in Critical Hours

Many rural communities in the Philippines consider certain times of the day — usually high noon and twilight as sacred and/or critical. During such hours, it is taboo to go outdoors, build a fire in the fields, or engage in noisy and vigorous activities. The belief is that spirits are active and prone to doing harm to human beings during such times.

I recall how in my boyhood days in Dupax del Sur, Nueva Vizcaya, old women restrained us hyper-kinetic boys from doing raucous outdoor activity and using our slingshots during agmatuon (literally "time when the sun is directly overhead"). The fear is that we kids would harm or be harmed by the marmarna (roving spirits) or the di- . makitkita (unseen beings) who are believed to roam aplenty at high noon. I 'm not sure i f such a belief was intentionally nurtured to ensure peaceful and worry-free siesta for the hispanized farm folk. What I now do know is that, at least in my case, many a bayyek (tadpole) in the carabao pond, many a tuwwato (dragonfly) along the mountain trail, many a pirruka (Philippine bulbul) in the bignay tree, and many a Y-shaped guava twig in the bangkag (vegetable farm) have been spared from some naughty kids' itchy hands due to their mothers' enforcement.of "curfew" precisely during such hours when the invitations of the kite-friendly wind in the meadow and the dalag and bukto in the crystal-clear river and the softness of the carpet of grass in the hills and the cicadas atop the fruit-laden trees would be at their most irresistible pitch!

Such prohibitions would be observed most during Lenten season or thereabouts. Thus, no matter how terribly taunting — nay, seducing — were the love calls'of the alimuken (wild dove) or the kilyawan (oriole) or even the despised tsakuk (cuckoo), the good boys among us had to make do with our share of husking the corn, shelling the peanuts, drying the tobacco leaves, baby-sitting kid sisters, or shooing away the neighbor's hen and her dozen chicks from ruining the newly sown tomato seeds. I f we happened to be in the uma (upland farm) or in the ricefieids, we would be expected to have taken the carabaos to their favorite mudhole or bamboo-shaded "parking lot" by then. Then we would join the old folks in the kalapaw (farm hut) to while away the witching hour often by nursing one's

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ENCHANTED TREES, S A C R E D GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

leech bites or squeezing out kwantung spines lodged in somebody else's unlucky foot. All the while, we would be forced to listen to a litany of parently reminders (almost always with reference to our Olympian slingshot skills) the likes of: Why don't you go after the uwak (crow) that . raided the ripe papaya and the banana instead of the meatless, harmless and sweet-singing sitsitik (sunbird)? Why not'go pull the barsanga (a weed) or bain-bain (makahiya) off the upland rice in the uma instead of combing the cogon hills all day for pugo (quail) nests? And why not learn how to make ratna (fish trap) or weave pasiking (rattan backpack) instead of challenging the kids in the ballasiw (other side of the river)?

The same curfew would be imposed at dusk when the night cicadas start to sing and it is time to inventory the chickens up in the tamarind or caimito trees and to kindle the earthen stoves for supper. In case we needed to go out to urinate or to dump rubbish in the abandoned tupig pit, we would caution the spirits by saying "bari-bari...," "kayu-kayo..." or "tabi-tabi...." And when we would eat outdoors at noon or at night, we would remember to invite the unseen beings by saying "Mangantayo, apo..." -od'.erwise we would contract stomach ache or some such trouble.

Prill-Brett (1986) relates a similar belief in critical hours among the Bontok Igorot: "Tixere are designated times of the day, from 11 AM to noon and from 5:30 PM to 6:30 PM, that are believed to be dangerous for walking mountain trails. These designated times are dusk and the hottest part of the day, times when malevolent spirits that push people over the mountainsides are believed to be roaming around." Beliefs like these, Prill-Brett says, a i t based on "the assumption that for activities there is a proper time and place to be observed and respected in order to be in harmony with the supernatural beings in the area. The said belief is the Bontok's way of structuring their relationships with the environment, since.they perceive themselves to be sharing the land with these supernatural beirigs who hold them responsible for the stewardship of the land.

retrospect, it would appear now that many forest areas have been spared from despoliation as a positive

The belief in critical hours is the Bontok's way of structuring their relationships with the environment, since they perceive themselves to be sharing the land with these supernatural beings who hold them responsible for the stewardship of the land.

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A P P L I C A T I O N O F I K S IN S U S T A I N A B L E U P L A N D D E V E L O P M E N T

Rural communities still harbor tales of groves and fields and other spots that are best avoided because of the ugly and sinister deities believed to dwell in them. Many geriatric trees and patches of wilderness areas have thus been spared until recently from the logger's ax or from land speculators because of such belief systems.

result of the reprieve brought about by such belief in sacred or critical hours. I f summed over the years, those seemingly insignificant idle times would have otherwise been used for frenetic activity of chopping trees, making kaingin, hunting, poaching, and grassland burning, among other forms of forestland use. In the pine forests of the Cordillera in particular, the forbidden noonday walks on mountain trails would have otherwise caused a lot of forest fires.

4. Belief in Haunted Places

One can easily dismiss the age-old belief in ghosts, spirits and supernatural beings as figments Of imagination made tenable by generation after generation of telling and retelling as bedtime stories for children. But as it is, rural communities still harbor tales of groves and fields and other spots that are best avoided because of the ugly and sinister deities believed to dwell in them. Many geriatric trees and patches of wilderness areas have thus been spared until recently from the logger's ax or from land speculators because of such belief systems.

In his book Boyhood in Monsoon Country, the . essayist Maximo D. Ramos (1975) gave a list of the more popular creatures said to dwell in trees in the rural areas of Zambales. One is the kai-baan who is said to look like a three-year-oid child, has a fair skin and a treasure of long hair "flowing like corn silk," and chooses the bagbagutot shrub {Phyllanthus reticulatus) as its favorite abode. This fellow is said to be a generous friend but quite vindictive when harmed by careless folk. It is believed to be capable of causing sore eyes, a wry mouth, and black and blue spots on the skin.

Also mentioned by Ramos are the agbarbarangay who sail the air in fleets at night, and anchor their boats to the top of large trees. They are said to invite whoever is brave enough to go for a ride and the medium would then be told specific wild roots or herbs to cure the village's common diseases, after which he would be left up in the tree where his folks would find him peacefully asleep the next day.

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ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

Other creatures Ramos described are the pugot (also called lanib or kapre), the santilmo, the agkarkarison, and a headless black creature that could assume a variety of sizes, from that of an infant to a giant the size of a big tree. " These beings are said to do nothing but evil. TJie moment a man trespassed their haunts they would try to frighten him out of his wits, or sometimes they would carry him up to the crotch of the tree they lived in and kill or leave him there."

For precautions against these tree-dwelling evil beings, Ramos Says the best thing to do is never to get near, much less touch, big trees with oblong leaves such as the balete (Ficus balete) or the bangar {Sterculia foetida) or the bulala, for these are the domicile of the kapre and pugot. "The same prohibition holds for any termite mound where a blade of grass never grows and a fallen leaf never lingers. Such a mound is certain to be the footstool of the pugot or lanib. It is also the favorite entrance and egress of the dwarfs into and out of their underground world."

Ramos also pictured the sinanlakay and sinanbaket, semblances of an old man and an old woman, respectively. He said they are demons garbed in black clothes and haunted trees near cemeteries or deserted lots grown over with shrubs and trees. The old man is said to sometimes wear a soutane and is thus called sinampade, or semblance of a priest.

Don't get the impression though that tree-dwelling spirits are the monopoly of Ilocano-speaking provinces. A more recent book by the same author, The Creatures of Midnight (Ramos, 1990), lists about 85 such creatures. The said creatures are scattered throughout the Philippine archipelago and a number have Ilocano as well as Tagalog, Zambal, Pangasinan, Ibanag, Dikol, Tausug, Visayan, and Zamboangan names. Interestingly, except for those believed to dwell in aquatic ecosystems, majority of the creatures inventoried by Ramos have somediing to do with trees or forests.

The belief in benevolent and maleficient spirits dwelling in nature -- in trees, rocks, streams, forests, and mountains — is also said to be strong among the Manuvu (Manobo) people of Central Mindanao. In an essay, the

The belief in benevolent and maleficient spirits dwelling in nature -• in trees, rocks, streams, forests, and mountains •• is also said to be strong among the Manuvu (Manobo) people of Central Mindanao.

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APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

In the remote upland villages of Mankayan-, Benguet, people take precautions when they get near certain big rocks and deep portions of mountain streams. Such places are believed to be guarded by a tumungaw (unseen dweller) or a pinten, respectively. In the case of big rocks, you must refrain from touching them. For the deep ban-aw, you must first gently warn the resident pinten by throwing pebbles on the water before you dip or swim.

anthropologist E. Arsenio Manuel (1977) wrote that the Manuvu have this belief due to their pervasive faith in the "duality of existence", that is, of the physical body and the spiritual double. The Manuvu also believe in superior gods and lesser deities who dwell in the skyworld and the earthworld and whose favors are sought for success in agricultural work, fishing, hunting, recovery from illness, or protection and victory in war.

In the remote upland villages of Mankayan, Benguet, people take precautions when they get near certain big rocks and deep portions of mountain streams (Michael Dapdapig, pers. com., 1995). Such places are believed to be guarded by a tumungaw (unseen dweller) or a pinten, respectively. In the case of big rocks, you must refrain from touching them. For the deep ban-aw, you must first gently warn the resident pinten by throwing pebbles on the water before you dip or swim.

Curiously, among today's relatively urbanized Filipinos, the belief in haunted areas still exists -- yes, even in what Sylvia Mayuga (1995) has termed the "stunted, monoxide-coated trees of Manila." A case in point is Balete Drive in Quezon City which, in addition to its actual line of balete trees, is said to be occasionally avoided by motorists especially on moonlit nights because of a "white lady" who becomes one's surprise passenger but later disappears when confronted.'In" Jalajala, Rizal, the barangay folks of Pagkalinawan talk of their avoiding a mountain spring in the upper reaches of the village. This is because the place is believed to be haunted by spirits who have the power to increase or decrease the volume of water flowing out of the spring when provoked (Daylinda Cabanilla, pers. com., 1988).

Somewhere in the northern edge of Narvacan, • Ilocos Sur, is a hill called Bantay Tirad. Franklin Cabaluna (1977) writes that on the hill's slopes are luxuriant grasslands where deer and other game abound and where deep and perpetually gushing springs attract animals seeking watering holes. Townsfolk, especially hunters, are reportedly wary of the place - thus for a time resulting in its pristine state — because it is believed to be inhabited by nymphs and other enchanted creatures.

E N C H A N T E D T R E E S , S A C R E D G R O V E S , AND F O R E S T F A I R I E S

More recently, there have been accounts of "mysterious coincidences" in the Dolores, Quezon part of Mount Banahaw related to the electrification plans for Kinabuhayaft, a famous pilgrimage site largely kept serene tree-covered and tourist-attractive by members of the Samahan Tres Persona Solo Dios (Mayuga, 1995). These mysteries include the effective intercession of the DENR in the environmentalist people's protest against the cutting of trees by Meralco to pave the way for posts and power cables — after going to court and other such legal means of seeking redress proved futile:

This is not the first time, however, that such phenomena occurred. Mayuga cited an account recorded in Fr. Vicente Marasigan's Banahaw Guru: Symbolic Deeds of Agapito Illustrisimo: "In 1940... an increasing number of pilgrims and excursionists to Kinabuhayan spring had begun to show commercial possibilities that tempted a business syndicate well connected with the municipal and provincial governments to plan a swimming pool resort around the spring of resurrection. Tres Persona, technically squatters on national park land, would have to go. Suddenly the spring dried up and returned after the plan was abandoned, flowing until 28 years later when the old plan was resurrected. Again, the same thing happened. TJtat last time was 1968.... Since then, government and big business have left Kinabuhayan pretty much alone, even when 7,283 hectares of Banahaw watershed were handed

. over to NAPOCOR management by Marcos' P.D. 1111, creating the Makiling-Banahaw Geothermal Reservation in the energy crisis of the mid-70s."

5. Belief in Unfit or Disfavored Trees

In addition to balete trees and their haunted relatives, there are certain species that are left unmolested where they are for one reason or another. The unwitting in situ preservation of these plants has certainly helped keep the micro-environment of other trees, including the birds, insects, and other wildlife that they harbor, in top form. In many senses then, the belief is a boon for advocates of biodiversity conservation, the protection of rare or Uireatened flora and fauna, and the maintenance of wilderness areas to serve as refuge and feeding sites for wildlife as well as source of planting materials for forest regeneration or rehabilitation efforts.

There have been accounts of "mysterious coincidences" in Mount Banahaw reiated to the electrification plans for Kinabuhayan, a famous pilgrimage site largely kept serene, tree-covered and tourist-attractive by members of the Samahan Tres Persona Solo Dios. These mysteries

include the effective intercession of the DENR in the environmentalist people's protest against the cutting of trees by Meralco --after legal means of seeking redress proved futile.

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APPLICATION OP IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

For obvious reasons, the most avoided trees in the Philippines are the century-old trees. They may be acacia trees (Albizia saman), mangoes (Mangifera indica), tamarinds (Tamarindus indicus), or kalumpang (Sterculia foetida). They are avoided not as trees per se but because of their big, gnarled shapes, believed to be an indicator that some spirits dwell in them. If these trees happen to be • found in cemeteries or in the patio of Spanish-period churches, the more people become wary of them.. No one would normally lay the ax or the chainsaw on their trunks, and neither would one volunteer to be left alone under their boughs at night (see Box 2).

In the coastal towns of Western Pangasinan, for instance, unmarried women are cautioned not to get near big mango trees especially i f they are unescorted and i f the trees are laden with fruit. The trees are said to be the hideouts of the pugot, a male supernatural being that has a strong penchant for courting women and waylaying them for several days (Dante Pecson, pers. comm., 1990). Similarly avoided in the area are the mabolo trees {Diospyros philippinensis), believed to harbor hideous beings called lampong.

Box 2 PHILIPPINE TREES BELIEVED TO BE HAUNTED

LOCAL NAME • SCIENTIFIC NAME

Acacia, Akasya, Raintree Albizia saman (formerly Samanea saman)

Achuete, Appatot, Anatto Dixa orellana

Balete, Strangler Fig Ficus baleie

Bangar (Ilocano), Kalumpang (Tagalog) Sterculia foetida

Binuang Octomeles sumatrana

Bitaog, Palo Maria Callophyllum innophyllum

Bulala Nephelium philippinensis

Mabolo, Kamagong Diospyros phitipphiensis

Manggn, Mango Mangifera indica

Narra Pterocarpus indicus

Sampaiok, Salamagi, Tamarind Tamarindus indicus

Tuai, Tiwwi Biscofia javanica

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• E N C H A N T E D T R E E S , S A C R E D G R O V E S , AND F O R E S T F A I R I E S

In the more remote upland villages of Mankayan, Benguet, residents are wary of the tiwwi trees {Biscofia javanica). People are cautioned not to cut the species or even urinate, under them lest the tumungaw wi l l be offended and wil l bring harm to the guilty. There have been persistent accounts of trespassers getting i l l and freed from the tumungaw's punishment only after their kin offered chicken and blankets (Michael Dapdapig, pers. comm.,

, 1995). This probably explains why in many parts of the /Cordilleras you get to see a number of large broad-leaved

/ trees standing tall over the needle-leafed pine trees - many L—of them are tiwwi saved by people's belief in tree-residing

spirits.

The presence of fireflies in trees, be they young or old, has also proved useful in protecting precious patches of trees. In many towns I've been to, fireflies have become indicators not only of the presence of unpolluted air but also of the existence of powerful spirits. Any tree that flickers with fireflies at night almost always becomes a candidate for exemption from the ax of cautious loggers. This is because of the popular belief that fireflies are associated with fairies (diwata), enchantresses (enkantada), and other supernatural beings. Trees harboring these luminescent beetles are thus consciously avoided. Even their adjoining vegetation or the smaller trees and shrubs under them are also often included as part of the taboo for tree harmers. At times too, birds, lizards and other animals dwelling in them are secured from undue harm.

There are, of course, certain trees that are spared by loggers not because of the belief in the supernatural but more because of the allegedly "bad" characteristics that such trees have. For example, in some parts of Mindanao, particularly Agusan, visitors would still be treated to sights of giant trees (over 100 centimeters in diameter and taller than the tallest coconut palms) standing as lone sentinels along the highway or in the middle of flat fields. These trees are cajled toog (Combretodendron quadrialatum). They were unwittingly left as evidence of Mindanao's glorious past as timber country not so much for the logger's adherence to some belief systems but because such trees belong to die "unfit" or "unwanted" category. The toog trees are said to contain certain substances that would easily dull and/or bring rust to the ax or saw, not to mention die wood's toughness against ordinary carpentry tools.

The presence of fireflies in trees, be they young or old, has proved useful in protecting precious patches of trees. Fireflies have become indicators not only of the presence of unpolluted air but also of the existence of powerful spirits. Any tree that flickers with fireflies at night almost always becomes a candidate for exemption from the axe of loggers, because of the belief that fireflies are associated with fairies and other supernatural beings.

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A P P L I C A T I O N O F I K S IN S U S T A I N A B L E U P L A N D D E V E L O P M E N T

Another local example exists among firewood gatherers in Dupax del Sur, Nueva Vizcaya. In this case, trees belonging to the plant family Leeaceae and called ang-ang in Ilocano and mali-mali in Tagalog are classified as "reject" species. People who cut and bring them home for firewood are ridiculed because the wood brings nothing but ash and smoke. Worse, they are said to cause kettles and clay pots to break. In certain parts of Kalinga and Apayao, firewood gatherers are also cautioned from getting certain trees whose wood would cause rice to be spoiled easily and sometimes bring out poisonous smoke (Henry Aliten, pers. comm., 1995).

In Thailand, a group of Khon Kaen University researchers led by Dr. Pagarat Rathakette (1985) did an inventory of trees considered as "unfit" or "disfavored" among local wood users. The trees thus listed were: • Po (Ficus religiosa) — This species is the most sacred

tree in the eyes of Buddhists; it is thus considered sacrilegious to cut it.

• Kabok (Irvingia malayana) — This tree's local name means "not fulfilled"; its use is believed to cause poverty in the family.

• Poey {Irvingia species) — A bitter-tasting tree, this is believed to bring bitterness in life to the family that uses it. The local name means "naked" and it may thus bring nothingness or emptiness to its users.

• ai {Ficus- species) — Considered parasitic, this tree is said to lead its users to become dependent upon others for their living.

• Ma Moung Paa {Mangifera indica) — This is the mango tree; the use of its wood for housing is believed to bring bad luck and illness to tire house-owner.

• Loem {Canarium subulatum) — This tree is said to bring bad luck and illness to its,users.

Just like the belief of many rural people in the Philippines, the Thai also consider any standing tree that has been hit by lightning as a symbol of very bad luck. Thus, such a tree is not used, regardless of its species or wood quality. In some cases too, the place where such a lightning victim stands is avoided for fear that lightning may strike again.

In like manner, and also similar to the Philippines, the Thai regard trees growing in burial grounds as belonging to the dead and are thus left unmolested.

ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

WHAT WE CAN GET FROM FOLK B E L I E F S

(heir existence and inspiring presence amidst Jthe onslaught of civilization, so-called, may Uready be enough reason for just letting folk )eliefs and their practitioners be at peace

Iwhere they are. But since we live in a troubled world whose inhabitants constantly need reminders to behave properly, folk beliefs and practices may have practical uses outside their original spheres. Here are a few possible areas where they may find utilitarian niches:

• Maintenance of small-scale forest ecosystems. • Establishment and/or maintenance of nature sites,

wilderness areas, mini parks. • Conservation of wildlife, indigenous trees and other

plants, biological diversity.' • Promotion of ecological tourism, nature appreciation,

nature-focused fieldtrips. • Improvement of community-based natural resource

management programs. • Building support for forest conservation. • Establishment of buffer zones, social fences for

protected areas. • Teaching youth about Nature, wildlife, flora,

ecosystems, people-land relations. \ * • . Serving as islands of hope in the search for ways to

save the biosphere and reform man's destructive attitude towards Mother Nature and the environment.

• R&D activities related to forestry, agriculture, health, nutrition, medicine.

WHAT WE COULD DO

The question we may ask now is what to do next. Put simply,,what shall we do when we all go out? Some off-the-sleeve recommendations:

1. Let's have a roll call of the folk beliefs and other IKSP diat we have. Definitely there are a lot more exciting ones to discover or re-discover out there. The idea is to know where they are, what areas or concerns do they cover, and how may we use and protect them. It would

The idea of cataloguing indigenous knowledge systems and practices is not to expose them to GATT and to scheming bio-prospectors, patent-seekers or plagiarists both local and foreign but rather to determine how many of them are existing, what or who is bothering them, and what we can do to protect them. We cannot conserve or even love what we don't know.

APPLICATION OF IKS IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

If we intend to do something good for the folk beliefs and other indigenous knowledge systems and practices, let's do it quick. Even as we make blah-blah-blah here about the merits and demerits of such systems, for all we know they may be gone before you and I can even get to know they ever existed.

be fine to do a catalogue, complete with illustrations of how they look like or how they operate. The idea here is not to expose diem, to GATT and to scheming bio-prospectors, patent-seekers or plagiarists both local and foreign but rather to determine how many of them are existing, what or who is bothering them, and what we can do to protect therm We cannot conserve or even love what we don't know.

2. Let's form a network of IKSP advocates. I f possible let tins linkage be a real wide net of relevant individuals and organizations... people who value trees and forests and other nature sites not for the material things they offer but more for the aesthetic, spiritual and other such higher levels of satisfaction that One could get from them. But more important, let such a network work. There's a real big job to do in convincing people and agencies to respect IKSP and to integrate some in their policies, programs and decision-making activities.

3. I f we intend to do something good for the folk beliefs and other IKSP, let's do it quick. Even as we make blah-blah-blah here about the merits and demerits of such systems, for all we know they may be gone before you and I can even get to know they ever existed. For instance, a Cordilleran writer tells that "modernization in the guise of a cash economy alien to tribal sensibilities has contributed to the decay and disappearance of ethnic rituals and practices among the Igorots"(Daiwey, 1994).

4. One possibly good thing we can do to IKSP is to see how they may be preserved, innovated upon, and passed on to those who could use them. I read sometime back that the sloping agricultural land technology (SALT), popularized in the Philippines by the Mindanao Baptist Rural Life Center and now a major soil and water conservation technology advocated in DENR social forestry projects, had its origins in the indigenous communities of Guatemala.

5. Let's agree on certain pathways en route to doing something concrete and wide-ranging about, folk beliefs and other indigenous knowledge systems and practices. A Magna Carta to guide agencies and NGOs in dieir often intrusive activities may be helpful. But let's not

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ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

9.

pin so much hope on Congress; those guys down there are busy doing other things and Cannot seem to get their acts together.

i. For a start, interagency working groups may be fine. That is, if you can find fine people who are willing to work despite or because of their agency affiliations. It appears there's not much pecuniary satisfaction in folk beliefs and other knowledge systems, otherwise these fields could have received their share of consultants the likes of those in the mega-funded environment and natural resource projects in the Philippines and elsewhere.

. For R&D guys, well, admit the fact that IKSP is way below the ladder, if at all, of the national research sector's R&D agenda. That's not surprising. So what to do? Tip: Let your IKSP R&D piggy-ride on other research projects. While doing one out there in the boondocks, widen your horizon. Listen to the unlettered guys you meet up there along the mountain trail. Talasan ang inyong pang-amuy-amoy, lakasan ang inyong pagmamasid-masid, dalasan ang inyong paglingun-lingon, laliman ang inyong pagkutub-kutob. In addition to R&D, why not do something related to information, education and communication (IEC)? We need an IEC program to nurture appreciation and respect for what rural folks, especially the indigenous people, have in terms of beliefs, traditions, practices, and local knowledge. This IEC program may not be a separate one; it could be incorporated in related conservation outreach efforts, for one thing. But it should be one that should instill IKS-consciousness and the proper conduct that goes with it, particularly among field officers of DENR, other government agencies, NGOs, community organizers, extension workers, researchers, and eco-tourists. You don't really have to be ,an anthropologist, a researcher, an environmentalist, a bleeding heart to have an eye and nose for IKSP. Go to where the angels fear to tread — and learn. "Rumble out yonder, explore the forests, climb the mountains, bag the peaks, run the rivers, and breathe deep of that yet sweet and lucid air" (words for frazzled guys from Edward Abbey).

You don't really have to be an anthropologist, a researcher, an environmentalist, a bleeding heart to have an eye and nose for IKSP. Go to where the angels fear to tread — and learn. "Rumble out yonder, explore the forests, climb the mountains, bag the peaks, run the rivers, and breathe deep of that yet sweet and lucid air.

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A P P L I C A T I O N OF I K S I N SUSTAINABLE U P L A N D DEVELOPMENT

"A rigorous study of local traditions, customs, rites, indigenous technology and institutions may yield valuable contributions to science and toward appropriate and pertinent technology. Traditions that may

interest us include superstition, mythology, folk medicine, nutritional habits, religious rites, traditional agriculture and aquaculture, traditional crafts, traditional design and construction, traditional processes in food technology, and so forth."

—G.B. Calleja, "Science in the Boondocks"

10. I f you know of certain places where these folk beliefs are still happily existing, go visit them now. Most probably such places are still unpolluted, serene, and green. But they may not be there for long. The trip should therefore help nourish your heart, your spirit and your memories, especially i f you have lived too long in the city or have buried your soul so deep in

. mundane things. Bring along your kids, even the wife or husband as the case may be, also the other "significant other" and the mother in law.

Folk beliefs and practices are of course not confined to trees and forests. They can also be found in the other current concerns of science and government', such as nutrition, medicine, and agriculture. t)n this note, one • eminent Filipino scientist (Calleja, 1987) once wrote: "A rigorous study of local traditions, customs, rites, indigenous technology and institutions may yield valuable contributions to science and toward appropriate and pertinent technology. Traditions that may interest us include superstition, mythology, folk medicine, nutritional habits, religious rites, traditional agriculture and aquaculture, traditional crafts, traditional design and construction, traditional processes in food technology, and so forth."

BACK TO FIREFLIES

L^yvyVTJ-TIhen I was a boy, fireflies were a common KJT" ~^jfasight a t n i 8 l l t * n m e foothills of the Sierra W m A f w^Madre where I lived. We called them

ulalanti then and, of course, we didn't [have TV sets at the time nor even electric

bulbs to disturb the precious hours of wonder and imagination that the said nocturnal insects brought. Now I can hardly find one bit of firefly to show my kids, nephews and nieces. Neither can* I excite them anymore with stories about the enkantada or the kapre or the ansisit. There are no longer big balete trees where they used to abound. The mountains upstream have become artless and uninspiring due to logging and squatting. You're lucky nowadays if you ever get to hear accounts of a kainginero who got some mysterious ailment for chopping down an old tree or a drunkard for kicking a termite mound or a land-speculator for dynamiting a humongous rock.

ENCHANTED TREES, SACRED GROVES, AND FOREST FAIRIES

The last time I've seen lots of fireflies was in the late '80s, on a tree along the trail to Imu'gan, an almost Shangri-La-like village nestled in the Caraballo mountains bordering Parigasinan and Nueva Vizcaya. There's a happy coincidence of sorts here: Imugan is where the now famous Kalahan experience in holistic community-based upland development is located. And one of the secrets of the success of Kalahan in terms.of keeping its. wilderness areas verdant and its people happy is its capitalizing on and yet respecting the area 's time-revered beliefs and traditions.

Okay then, let's just hope it won't-rain tonight so we can possibly go out and look for fireflies!

REFERENCES Cabaluna, Franklin. 1977. Narvacan. In Alfredo R. Roces (ed.)

Filipino Heritage: The Making of a Nation. Manila: Lahing Pilipino Publishing.

Calleja, G.B. 1987. Science in the Boondocks and Other Essays • on Science and Society. Manila: Kalikasan Press.

Daiwey, Edwin P. 1990. Cordillera Tribal Practices Are Dying. Malaya, April 20, 1990.

IUCN (International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources). 1980. World Conservation Strategy. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN.

Lopez-Gonzaga, Violeta. 1983. Peasants in the Hills. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Lovelace, George W. 1984. Cultural Beliefs and the Management of Agroecosystems. In Terry Rambo & Percy E. Sajise (eds.) An Introduction to Human Ecology Research on Agricultural Systems in Southeast Asia. College, Laguna, Philippines: UP Los Banos.

Manuel, E. Arsenio. 1977. The Manuvu People. In Alfredo R. Roces (ed.) Filipino Heritage: The Making of a Nation. Manila: Lahing Pilipino Publishing.

Mayuga, Sylvia L. 1995. A Thousand Fairies Weeping. Sunday Inquirer Magazine (Vol. 11, No. 32) October 8, 1995.

McDonagh, Sean. 1986. To Care for the Earth: A Call to a New Theology. Quezon City: Claretian Publications.

APPLICATION OF I K S IN SUSTAINABLE UPLAND DEVELOPMENT

Prill-Brett, June. 1986. The Bontok: Traditional Wet-Rice and Swidden Cultivators of the Philippines. In Gerald G. Marten (ed.) Traditional Agriculture in Southeast Asia: A Human Ecology Perspective. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America.

Ramos, Maximo D. 1975. Boyhood in Monsoon Country. Manila: Regal Publishing.

Ramos, Maximo D. 1990. The Creatures of Midnight. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House.

^Rathakette, Pagarat, P. Somnasang, S. Ratanapanya & S. Homchoen, 1985. Taboos and Traditions: Their Influence on the Conservation and Exploitation of Trees in Social Forestry Projects in Northeastern Thailand. In Y.S. Rao et al. (eds.) Community Forestry: Social Aspects. Bangkok: Food and Agriculture Organization.

Roque, Celso R. 1988. Filipino Environmentalism: An Approach to Natural Resources Management. Paper presented in the First Seminar on Philippine Environmentalism jointly sponsored by FDC, DENR and PCARRD. UPLB College of Forestry, College, Laguna.

Tuscano, Candido J. 1996. Isnegs Declare Lapat to Conserve Natural Resources. Baguio Midland Courier, Vol . XLIX, No. 39,Sept. 29, 1996.

Wolf, Edward C. 1987. On the Brink of Extinction: Conserving the Diversity of Life. Washington, D.C.: WorldWatch Institute.

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