Post on 20-Oct-2021
IntonationalphonologyinBengaliandEnglishinfant-directedspeech
KristineM.Yu,UniversityofMassachusettsAmherstSameerudDowlaKhan,ReedCollegeMeghaSundara,UniversityofCaliforniaLosAngelesSpeechProsody7,TrinityCollegeDublinFriday23May2014
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Hypothesis:affectandgrammar
¡ Howdowebuildtheintonationalcontourofanutterance?l Grammaticalstructure?l Socialcontext/affect?
¡ Prosodicchoicesareconditionedonboth¡ Howdoweknow?¡ Casestudy:Infant-directedspeechin
BengaliandEnglish
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Infant-directedspeech(IDS):English
Adult-directedspeech
Infant-directedspeech
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Infant-directedspeech(IDS):Bengali
Infant-directedspeech
Adult-directedspeech
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Background
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Infant-directedspeech(IDS)
¡ IDSprosodyistraditionallyanalyzedfromanacoustic-phoneticapproach1
l Expansionoff0rangeviaraisingoff0maxl Increaseinf0variability,e.g.sinusoidal,bell-shapedcontours
l Exaggerationofcontours
¡ Thesemanipulationsmaintaininfantattention,elicitpositiveemotionalrapport2
1Jacobsonetal.1983,Sternetal.1983,Fernald&Simon1984,Fernaldetal.1989,Fernald&Mazzie1991,Greiser&Kuhl1998,Masataka19992Sternetal.1982 6
Grammaticalstructureinintonation
¡ Intonationisalsogrammaticallystructuredl Finiteinventoryofdiscretetonalelementsl Hierarchicalprosodicstructurel Predictablevariationintones(allotones)l Phonotacticgrammaroflicittonalsequencesl Semantic/pragmaticmotivationforchoiceoftonalelements
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Hierarchicalprosodicstructure
MainstreamAmericanEnglish
Hypothesis
¡ Attentional/emotionalcontextandgrammarjointlyconstrainf0modulationl Prosodicchoiceswithinintonationalgrammarmotivatedbyattentional/emotionalcontext
l Prosodicchoiceswithinattentional/emotionalcontextconstrainedbyintonationalgrammar
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Attentional/emotionalmotivation
IncreaseintonalcategorieswithhighertargetsandmultipleturningpointsConstrainedbylg-specificgrammar
BengaliEnglish
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Semantic/pragmaticmotivation
¡ Increaseintonalcategorieshighlightinginformationstructure
¡ Constrainedbylg-specificgrammarl Bengali:5pitchaccents
L*(low) H*(high) fH*(super-H+compression)L*+H(rising) L*+fH(super-Hrising+cmp)
l Bengali:5boundarytonesL%(lowfall) H%(highrise)LH%(lowrise) HL%(highfall) HLH%(highfall-rise)
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Semantic/pragmaticmotivation
Thesemarkfocus
¡ Increaseintonalcategorieshighlightinginformationstructure
¡ Constrainedbylg-specificgrammarl Bengali:5pitchaccents
L*(low) H*(high) fH*(super-H+compression)L*+H(rising) L*+fH(super-Hrising+cmp)
l Bengali:5boundarytonesL%(lowfall) H%(highrise)LH%(lowrise) HL%(highfall) HLH%(highfall-rise)
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Semantic/pragmaticmotivation
Thesemarktopics
¡ Increaseintonalcategorieshighlightinginformationstructure
¡ Constrainedbylg-specificgrammarl Bengali:5pitchaccents
L*(low) H*(high) fH*(super-H+compression)L*+H(rising) L*+fH(super-Hrising+cmp)
l Bengali:5boundarytonesL%(lowfall) H%(highrise)LH%(lowrise) HL%(highfall) HLH%(highfall-rise)
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Semantic/pragmaticmotivation
¡ Increaseintonalcategorieshighlightinginformationstructure
¡ Constrainedbylg-specificgrammarl Bengali:5pitchaccents
L*(low) H*(high) fH*(super-H+compression)L*+H(rising) L*+fH(super-Hrising+cmp)
l Bengali:5boundarytonesL%(lowfall) H%(highrise)LH%(lowrise) HL%(highfall) HLH%(highfall-rise)
Thesearecontinuationrises 14
Experimentaldesign
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Design:subjects
¡ 20subjectsl 10speakersofEnglish(5M,5F)l 10speakersofBengali(5M,5F)
¡ Allwereparentsl English:parentsof4.5-mo-oldsl Bengali:parentsofyoungchildren
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Design:materials
¡ Recorded“NorthWindandSun”fablel SuitableforadultspeechandIDSl Similarsemantics/pragmaticsacrosslanguagesl Consistentsemantics,morphosyntax,segmentalphonologyacrossstyles
l Usedinstudiesofspeechrhythm&prosody
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Design:styles
¡ Twostylesl Defaultreading(non-IDS):“Readatacomfortablepace.”
l Simulatedinfant-directedreading(IDS):“Readasifspeakingtoyour4-mo-oldchild.”
¡ Sametext,illustratedwithchildlikedrawings¡ Stuffedanimalsarrangedaroundspeaker
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Experiment:annotation
¡ EnglishMAE_ToBI1annotationl 2transcriberswithoutknowledgeofstudy
¡ BengaliB-ToBI2annotationl 1transcribersofar(2ndauthor)
1Beckmanetal.20052Khan2008,2014 19
Analysis
¡ Acoustic-phoneticmeasurementsl f0min,max,range,standarddeviation
¡ Phonologicaldatacollectionl Inventoryoftonesl Numberofpitchaccentsandboundarytonesl Frequencyofdifferenttonalcategories
¡ Statisticsl Mixedeffectslogisticandpoissonregression
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Results
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Previewofresults
¡ What’sthesameacrossstyles:1) Foreachlg.,IDSandnon-IDScanbothbe
analyzedusingthesameprosodicmodel
¡ Whatdiffersacrossstyles:2) IDShaswiderpitchrange(highermax)3) IDShasahigherproportionofcertaintones4) IDShasmoreIPs5) IDShasmorecomplextones
expected
we’llcomebacktothisinthediscussion
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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05
m01 m02 m03 m04 m05
4.5
5.0
5.5
6.0
4.5
5.0
5.5
6.0
non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS idsstyle
log(
fund
amen
tal f
requ
ency
) (H
z)
stylenon−IDSids
2)Pitchrange
¡ AllBengalispeakersraisedthef0maxinIDS
¡ Higherf0variabilityinIDS
¡ SamepatternseeninEnglish
¡ Replicatespreviousstudies
¡ ValidationofsimulatedIDS
IDSnon-IDS
meanf095%f0range
5%f0range
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PreviewofEnglish-specificresults
¡ EnglishIDSinvolves:l IncreaseinL+H*pitchaccentl IncreaseinIPs
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3)English:pitchaccents
¡ NochangeinnumberofPAsbetweenstyles¡ Speakersincreasedthenumberand
proportionofL+H*inIDSl non-IDS20.8%vs.IDS30.1%
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f10 f11 f3 f8 f9
m1 m10 m4 m5 m6
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
non−ids ids non−ids ids non−ids ids non−ids ids non−ids idsStyle
Raw
freq
uenc
y
Pitch accents * H* H+!H* L* L*+H L+H*
Frequency of tones conditioned on speaker and style, T1
byspkr.
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4)English:IPs
¡ Onaverage,Englishspeakersproduced33.3%(=3.44)moreIPsinIDS
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byspkr.f10 f11 f3 f8 f9
m1 m10 m4 m5 m6
0
20
40
60
0
20
40
60
T1 T2 T1 T2 T1 T2 T1 T2 T1 T2Transcriber
Num
ber o
f IP
tone
s
Style non−ids ids
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4)English:IPs
L-H% L-L% L-L%
L-L%
] ] ]
]
AndsotheNWwasobligedtoconfessthattheSunwasthestrongerofthetwo
AndsotheNWwasobligedtoconfessthattheSunwasthestrongerofthetwo
L-L%
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PreviewofBengali-specificresults
¡ BengaliIDSinvolves:l Decreaseinpitchaccentsoveralll Increasein2PAtypes:fH*,L+fH*l IncreaseinIPsl IncreaseinHL%andHLH%boundarytones
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●
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●
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
non−IDS idsStyle
Rel
ative
freq
uenc
y
subj●
●
●
●
●
●
●
●
●
●
f01f02f03f04f05m01m02m03m04m05
3)Bengali:pitchaccents
¡ f-markedpitchaccentuseishigherinIDSforallbutonespeakerl fH*l L*+fH
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3)Bengali:pitchaccents
fH*
thatmuchtravelertheirshawlheldtightly(IDS)
thatmuchtravelerhis/hershawlheldtightly(non-IDS)
L*
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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05
m01 m02 m03 m04 m05
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
200
0
50
100
150
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non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids
non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS idsStyle
Frequency
Pitch accent L* H* L*+H * L*+fH fH*
byspkr.
fH*,L*+fHinnon-IDS
fH*,L*+fHinIDS
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4)Bengali:IPs
¡ Onaverage,Bengalispeakersproduced49.0%(=8.97)moreIPsinIDS
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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05
m01 m02 m03 m04 m05
0
50
100
0
50
100
non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS idsStyle
Frequency
byspkr.
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4)Bengali:IPs
LH% H% L%
L%
] ] ]
]Atthatmomentatravelerwearingaheavyshawlcamewalkingtowardsthem
Atthatmomentatravelerwearingaheavyshawlcamewalkingtowardsthem
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3)Bengali:boundarytones
¡ TheincreaseinIPscanbelargelyattributedtoincreasesinthoseendingin:l HL%(highfalling)l HLH%(highfalling-rising)
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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05
m01 m02 m03 m04 m05
0
25
50
75
0
20
40
60
0
20
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0
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0
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0
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0
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75
0
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100
0
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60
0
25
50
75
100
non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids
non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS idsStyle
Frequency
IP tone L% H% LH% HL% HLH% M% ambig
byspkr.
HL%,HLH%inIDS
HL%,HLH%innon-IDS
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3)Bengali:boundarytones
Hainnon-IDSDefault
HLH%inIDSContinuation
HL%inIDSTopicalization
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Summaryofresults
¡ TrueforIDSinbothlanguages:l NoincreaseinnumberofPAsoveralll IncreaseinnumberwithinsubsetofPAs
¡ L+fH*andfH*inBengali¡ L+H*inEnglish
l IncreaseinnumberofIPs¡ Certainboundarytonesweremorecommon
¡ So,whydoweseethesemodifications?
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Discussion
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Why:PAsengageinfant
¡ WhydoesIDSinvolveanincreaseinnon-defaultaccents?l EnglishbitonalPAs,esp.L+H*l BengaliH*,fH*,andL*+fH
¡ Morepitchvariation,toengagetheinfant’sinterest1
¡ Moretonesinvolvingexpandedpitchrangeasinfantspreferhigherpitch2
1Fernald1991,Werker&McLeod19892Kearsley1973,Fernald&Kuhl1981 42
Why:PAsmarkinfostructure
¡ Sowhydon’tallpitchaccentsinIDSbecomehigh/rising?
¡ Changeindistributionisrestricted¡ Theseparticularhigh/risingtonesmark
focusedelements1
1Pierrehumbert&Hirschberg(1990)forEnglish,Khan(2008,2014)forBengali 43
Why:PAsmarkinfostructure
¡ UseoffH*,L*+fHinBengaliincreasesfor:l Wh-words,wordswithfocusencliticsl Modifiers,e.g.warm,immediately
¡ UseofL+H*inEnglishincreasesfor:l Turningpointsonsubjectarguments:
¡ “…theNorthWindgaveuptheattempt.ThentheSunshinedoutwarmly.”
l Alternativesonascale,e.g.more,stronger,first
èGreateruseoffocusprosodyinIDS1
1IDSalsoinvolvesgreateruseoffocusmovementinthesyntax(Fernald&Mazzie1991).44
Why:phrasingengagesinfant
¡ WhydoesIDSinvolveanincreaseinIPs?¡ MoreIPboundarytonesmeansmoretones
involvingexpandedpitchrange…¡ …andmorepitchvariation
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Why:phrasingmarksinfostructure
¡ WhyelsedoesIDSinvolvemoreIPs?¡ IPbreakshelpdemarcatesyntactic
structure¡ IPboundarytonesconveyinformation
structure
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Why:phrasingmarksinfostructure
¡ NotallIPboundarytonesareincreasedinuseinIDS(atleastinBengali)l L%islesscommoninIDS
¡ Thosewhoseuseisincreasedinclude:l LH%,HLH%:continuationrisesl H%,HL%:backgrounding/topicalization
èMoreexplicitmarkingofinformationstructureinIDS
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Conclusions
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Conclusions
¡ WecomparedIDSvs.non-IDS:l IDShasmoretoneswithgreaterpitchrangeandmodulation,whichcanelicit/maintainattentionandbuildrapport
l IDShasmoreexplicitmarkingofinfostructure
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Conclusions
¡ WecomparedBengalivs.English:l Bengaliusesmoreboundarytoneswithmoreinflectionpoints
l Bengaliusesmoretopic-markingtonesl EnglishhasmoreIPsinIDS,butdistributionofdifferentboundarytonesremainsconstant
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Conclusions
¡ GrowingliteratureonroleofgrammarinconstrainingIDSinlexicaltone/LPAlgs(Mandarin1,Thai2,Japanese3)
¡ Firstsuchstudyonlanguageswithoutlexicaltonalcontrasts
Intonationisconditionedbybothattentional/emotionalmotivationsandgrammaticalstructure
1Liuetal(2007),2Kitamuraetal.(2002),3Igarashietal(2013) 51
Acknowledgments
Manythankstoourtranscribers,ourspeakers,andeveryoneintheaudience!
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