MapucheWomen’sLandRightsActivismandState-LedGenderBasedViolenceunderNeoliberalGlobalizationinChile

UndergraduateResearchThesisPresentedinPartialFulfillmentoftheRequirementsforgraduation“with

HonorsResearchDistinctioninSpanish”intheundergraduatecollegesoftheOhioStateUniversity

By

KirstenSippola

TheOhioStateUniversityDecember2018

ProjectAdvisor:Dr.AnaDelSarto,DepartmentofSpanishandPortuguese

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TableofContents

I. Introduction 3a. FourMapucheActivists 7

i. MacarenaValdés 7ii. PatriciaTroncoso 7iii. DanielaÑancupil 8iv. NicolasaQuintreman 9

II. MapucheWomen,theChileanState,andGlobalization 10a. ClashingPoliticalEconomies 10b. RelationshipbetweenIndustryandtheChileanGovernment 14

c. UpholdingGlobalizationthroughNeoliberalism 15d. MapucheWomenandtheirCommunity 19

III. State-LedViolenceagainstMapucheWomen 20i. NicolasaQuintreman 21ii. MacarenaValdés 22iii. DanielaÑancupil 23iv. PatriciaTroncoso 24

IV. CharacterizingState-LedViolenceasGender-BasedViolence 25a. MapucheWomenandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor 26b. MapucheActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor 29

i. MacarenaValdés 29ii. NicolasaQuintreman 31iii. DanielaÑancupil 32iv. PatriciaTroncoso 33

V. StateLedViolence:MapucheWomenvs.MapucheMen 35a. MapucheWomen:DerivativesofMapucheMen 36b. MapucheWomenandPoverty 38c. StateOwnershipofMapucheWomen’sBodies 40

VI. TheSecondChileanState 44a. TheAntiterrorismLaw 47b. TheMonopolyonViolence 50

VII. Conclusion 52VIII. Bibliography 55

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I.Introduction

TheMapucheareChile’slargestindigenousgroup,with1,745,147people

identifyingasMapuchein2017,whichrepresents79.8%ofthecountry’sindigenous

populationandalmost10%ofthenationalpopulation(NationalInstituteofStatistics16).

Thisgrouphasbeensignificantintheformationofthecountry’shistory,astheMapuche

weretheonlyNativepopulationinChiletosuccessfullyresistSpanishcolonization,

maintainingcontroloftheterritorysouthofChile’scentrallylocatedBíoBíoRiverfromthe

arrivalofconquistadorsin1540untilwellpastChileanindependencein1820(Amapof

Wallmapu,theMapuchenamefortheirhistoricalterritory,canbefoundonpage4).In

1881,toexpandthebordersofthecountryandconsolidatethenation-state,thenational

governmentoftheRepublicofChilelaunchedtheconquestoftheMapuche,calledthe

“PacificationoftheMapuche.”Duringthistime,theChileanRepublicviolentlyconquered

theMapucheandseizedcontrolofthesouthernhalfofthecountry(ParkandRichards

1321).Sincethisturningpoint,therelationshipbetweentheMapucheandthestatehas

beencontentious,asMapucheattemptstoregaintheselostancestrallandshavebeen

deniedtimeandtimeagaininvaryingdegreesbyeveryadministration,throughliberal

republics,socialistrepublics,andadictatorship.Theseclasheshaveresultedinviolence,

throughapatternofMapucheattemptstoberecognized—throughbothpeacefulandnon-

peacefulprotest—andswiftandviolentretributionfromthestate.

Fromtheendofthe“Pacification”to1929,theMapuchewereforciblymovedto

smallreservationsastheirlandwasseizedbytheChileanRepublicandsoldtoEuropean

landowners(Newbold176),withonly6.4%oftheiroriginalancestrallandsstillbelonging

tothemwhentheprocesswascompleted(ParkandRichards1321).In1970,however,a

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shiftoccurredandthenationalgovernmentbegantoconcernitselfwithindigenousland

rights,acompletebreakfromthepast—thesocialistpresidentSalvadorAllendewas

elected,achangefromthecapitalistswhohadproceededhim.Hisadministration,known

asthePopularUnitygovernment,passedLaw17,729in

1972,whichbegantheprocesstoreturnancestrallands

totheMapuchebyseizingprivatelandfromlarge

businessinterestsinthesouthofChile.Itallowedfor

communallandownership,andlegallyrecognized

indigenouspeopleforthefirsttime(Newbold177).

However,in1973,thePopularUnity

governmentwasoverthrownbyacoupledbythe

ChileanmilitaryandbackedbytheCIAoftheUnited

States.Thisdictatorshipwouldlastuntil1990.

Authoritarianandrightwing,thenewpresident,

AugustoPinochet,quicklyinstalledcapitalistreformsto

theeconomy.Thisincluded,yetagain,theseizureof

landfromtheMapuche,whichwasdividedandsoldto

bothoutsidersandtheMapuchethemselves(primarily

Mapuchemaleheadsofhouseholdbuyingbacktheir

land)(PinchulefCalfulcura80).Throughthisperiodofdictatorshipandlossoflandand

culture,theMapuchesufferedimmenseeconomicandsociallosses.Mapuchewomenwere

veryactiveinthefighttorestorelandrightstoindigenouscommunities,astheir

relationshipwiththelandchangeddramaticallywiththeintroductionofneoliberalismto

Figure1:Wallmapu,historicalMapucheterritory.(JoshuaProject,2018;https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/13526/AR).

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ChileunderAugustoPinochet.Partofthedictatorship’sstrategytomaintainpowerwasto

urbanizethecountry,bothfortheindustrythatitwouldbringaswellastheassimilation

achievedthroughtheprocessesofurbanization,internalmigration,andintegrationtothe

workforce.ThehopesofthePinochetregimewerethat,afterbeingdividedsociallyand

physically,theMapuchecommunitywouldbeforcedtoabandontheircommunalwayof

livingandintegrateintocapitalistsociety(PinchulefCalfulcura61-62);unabletoself-

sustainaftercommunallandownershipbecameimpossible,theMapuchewouldtakeflight

tocitiestofindjobs.Thisstrategywaseffective,asmanyMapuchebeganmigratingto

urbanlandscapesinthe1970sand1980sinsearchofemployment(CanalesTapia143).

Duringthisperiloustimeoftheregimeinthefaceoftheseharshneoliberalreforms,

theregrewastrongMapucheactivismdedicatedtoendingthedictatorshipand

reestablishingarecognizednationwhoseborderswererespected.SaysIsoldeReuque,a

Mapucheactivistduringthistime:“thegovernmentalwaysknewwewereagainstthem,

but…after1980[they]realizedthatwehadourownproject,ourowngoalsanddemands.

Weworriedalotofpeople,withthehugenumbersweweremobilizing.In1980morethan

athousandcommunitieswereworkingwithus”(116).Mapuchewomenwereextremely

activeinthemovement,as“Mapuchewomen’sstrugglehasprimarilyoccurredinthe

contextofthegeneralMapuchemovement”(Richards2004158),andmanyMapuche

womenheldleadershiprolesinNGOsperformingactivismunderthedictatorship

(Richards2004212-213).Duringthetransitiontodemocracyin1990,therefore,therewas

ahopethatthenewgovernmentwouldrecognizeandactuponMapuchewomen’s

demands,asthemovementwasstrongandtherewereimmediatepromisesmadeby

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PatricioAylwin,thenewpresident,thattheMapucheandtheirrightswouldbe

constitutionallyrecognized(Richards2004129).

However,inthisthesisIwilldemonstratethatnotmuchhaschangedforMapuche

womensincethetransitiontodemocracy.Infact,IwillarguethattheChileanstate,inthe

yearssincethedictatorship,hasspecificallycommittedethnic-andgender-basedviolence

againstMapuchewomeninthenameofglobalization.Itsmostvaluabletoolinitsarsenalis

itssovereignty,andspecificallythemonopolyofviolenceandcontroloflegislationthat

comewithit.ThesetwotoolsareusedtolegallypunishMapuchewomenforrebelling

againsttheneoliberalcapitalistframeworkthatdrivesthestate’seconomicgain.

Transnationalcorporations(TNCs),andtheinvestmenttheybringintotheChilean

economy,havehadanextremelyimportantroleinthisdynamic.Iwilldemonstratethat

TNCs,throughneoliberalglobalization,increasinglyoccupyagreaterspacewithinthe

Chileanstate,exploitingthestate’smonopolyonviolenceandcontroloflegislationinits

fightforcapitalaccumulationandagainstMapuchewomen’sactivism.Intheend,Iwill

concludethatasglobalizationdevelops,privatebodiessuchasTNCsaregradually

assumingagreaterspacewithinthestateandthusaregrantedmorecontrolwithinits

territory(which,underneoliberalcapitalism,includesindigenouswomen’sbodies),

leadingtothedevelopmentofastrong“SecondState,”aconcepttheorizedbyDr.Rita

LauraSegato.Throughout,Iwillshowthedisastrousconsequencesthisglobalizationwill

have—andhashad—onMapuchewomenactivists,andwilldemonstratethispatternof

state-ledviolencethroughthestoriesoffourMapuchewomenwhohavecomeunderfire

(forsome,literally)forprotestingtheoccupationandseizureofancestrallandsby

transnationalcorporations.

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FourMapucheActivists

Togivecontextfortheargumentsaboutstate-ledgender-basedviolencethatIwill

make,Iwillnowgivebriefsummaries(thathopefullydonotminimizethelived

experiences)ofthecasesoffourwomen,ages13to74,whohaveexperiencedbodilyharm,

imprisonment,starvation,anddeathdirectlyatthehandsoftheChileanstate.

MacarenaValdés

MacarenaValdéswasaleaderintheMapucheprotestagainsttheconstructionof

Tranguil,ahydroelectricplantslatedforthePanguipullisectorofsouthernChile.Thisplant

wasapprovedbyServiciodeEvaluaciónAmbiental,abranchofChile’snational

governmentdedicatedtothepreservationofnature,withoutanyinvestigationdoneonthe

environmentalimpactitwouldhave(Figueroa).Theconstructionoftheplanthasproven

destructive,divertingalmost200metersoftheriver,whichleftpartsoftheNewen

Tranguilcommunitywithoutwater(Figueroa).Aleaderintheprotestagainsttheplant

since2014(Montalva),ValdéswasfounddeadbyhanginginAugustof2016,andherstate-

ledautopsyconfirmedittobeasuicide.However,Valdés’sfamily,herownMapuche

communityofNewenTranguil,andtheMapuchecommunityatlargebelievethistobealie:

aprivateautopsycommissionedbyherfamilyfoundthatherbodywashungafterher

deathhadalreadyoccurred(BustosC.).Manybelievethatherdeathwasorchestratedto

ensuretheplantwasbuiltbyaffiliatesofRPGlobal,anAustriancompany,andSaesa,a

ChileanenergydistributorownedbyPSEG,anAmericancorporation,thecompanies

investedintheconstructionofTranguil(VelásquezandAlarcón)(Hall10).

PatriciaTroncoso

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Patricia“LaChepa”Troncosoisanactivistandformerprofessorwhowasarrested

in2001aftersettingfiretoPolucoPidenco,apinetreefarmlocatedonancestralMapuche

territoryintheAraucanía,inprotestoftheoccupationofMapuchelandbydestructive

corporations.ThisfarmwasownedandoperatedbyForestalMininco,atransnational

timbercompanyheadquarteredinChile.Troncosowaschargedwith“terroristarson,illicit

terroristassociation,andterroristthreat”(CorreaandMella311;translationbySippola).

Sentencedin2005to10yearsandonedayinprisonandorderedtopayover$600,000

USDforthedamagecausedtoabout100hectaresofthefarm(ElMercurio),shecontinued

toprotestwhileincarceratedbywayofhungerstrikes.Onestrikelasted113days,ending

withTroncosoincriticalconditionandthegovernmentfinallyacceptingtoconsiderher

demandsduetomountingpublicpressureandherworseningcondition.Thesedemands

includedanappealtohercaseandthecasesofotherMapuchepoliticalprisoners,the

releaseofallpoliticalprisoners,andweekendvisitingrights(Córdova).Ofthesedemands,

visitingrightsweregrantedtoTroncosoandtwootherMapuchepoliticalprisoners,John

MillalenandJaimeMarileo(Troncoso).TroncosoherselfisnotfullyMapuche,butmestiza,

animportantdistinction:differencesintheactivismandthestate’streatmentofTroncoso

versustheotherthreeactivists,allofwhomconsiderthemselvescompletelyMapuche,will

bediscussedinthesection“MapucheActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor.”

DanielaÑancupil

DanielaÑancupilwasa13-year-oldMapuchegirlwhen,in2001,shewasshotby

Carabineros,theChileannationalpoliceforce,intheGalvarinocommunityofthe

Araucanía.Daniela’sfatherJoséÑancupil,alonko(Mapucheleader)ofthecommunity,was

anactivistwhohadbeenprotestingtheoccupationoftheAraucaníabypolice.Daniela

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herselfwasnotknownasanactivist,yetwasusedasatooltothreatenherfather.While

membersoftheGalvarinocommunitywereprotestingsomeeightkilometersaway,abus

DanielawasridingwasstoppedbyCarabineros,whowereonthewaytoherhouse.Daniela

wasshotseventimesinthebackandarmbutsurvived;theCarabineroswererelocated

(MapuExpress2016).In2002,Danielawasalsokidnappedbyunidentifiedassailantsafter

herlawyer,JaimeMadariaga,triedtobringchargesagainstthepoliceresponsible.The

kidnappersthreatenedtokillMadariagaunlessDanieladroppedthecharges.Shewas

eventuallyreleased,andnocasewaseverbroughtforwardagainsttheCarabineros

(HumanRightsWatch61).Sincetheseinstancesofviolence,shehasbecomeasymbolin

theMapuchecommunityofthebrutalrepressioninflictedbythestateasareactiontotheir

landrightsactivism.

NicolasaQuintreman

NicolasaQuintremanandheractivismintheearly2000sagainsttheconstructionof

theRalcomineisoneofthemostoft-citedexamplesofresistanceagainstdestructivestate-

ledeconomicdevelopment.In2004,then-presidentEduardoFreiandhisadministration

approvedENDESA,Chile’slargestmultinationalprivateelectriccompany,tobuilda

hydroelectricdamontheBíoBíoRiver.LocatedintheAraucanía,theBíoBío’sbanksare

largelyoccupiedbythePehuenche,asub-communityoftheMapuche.Ofcourse,the

floodingthatwouldresultfromthisdamwascertaintodestroyandthenoccupythis

Pehuencheland.Itwasestimatedin1999thatthefloodingwoulddestroy70kilometersof

theareasurroundingtheriver(AltieriandRojas60).Soon,“itbecameapparentthatit

wouldentailtherelocationofninety-onePehuenchefamilies,thefloodingoftheirancestral

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lands,andthedestructionofsacredcemeteriesandotherreligioussites”(Richards2004

132).

ThePehuenchepeoplebegantheirfightagainstthestatein1997,whentheplansfor

Ralcowerefirstannounced.LeadingthefightagainstRalcowereNicolasaandBerta

Quintreman,twoPehuenchesisterswhorefusedtocedetheirlandtoENDESA,holdingout

until2003(PinchulefCalfulcura67).Eventually,however,pressuremountedandNicolasa

wasfinallyforcedtoabandonherlandsforRalco.Shetookamonetarysettlement,asher

sonwassufferingfromaspinaldisorderandthemoneywashelpful(Richards2004134).

In2013,shewasfounddrownedintheverydamwhoseconstructionshewastryingto

stop(MapuExpress2017).

II.MapucheWomen,theChileanState,andGlobalization

Throughallfourofthesestories,wecanseeconnectionsbetweentheChileanstate

andindustry,andtheharmthatcametothewomenandtheMapuchecommunitiesasa

whole.Whatisimportanthereistofurtherdefinetheseconnectionsbyarticulatingthe

relationshipbetweentheChileannation,thetransnationalcorporationswhoseprofit

motiveleadstothecolonizationofMapucheland,andinturn,violenceagainstMapuche

womenthemselves.AsaframeworkforthemapIwilldrawtoshowtheseconnections,I

willapplyAnkieHoogvelt’sGlobalizationandthePostcolonialWorld(2001)tothespecific

Chileancase,asIhavefoundherworktoexplainwellthecomplicatedconnections

betweenglobalization,capitalism,nation-states,andthepeopleoftheworld.Inaddition,I

willuseMarxistthoughttoelaborateherframework.

ClashingPoliticalEconomies

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ToframetherelationshipbetweentheMapucheandtheChileanstate,itwillbe

helpfultodefinewhata“politicaleconomy”is.Todothis,wewilltakeaMarxianapproach.

Hoogveltstatesthat

“…Marx’sgenericconceptofpoliticaleconomywasmoregeneralandnotcoincidentalwiththenation-state.Marxreferredtothewaysocialrelationsandpowerrelations(anotherwayofsayingclassrelations)affectandorganizetheeconomyand,inturn,areorganizedbyit.ForMarx,inthehistoricalevolutionofhumansociety,thesesocialorclassrelationshavenotalwaysbeencontainedwithintheboundariesofthenation-state.”(2001,6)Giventhisdefinitionofapoliticaleconomy—basically,agroupofpeopleconnected

throughacommoneconomythatthenshapestheirsocialrelationships—wecandefinethe

ChileanstateandtheMapuchecommunityastwoseparatepoliticaleconomies,which

sharesometerritorialboundaries.IbasethisonMarx’sideaofthe“modeofproduction”

(MOP):theactualmethodofproducing,distributing,andexchanginggoodsinasocietyis

thedrivingforcethatcreatesdifferentpoliticaleconomies(Marx11).TheMapucheandthe

ChileanstatetraditionallyoperateundertwodifferentMOPs.SincetheSpanishconquestof

LatinAmerica,ChilehaslargelybeenoperatingunderacapitalistMOP(GunderFrank3)—

atfirst,asanextractivecolonyprovidingrawmaterialsfortheimperialistcountriesof

Europe,andlater,asanindependentrepublicstillprovidingrawmaterialsforotheractors

intheglobalmarket.Capitalism,asdefinedbyHoogvelt,isaneconomyinwhichthe

definingfeatureis“theproductionofgoodsandservicesforsaleinamarketinwhichthe

objectistorealizethemaximumprofit”(15).Wecanseethisprofitmotiveinaction

throughtheever-increasingGDPofChile,whichdemonstratestheconceptofcapital,a

centraltenetofcapitalism:profitmadethatisreinvestedtocreatemoremoney.Today,the

Chileaneconomyisdominatedbytheservicesector(comprising64.3%ofitsGDPin2017),

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butalsoindustry—suchasminingandtimber—whichmadeup31.4%ofits2017GDP

(CentralIntelligenceAgency).

TheMapuche,however,followedacommunallifestylebeforecolonization,with

communallandownershipbeingadefiningtraitoftheirsociety(Newbold178).Aswe

haveseen,sincethePacification,thedismantlingofthiscommunalownershiphasbeen

undertakenbyalmosteveryadministration,resultingintheprivatizationofmuchof

Mapucheancestralland.However,someMapuchecommunitiesinChilehavebeenableto

retainthetraditionalcommunallifestyle,albeitinaslightlymutatedform.Thedifference

betweenacapitalistMOPandtheMapucheMOPisstarklyillustratedbythedefinitionof

thisalteredcommunallandownershipprovidedbyGloriaGallardoFernández:“…itcanbe

characterizedbythecoexistenceofcommunaland(semi)privatelandpropertywithinthe

limitsofonebiggerlandedunit.Inapermanentandundividedformthisbelongstoallthe

comuneros(commoners)registeredinthatcommunity”(5).Here,wecanseehowthepre-

colonialMapucheMOP—completelycommunal—hasbeenmixedwithelementsofa

capitalistMOP,whichideallyoperatesundercompletelyprivatizedland,resultingina

uniquepoliticaleconomyformedby“thespecificinter-weavingintooneunittwoformsof

properties,whichtogethercouldbeconceivedascontradictory”(GallardoFernández5).

Thoughpartsofthesecommunitiesareofficiallyprivatelyowned,“themostbasic

element…is,however,thecommunalland”(GallardoFernández5).

This,however,isincompatiblewithstategoals.South-centralandsouthernChile,

wheremostoftheruralMapuchepopulationislocated,hasbecomeveryimportantfor

tradeandindustry.In2005,theforestrysectormadeup3.5%ofChile’sGDPand12%ofits

exports(OECD25);forestryinChileislocatedinthesouthernhalfofthecountry.In

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addition,“aquaculture,”orfishfarming,hasbecomeanimportantsectorinChile,withthe

industry’sproductiongrowingby825%from1990-2005.Aquacultureactivityisalso

locatedinthesouthernhalfofthecountry(OECD26).Thus,severallargeextractive

industrieswithasignificantstakeintheeconomymaketheirhomeinoraroundMapuche

lands,andtheacquisitionofthislandisimperativeforthecontinuationofthesechannels

ofrevenue.Accordingly,Mapucheprotestsagainsttheoccupationoftheirlandareanti-

globalist,astheyadvocateforthecompleteexpulsionoftransnationalindustryfromtheir

ancestralterritory.

WewillconsiderthemotivesandmodesofproductionoftheChileanstateandthe

Mapuchecommunitytobetwodistinctentities,withtheMapuchedirectingapolitical

economyoftheirownindirectconflictwiththatoftheChileanstate.Nothingdemonstrates

thisclashbetterthantheMapucheliterallynotfittingintheboundariesthattheChilean

statedrawsforthem:Wallmapu,theMapudungunwordthatlooselytranslatesto

“MapucheNation,”defiestheinternationallyrecognizedbordersofChile,withalittleover

100,000MapuchelivinginArgentina(MinorityRightsGroup)ontheirancestralland.This

coincideswithmypreviouscitationofHoogvelt,inwhichshestatesthatapolitical

economydoesnotalwaysalignwiththenation-state(6),butthatcapitalistshave

increasinglyfoundthemselvesmeasuringtheirsuccessthrough“nationalaccumulation”—

themonetaryworthofanofficiallyrecognizedcountry(3).

ThesepointscoalescetoformtheideathatMapucheandtheChileanstateexistin

economic,political,social,andculturalconflict:twoseparatepoliticaleconomieswithtwo

differentworldviewsoccupyingonerecognizednation,whoseeconomicandsocialgoals

directlyclash.ThecommunalMOPoftheMapuchemeansthattheirland,notusedtomake

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aprofitthatcouldbeincludedintheChileanGDP,isseenasawastebythestateasawhole

andespeciallybysomeofthemorepowerfulcapitalistactorsmakingupthestate,suchas

transnationalcorporationsandtheliberalgovernment.Thus,therelationshipbetweenthe

ChileangovernmentandChileanindustrycomesintoplay,arelationshipthatholdsdirect

consequencesforMapucheactivists.

RelationshipbetweenIndustryandtheChileanGovernment

TheChileangovernmentatthismomentholdsthesamegoalsasnationaland

transnationalcorporations,suchaselectriccompaniesliketheSpanishENDESA,orenergy

companiesliketheAustrianRPGlobal,twoofthecompaniesinvolvedintheviolence

againsttheactivists.IwillpositthattheChileangovernmentactsonbehalfofthese

corporationsandcorporationsonbehalfofthegovernment,forminganewChileanstate

thatisincreasinglyprivate,notpublic.Thoughprivatecompaniesarenotaliteral,

constitutionalpartofChile’sgoverningstructures,thetwohavebecomethoroughly

intertwinedsincethedictatorship,wheneconomicdevelopmentwasmadethecountry’s

topprioritysincethefirsthalfofthe1970s.InHoogvelt’sworkshewritesaboutthetheory

ofpost-imperialism,whichsupportsthisclaim,asitargues“…thereisnoinnate

antagonismbetweentheglobaleconomicinterestsofthetransnationalcorporations

(TNCs)andthenationaleconomicaspirationsofhostorhomecountries”(57).Wewillhold

thistobetrue,asthenationalaccumulation/GDPofChilewouldonlyrisewithincreased

transnationalcorporateactivitywithinitsborders.Thoughthegovernmentitselfdidnot

buildtheRalcodamoranyoftheotherhydroelectricplants,pinefarms,fisheries,etc.that

havecolonizedMapucheland—privatecorporationssuchasENDESAdid—itssupport

towardstheseprojectshasbeenconstant,whetheritisthroughapprovingthelandgrabs,

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firingMapuchegovernmentalleaders,forcefullypacifyingMapucheprotests,ordetaining,

killing,orotherwiseharmingthosewhoresist.

Theeconomicincentivetosupportthesecorporationsisastounding—forexample,

Chile’sGDPhasrisenfrom$16.8billionin1973,theyearPinochetfirsttookpower,toa

highpointof$278.3billionin2013(WorldBank2018);yearsofrelaxedtradelaws,low

tariffs,andotherneoliberaleconomicincentivestowardscorporationshavehadalarge

handinthis.Thesepoliciesareextremelyimportanttothecurrenteconomytoattract

investors,as“thestructureoftheChileaneconomyispredicatedinnosmallmeasureupon

theconstantinputofforeigncapital,bothFDIandshort-termportfoliocapital”(Taylor59).

Thus,thegovernment’scloserelationshipwithbuildingindustryinthecountryand

increasingnationalnetincomeshouldsolidifytheconnectionbetweenthetwoentities,

creatingapowerfulstatewhoseeffectshaveextremeconsequencesonMapuchewomen

activists.

UpholdingGlobalizationthroughNeoliberalism

WhatallowsthesetransnationalcorporationstoextractwealthfromMapuche

countryisglobalization,whichissoinextricablylinkedtocapitalismthatRobertGwynne

referstoitas“anunquestionableempiricalmanifestationofcontemporarycapitalism”(5).

Hoogveltdefinesglobalizationas“deepening,butnotwidening,capitalistintegration”

(121).Whatthismeansisthatglobalizationallowscorporationsandindividualsthatare

alreadyprofitingthroughthecapitalistMOP(the“core”)tocontinueextractingmoreand

morewealth,astheirbusinessesexpandfurtheranddeeperintocountriestheyoccupy.

Theentitiesontheotherendofthespectrum,the“periphery”—exploitedbythesystem—

aren’tintegratedanyfurtherintothecapitalistsystem.Thisdefinitionshowshow

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globalizationhasbenefittedTNCsinChile:theycanfurtherpenetratethecountry,

aggregatingmoreandmoreland,whilethegroupstheytakeadvantageoftodoso—i.e.,the

Mapuche—aren’tgivenmoreopportunitiestobecomeapartofthesystemandbenefit

fromit:infact,theyareonlymarginalizedfurtherastheirlandcontinuestobeswallowed.

Thecoreshrinksinquantityasmorecompaniesareboughtoutormergedandwealthis

concentratedinthehandsofthefew;theperipherygrowsandbecomesmoreisolated.

Globalizationismerelyaeuphemisticwayofdescribingthisphenomenon.

Sincethe1970sinLatinAmerica,globalizationhasbeenadvancedthrough

neoliberalism.Neoliberalismis,generally,amodeofregulationofcapitalismthathasbeen

describedas“neoclassical,”stressingtheliberalizationoftrade,theprivatizationofstate-

runindustry,lossoflaborrights,stressonmacroeconomicstability,andaneconomic-

based“fix”tosocialreform.ThesepolicieswereformallyprescribedtoLatinAmerican

countriesinthelate1980sandearly1990sthroughlargesupranationalinstitutionssuch

astheWorldBank,theInternationalMonetaryFund,andothers,asaroutetodevelopment

(Gwynne15);thiswasknownasthe“WashingtonConsensus,”theresultsofwhichwere

tenspecificeconomicpoliciesintendedtoaddresstheconsequencesoftheLatinAmerican

economiccrisesofthe1980s.However,ChileandsomeotherLatinAmericancountrieshad

begunputtingthesepoliciesintoplacewellbeforetheWashingtonConsensuswasformed

throughright-wingdictatorships,withPinochetbeginningtheirimplementationduringthe

beginningsofhisregime(Gwynne16).Neoliberalpoliciesadministerfinancecapitalism

primarilythroughminimallateinvolvementandanemphasisonmarketforces.

SincetheadoptionofneoliberalpolicieswidelythroughoutLatinAmericainthe

1970sthroughthe1990s,globalizationhasintensified(Gwynne17),astheneoliberal

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frameworkandglobalizationgohand-in-hand.Thismakessensewhenconsideringthe

tightrelationshipbetweentheChileangovernmentandprivateindustry.Whenexamining

theChileangovernment’spoliciesonforeigndirectinvestment(FDI),theyreadlikethey

comestraightfromtheWashingtonConsensus’srecommendations:“taxexemptionsfor

overseasshareholders,”taxincentivesfortheminingandindustrialsectors,“nolimitson

foreignownershiporcontrolofbusinessentitiesorassets,”extremelylimitedcompetition

law,tax-freezones,andmore(DepartmentofState3).Neoliberalpoliciesallowdeeper

capitalistintegration(keepinginmindHoogvelt’sdefinitionofglobalization)bymakingit

easierforcorporationstoconductbusinessinforeigncountries.

TheimportanceofChile’sneoliberalpoliciesisclear:thegovernmenthassetoutto

attractforeigninvestment,andithasworked.In2014,“over3,000companiesfromover60

countries[had]operationsinChile”(DepartmentofState17).Forcontext,ENDESAandRP

Global,twoofthepreviouslymentionedcompaniesthatwereinvolvedinviolenceagainst

thefourMapucheactivists,aretransnational.Itisalsoimportanttonotethenatureofthese

TNCs:amajorityareextractive,with50.1%ofChile’sFDIfrom2009to2012concerning

mining,10.9%involvingelectricity,gas,andwater(thinkofhydroelectricdamslikeRalco),

and0.5%concerningagricultureandfishing.FDIinminingalonebroughtChile3.9billion

in2013(DepartmentofState17-18).Thesestatisticsshowthestrongrelationshipbetween

theChileangovernmentandforeigncompanies.AlthoughFDIonlyaccountedforalittle

morethananannualaverageof6%ofChile’sGDPintheyears2004-2014(Departmentof

State17),thepoliciesChilemaintainstowardstransnationalcorporationsshowthevalue

thestateplacesonforeigncapitalandinvestment,thusonfinancecapitalismasasystem

whichextractsvalue(includingsurplusvalue)fromwhereitcan.

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However,neoliberalismisnotsolelyaneconomicentity,thougheconomicpolicyis

onewayinwhichitclearlymanifests.Itisaphenomenonthatpervadesallaspectsoflife,

asatitscore,itisamethodoforganizingsocietyundercapitalism.Therefore,itmakes

sensethatneoliberalismwouldaffectsocialstructureandtherelationshipsbetween

individualsandcommunities.Socially,“neoliberalismseescompetitionasthedefining

characteristicofhumanrelations.Itredefinescitizensasconsumers…itmaintainsthat‘the

market’deliversbenefitsthatcouldneverbeachievedbyplanning”(Monbiot2).Inthis,we

canseehowtheMapuchepeopleandtheirdistinctpoliticaleconomythreatenthe

institutionofneoliberalism.TheactivismofMapuchewomenspecificallychallengesthis

socialarrangement,asitisathoroughlycommunity-basedmovementthatrejectsthe

competitionandindividualismthataresocentraltoneoliberalism.Wecanseethis

demonstrated,forexample,throughtheoutpouringofsupportthatPatriciaTroncoso’s

hungerstrikereceivedintheMapuchecommunity,specificallyfromMapuchewomen.For

instance,oneMapuchewomen’sorganization,TheNationalAssociationofRuraland

IndigenousWomen(ANAMURI),wroteanopenlettertoMichelleBacheletstatingtheir

supportforPatricia’shungerstrike.Theyendedtheirletterbysaying“Finally,wewantto

signaltoyouthatthewomenthatANAMURIrepresentswillcontinuesupportingPatricia’s

valiantbattle,whichthankstohersacrificemaintainsanationalandinternational

mobilizationfortherespectoftherightsoftheMapuchepeople”(ANAMURI;translationby

Sippola).Here,thecontrastisclearlydemonstratedbetweenneoliberalsocialphenomena

suchascompetitionandindividualismandMapucheactivists’valuesofcommunityand

connection.Severalcommunitiesarementioned:theorganizationANAMURI,theMapuche

community,andthenationalandinternationalgroupsthatlenttheirsupporttoPatricia’s

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hungerstrike.Joiningtogetherandconsciouslyconfrontingneoliberaleconomicprograms

insteadofseparatingandparticipatinginsaidprogramsasindividualconsumers,Mapuche

womenactivistschallengeallaspectsofneoliberalismandglobalizationinChileansociety.

Sincethisisadirectaffronttothegoalsofthestate,Mapuchewomenface

retributionwhenparticipatinginanti-globalistmovements.Thisoftentakestheformof

violenceatthehandsoftheChileanstate.

MapucheWomenandTheirCommunity

BeforeIgodeeperintotheviolenceMapuchewomenhaveexperiencedthroughthe

state,IwilldescribewhatthelandrightsmovementmeanstoMapuchewomen.Iamnot

Mapuchenorindigenous,norhaveIeverbeenmarginalizedduetomyraceorethnicity,so

Iwillnottrytoexplainthisinmyownwords.Instead,IwillreprintthewordsofMapuche

womenwhohavespokenatlengthaboutthistopic.

AccordingtoMapuchewomen,what’simportanttounderstandisthattheyare

drivennotbythemesofWesternfeminism,buttheiridentitiesasMapuche.IsoldeReuque,

awell-knownactivistduringthedictatorship,assertsoftenthatsheis“Mapuchefirst,and

Mapuchesecond;onlythirdissheaCatholic,apoliticalpartyactivist,orafeminist”

(Reuque12).ThisisaverycommonthoughtamongMapucheactivists,who“[assert]that

theircentralstruggleisthatoftheMapuchepeopleasawhole.Evenwhentheymake

gender-basedclaims,they[insist],theirgoalistocontributetothewiderstruggle”

(Richards2004158).AnotherMapuchewoman,ElisaAvendaño,summarizesitthisway:

“’Wewomenassertasapeoplethatwehavetoberecognized,wewantautonomy,andwe

arenotgoingtoachieveautonomyaswomen,wearegoingtoachieveitasapeople’”

(Calfio105;inRichards2004232).AmongmanyMapuchewomenandactivists(though

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notall),“feminism”isseenasathoroughlyWesternconcept,andgaininglandasa

statementongenderisnottheobjectiveofwomenactivists—rather,itisthereclaimingof

ancestrallandforallMapuche.Withthispaper,therefore,Idonotattempttoportray

Mapuchewomen’sactivismasafeministpursuit,butwouldliketoexplorethedynamics

betweentheChileanstateandMapuchewomenprotestorsandhowglobalizationand

neoliberalcapitalismcanalterthisrelationship.

III.State-ledviolenceagainstMapuchewomen

AllfouroftheMapucheactivistsspokeoutagainsttheoccupationofMapucheland,

andallfourexperiencedviolenceatthehandsoftheChileanstate.Someofthisviolence

wascommittedthroughdirectgovernmentaction,suchasCarabineroshootings,or

throughneoliberalprojectscarriedoutlargelythroughlargetransnationalcorporations.

WecandividetheviolencethatthesefourMapucheandmestizawomen—andofcourse,

otherMapuchewomen—experiencedthroughthehandsofthestateintotwoseparate

categories:personalandstructuralviolence,basedonJohanGaltung’sseminalwork

Violence,Peace,andPeaceResearch,publishedin1968.ViolenceisdefinedbyGaltungas

“thecauseofdifferencebetweenthepotentialandtheactual”(168).Whatisimportant

hereistheideathatviolenceisnotmerelyphysicalviolence,butanypreventablecondition

thatisharmful—whetherphysically,psychologically,socially,etc.—toitssubject.From

there,violencecanbebrokendownfurtherintopersonalviolence,orviolencethatis

causedbyaclearactor,andstructuralviolence,or“violencewherethereisnosuchactor”

(Galtung170).InthecasesofNicolasaQuintreman,DanielaÑancupil,PatriciaTroncoso,

andMacarenaValdés,thefourwomenactivistsintroducedatthebeginning,wecanclearly

identifyexamplesofbothintheirstrugglesforlandrights.

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Now,usingGaltung’sworkassupport,Iwillpointouttheviolencepresentineachof

thecasesofthefouractivists.Withsomeoftheactivists,suchasDanielaÑancupil,whowas

shotbytheChileannationalpoliceforce,thisissomewhatobvious;forothers,suchas

NicolasaQuintreman,itmaynotbesoimmediatelyclear.Iwillalsodemonstratethatthe

Chileanstateiscapableofcommittingfemicide—seenthroughthecaseofPatricia

Troncoso—whichwillsegueintothesection“CharacterizingState-LedViolenceasGender-

BasedViolence,”whichwillarguethattheChileanstatecommitsgender-andethnicity-

basedviolenceagainstMapuchewomen.

NicolasaQuintreman

NicolasaQuintremanwasforcedtogiveupherancestrallandthroughstate

pressure.Herrelocationtoanewregioncanbedefinedasphysicalviolence:forced

physicalmovementfromheridealcondition—livingonthelandherfamilyhasoccupied

forcenturies—toaworsenedactualcondition,orlifeonunfamiliarlandandthephysical

andmentalhardshipsthiscancause.Inthiscase,thereareclearactors:theChileanstate

andENDESA,bothofwhomdemandedNicolasa’srelocation.ENDESAstipulatedtheterms

ofthedeal—howmuchmoneyNicolasawouldreceive,wherehernewlandswouldbe

located,andhowmanyhectaresshewouldreceive(whichendedupbeing77)(Richards

2004134);ENDESAmadetheexchange,whichwasfacilitatedbytheChileangovernment,

amiddleman.ToensuretheremovaloftheQuintremansisters,theChileanstate(andin

particular,EduardoFrei)intervened.In2002,theSupremeCourtruledagainstNicolasa

andBertaQuintremaninasuitthatwouldstoptheconstructionofthedam;Freifiredtwo

CONADIdirectorswhowouldnotapproveofthelandswaps—oneofthestate’slawsin

termsofoccupationofindigenouslandisthattheCONADIboardmustapproveofit—and

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eventuallyhiredanon-Mapuche,non-indigenousmantothepositionwhowouldbesureto

approveofthedeal(Richards2004133).Inthesecases,thereareclearactorswhocarried

outpersonalviolenceagainstNicolasa.

However,wecanalsoseeclearexamplesofstructuralviolenceinNicolasa’scase.

Thereasonsheacceptedthe200million-peso,77-hectaredealwithENDESAwasherson’s

spinaldisorder.Lackofaccesstoaffordablehealthcareledtoherremovalfromancestral

lands;sheneededthemoneytogivetoherson.Thereisnoclearactorherewhoinflicted

thisviolenceonNicolasaandherson,justdeepstructuralproblemswithnopersonal

attacks.Inaddition,Nicolasa’sdeathexhibitsstructuralviolence.Shedrownedinthelake

thatwasformedintheconstructionoftheRalcodam,alakethatwouldnothaveexistedif

herremovalhadnothappened.Herdeathhasnoclearactor,buttheexistenceofthelake—

aprojectledandsupportedbythestate—enabledherdeath,aphysicallyviolentact.

MacarenaValdés

MacarenaValdéssufferedfromdirectphysicalviolencebythehandsofthestate,as

shewaspotentiallyassassinatedbyanaffiliateofRPGlobal,theAustrianTNCconstructing

ahydroelectricplantinhercommunityofTranguil;theChileangovernmentapprovedthis

project,despiteyearsofMapucheprotests,andactivelycollaboratedthroughtheautopsy

theyconductedwhichconcludedshehadcommittedsuicide.Evenifwebelievethe

government’sautopsy,wecanstillfindevidenceofstate-ledviolenceinhercasethrough

Galtung’sconceptof“latentviolence”(172).Thisisthethreatofviolenceor“potential”

violence,ascomparedtomanifestviolence,whichiswhenaviolentactactuallyoccurs.

ThoughthereisapossibilitythatRPGlobalmaynothavekilledMacarena(thoughsuicide

wasdeclaredanimpossibilitybythosewhoknewher),herdeathservesasareminderof

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thepowerthestatewieldstowardsitscitizensandthedeathsithascausedtheMapuche

peopleinthepast.

DanielaÑancupil

ItiseasytoseehowtheChileanstateinflictedviolenceonDanielaÑancupil.Theviolence

shesufferedwasdirectandphysical:multipleCarabineros,agentsofthenationalpolice

force,shotherseventimes.Asweknow,Danielaherselfwasnotprotestingtheoccupation

oftheAraucaníabyCarabineros—itwasherfather.However,thestatestilldecidedtouse

extremelethalforceagainst

her,shootingherasshegot

offabus(HumanRights

Watch61).Shealso

sufferedfromindirect,or

latent,violencefromthe

statejustasMacarenadid:

Danielawaskidnapped

afterwordspreadthather

familywasgoingtopursue

legalactionagainstthe

stateforhershooting.ThisfunctionsinthesamewayasthepotentialviolenceMacarena

faced—thoughitisnotcompletelycertainwhoactuallykidnappedher,thethreatsthey

committedagainstherforspeakingoutagainsttheCarabinerosandthegovernment’srole

asawholeinherattackshowpotentialviolencewillingtobecommittedinthenameofthe

state.

Figure2:StreetartIfoundwhileinValparaíso,Chile."MacaValdésassassinated!Fordefendingtheearth."

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PatriciaTroncoso

TheviolencecommittedagainstPatriciaTroncosoissimilartoNicolasathroughthe

factthatitwasstate-led,thoughoppositeinitsmanifestation:whileNicolasaendured

forcedmovement,Patriciahadherfreedomtomovetakenawaythroughdetainment,one

ofGaltung’sbasicexamplesofpersonal,somaticviolence(174):shewasdetainedbyactors

ofthestate—thepolicewhoarrestedher,theguardswhokeptherinjail,thejudgewho

sentencedher,thenationalprisonworkersandhospitalstaffwhoauthorizedherforce-

feedingtoendherhungerstrike.Inaddition,thestarvationsheunderwentaspartofher

protestisaclearexampleofstate-ledpersonalviolence:becausethestatewouldn’tlisten

toherdemands,shestarvedherselftovisibly—orsomatically—showtheeffectsof

incarcerationonherselfandherMapuchecomrades,aswellastheeffectsofstate-led

occupationofMapucheland.

WhenresearchingPatricia,Icameacrossaquotethatstruckachordwithme:in

responsetoherhungerstrikeandthejudicialsystem’srefusaltoreadherdemands,the

RuralandIndigenousWomen’sAssociationwrotealettertoChile’spresident,Michelle

Bachelet,askinghertostop“’thismajorinstitutionalfemicide’”(Córdova).Theword

“femicide”or“feminicide”hasmanydefinitions,buttwoofthemostrelevantcomefrom

MarcelaLagarde,thechairofMexico’sSpecialCommissiononFemicidein2004,whostates

thefollowing: “acrimeofthestatewhichtoleratesthemurdersofwomenandneither

vigorouslyinvestigatesthecrimesnorholdsthekillersaccountable”aswellas“whenthe

stateofferswomennoguaranteesandcreatesnoconditionsofsecurityfortheirlivesinthe

community,athome,noteveninworkorrecreationalareas.Evenworse,authoritiesdonot

evendotheirjobefficiently”(Widyono11).

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IntermsofPatriciaTroncoso’scase,“femicide”wasnotactuallycommitted—

Troncosowasdyingofstarvation,butendedupsurvivinghertimeinprison.What’s

importantaboutthelettertoBacheletandthephrase“stopthisinstitutionalfemicide”can

befoundinLagarde’sdefinitions:theideathatthestate,or“institution,”iscomplicitin

gender-targetedviolence.Lagarde’sseconddefinitionoffemicideharkensbacktoGaltung’s

definitionofviolence,whichisthedifferencebetweentheactualandthepotential.

Femicide,bythisdefinition,isnotthenarrowerdefinitionofthegender-basedmurderofa

woman,butgender-basedviolenceasawhole.Sincethecapitalistsystemisalsoinherently

patriarchal(Mies2014,53),andwehavealreadyconcludedthattheChileanstateis

capitalistandcommittedtothefurtheringofcapitalism,wearejustifiedinconstructingthe

oppressiverelationshipbetweentheChileanstateandMapuchewomenasagender-based

one:asystemthatfunctionsformensettingouttoinflictviolenceonitswomencitizenryis

certainlygendered.Iwilldevelopthisconceptmoreintheforthcomingsection.

IV.CharacterizingState-LedViolenceasGender-BasedViolence

Thepronouncementthatstate-ledattacksonMapucheactivistsareinstancesof

gender-basedviolence(GBV)mayatfirstglanceseemlikeastretch.Weareusedto

recognizingGBVonamicro-,orpersonal,level:menwhoassaulttheirwives,forexample,

orviolentattacksontransgenderpeople.However,itistruethatalargebodysuchasa

statecancommitGBVonalargescale—wehaveseenthisthroughthedefinitionof

femicide,whichfullyimplicatesthestateinthesepractices.Somestateshaveeven

acceptedthiscondemningdefinition,asMexicohasassumedLagarde’sdefinitionsof

femicideastheirown(Widyono11),furtherlendingcredencetothefactthatastatecan

commitgender-basedviolence.Whatisnecessaryhereistoprovewhyweshouldconsider

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thetreatmentofMapucheactiviststobeGBVcommittedbythestate.Todothis,wemust

harkenbacktotheearlierdivisionwedrewbetweenthestate’sMOPandthatofthe

Mapuche,anddeterminehowanindigenouswoman’sactivismcouldbeseenasathreatto

theneoliberal,globalizedMOP.WewilltakealookatwhatroleMapuchewomenare

supposedtoplayundertheneoliberalsystem,andhowtheiractivism—andspecifically,the

involvementofthefouractivists—upendsthis.

MapucheWomenandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor

ThoughIhavealreadymentionedhowtheMapuchestruggleforlandrightsin

generalchallengesneoliberalglobalizationandthestate,women’sspecificparticipationin

thisstruggleposesanevenbiggerthreat.Theuseofviolentactionsbythestateagainst

Mapucheactivists,suchastheshootingofDanielaÑancupil,thearrestandstarvationof

PatriciaTroncoso,themurderofMacarenaValdés,andtheforcedmigrationofNicolasa

Quintreman,canbetiedbacktotheprioritizationofneoliberalglobalization.Capitalism,

andthusneoliberal,globalizedcapitalism,reliesonthesuppressionofwomen,especially

womenofcolor,tocontinuouslyactualize:“thecapitalistmodeofproduction…[needs]

differentcategoriesofcolonies,particularlywomen,otherpeoplesandnature,touphold

themodelofever-expandinggrowth”(Mies50-51).Thisissodeeplyrootedthatcapitalism

“cannotfunctionwithoutpatriarchy…thegoalofthesystem,namelythenever-ending

processofcapitalaccumulation,cannotbeachievedunlesspatriarchalman-woman

relationsaremaintainedornewlycreated”(Mies52-53).Justasthecoreexploitsthe

periphery,womenareexploitedbymenundercapitalismtomaximizeprofits.

Fromthisassertion,wecanconcludethatwomen,andespeciallywomenofcolor,

playaveryimportantroleinthecapitalisteconomy.MariaMiesspeaksofthe“capitalist

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divisionoflabor,”andhowtraditionallyunderthecapitalistMOP,laborhasbeendivided

basedongender:menworkingwage-laborjobsandearningmoney,whilewomendo

“reproductive”or“private”work,raisingchildrentoeventuallyparticipateinthecapitalist

economyandfurthertheaccumulationofwealth,butnotearningacentfortheirlabor

(47).This,aswellastheexploitationofwagelaborperformedbywomen—demonstrated

throughthewagegap,whichinChileaffectsindigenouswomenthemostoutofanygroup

identity(Ataletal.11,36)—showshowcorporationscanearnaprofitoffofMapuche

women’sparticipationintheMOP,moresothanotherlaborers.

TheplaceintheChileaneconomythatthestatehaspickedforMapuchewomenis

nothardtofigureout:asdomesticservantsinSantiagoandotherurbanizedareas,made

clearthroughpoliciesdatingbacktoPinochet.Ashasbeenmentionedbefore,the

dictatorshipinvokedaharshurbanizationprocessinthelate1970sandearly1980s,

seizingMapuchelandandprivatizingit.Thesubsequentmigrationthatoccurred,however,

wasgendered:the1992ChileannationalcensusfoundthatthemajorityofMapuche

migrantsmovedtoSantiagofromruralareas,andthatofthesemigrants,Mapuchewomen

outnumberedMapuchemen(CastroRamiro).TheparticulareffectsthishadonMapuche

womenareseenthroughtheregime’sdecreelaw2,568,passedin1979,whichallowedthe

militaryregimetoseizeMapuchecommunalland,parcelit,andsellittocompanies,private

citizens,andbacktotheMapuchethemselves.Withinthislawwaswrittentheausentes

policy,whichstatedthatonthedayofparceling,anyMapuchewhowasnotphysically

locatedontheirhistoriclandwouldautomaticallyforfeitittothegovernment;since

womenweredisproportionatelymovingtothecitiestolookforwork,lesswerepresentin

thecommunityatthetimeofseizure(PinchulefCalfulcura97).

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Thesewomenfoundvarioustypesofemployment,butthemostcommonjobwasin

domesticwork,with40.6%ofMapuchewomenperformingsometypeofdomesticwork

and34.6%ofthisbeinglive-indomesticwork(CastroRamiro).Thisclearlyharkenstothe

capitalistdivisionoflabor,asMapuchedomesticworkerswere(andare)participatingina

jobthatispartoftheprivatesphere,andthatcomeswithlowerwages:sincethe

dictatorshipandupuntil2011,Chileandomesticworkers—adisproportionateamountof

whomareMapuche—wereonlylegallyentitledto75%ofthenationalminimumwage

(Blofield119).EventhoughthePinochetregimewantedto“modernize”thecountryand

assimilatetheMapuchepopulationsoitwouldnolongerresist,therewasnointentionof

advancingequityfortheindigenouspopulation.DomesticworknotonlyholdsMapuche

womeninalow-payingjob,butalsoreinforcesatraditionalpatriarchalandracialdivision

oflaborandkeepsMapuchewomenawayfromtheirancestralland.Thisforcedmigration

tourbanareashasaddedtothecontinuedeconomicdevelopmentoftheChileanstate

throughincreasedproduction,asMapuchetraditionallyarealmostentirelyself-sufficient

ontheirancestrallands(CanalesTapia133),apositionthatdoesnotcontributetothe

growthofthenation’sGDP.Mapuchewomenprotestingagainstanyelementofthestate

riskstheharmfulrelationshipbetweenoppressedgroupsandthestateandthusthe

economicgrowthofthenation.Itisachallengetothestate’slargelyuncheckedpower.

Thestatehasusedatleasttwotoolstoreacttothischallenge:gender-based

violenceandanti-terrorismlaws,whichwillbediscussedinthesection“TheSecond

ChileanState.”ThreeoftheMapucheactivists—Nicolasa,Macarena,andPatricia—were

directlyprotestingtheoccupationoftheAraucaníabytransnationalcorporations;their

silencewouldensurethecontinuationoftheseprofitableprojects.Danielawasprotesting

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theoccupationoftheAraucaníanotbymultinationalcorporationsperse,butbythe

Chileannationalpolice.IncreasedsurveillanceoftheMapuche,justifiedunderthe

aforementionedanti-terrorismlaws,reinforcessubordinationandthecontinuationof

developmentprojectsonMapucheterritory.Byprotestingthisoccupation,Danielawas

alsothreateningtheglobalizedorder.

MapucheActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor

Specifically,wecanseehowthefourMapucheactiviststhreatenedtheChilean

capitalistdivisionoflaborthroughthepositionseachofthemheldwithintheMapuche

community.

MacarenaValdés

MacarenaValdésandherhusband,RubénCollío,werebornandraisedinSantiago,

butknewthattheirfamilieswerefromtheLosRíosRegioninSouthernChile.In2014,the

coupledecidedtogiveupcitylifeandembracetheirancestry;theymovedtoPanguipulliin

LosRíos,takingtheirthreechildrenwiththemtoliveasMapuche.Shortlythereafter,both

MacarenaandRubénbecameleadersinthecampaignagainstRPGlobalandtheTranguil

hydroelectricplant(Montalva).

Hereweclearlyseeaspectsofthecapitalistdivisionoflabor.Bothsheandher

husbandwerefromMapuchefamilies,buthadlivedinSantiagotheirwholelives;thisisa

clearexampleoftheforcedmigrationthatMapuchehaveundergonesincethefoundation

oftheChileanrepublicandthesplittingoftheirland.InSantiago,Macarenawas

conformingtothestate’sdivisionoflabor:integratedintothecapitalisteconomy.However,

sheandherhusbandwereawareofthisintegration,Rubénnotingthat“’Wecameescaping

thatexcessivecompetitionofobtainingeconomicresourcesthatintheendnevermakeyou

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happy…Onedoesnotliveinthecapital,onesurvives.Whatwewantedwastolive’”

(Balcázar;translationbySippola).WhentheymovedtoPanguipulli,thetwogaveuptheir

traditionaljobs,Rubénbecomingawerken—aleaderofaMapuchecommunity—and

Macarenagardenedandrefurbishedthepasturesofhercommunity(Balcázar).Thetwo

alsospentalargeamountoftime,ofcourse,asactivists.

InMacarena’sstory,wecanseeclearexamplesofhowshedefiedtheChilean

capitalistdivisionoflabor.Shebrokefreefromthestate’spoliticaleconomytojointhe

Mapuchepoliticaleconomy,andnolongerparticipatedinthecreationofcapitalforthe

state,ashergardeningandfarmworkwouldnotrealizeanymoneyforthestate.In

addition,thoughMacarenacaredforherchildreninPanguipulli,probablywithout

payment,thiswasnotanexploitationofwomen’slaborasitwouldbeintheChilean

politicaleconomy.WecanharkenbacktoMies’sworkonthecapitalistdivisionoflabor

andseethatinthecapitalisteconomy,“…theproductivityofthehousewifeisthe

preconditionfortheproductivityofthe(male)wagelaborer…hence,thehousewifeandher

laborare,inotherwords,thebasisoftheprocessofcapitalaccumulation”(47-48).Taking

careofchildren,workingasa“housewife”isonlyusefultothestateifthatwomanisraising

herchildrentoeventuallyjointhecapitalisteconomyandearnawage.Macarena,however,

tookherthreesonswithhertoPanguipulli,extractingthemfromthiscycle.Sheevenhada

fourthsonwhileinPanguipulli,whowasbornshelteredfromthisprocessandwilllivea

childhoodentirelyintheMapuchepoliticaleconomy.This,ofcourse,isanaffronttothe

state,whichnotonlylostthelaborofMacarenaandherhusband,buttheirfourchildrenas

well.BymovingfromSantiago,effectivelyreversingtheforcedmigrationoftheMapuche

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forherfamily,andenteringintoadifferentpoliticaleconomy,Macarenathreatenedthe

reproductionofcapitalism.

NicolasaQuintreman

NicolasaQuintremanwasbornandraisedinMapuchecountry,livingonher

parents’ancestrallandfrombirthuntilitwasappropriatedbyENDESAin2002(Tribuna

delBíoBío).Shelivedseparatefromtheurbanized,“modern”countrythatPinochetbuilt

andthedemocraticgovernmentafterwardsworkedtosustain—thisisseenveryclearly

throughherownwords,asin1999shestatedthisaboutthedealsshewasbeingoffered

fromENDESA:“’Moneydoesn’tinterestme,nordoesahousewithakitchen.Ihavemy

place,mystove,andmylandtoworkon.NordoIwantthelightthattheyoffer,Ihavethe

sunforthat…withthis,I’mgood’”(TribunadelBíoBío).Nicolasaclearlyexistedwellwithin

theMapuchepoliticaleconomy,notearningmoneythroughanymeansofemployment.

Whilethisistraditionallyexpectedofwomenunderthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,what

isolatesNicolasafromthisprocesswasthatshewasnotperformingthedutyexpectedof

herbythestate—completingunpaidandunrecognizedhouseworkthatwouldsupporta

laborerhusbandandfuturelaborers(sons).Nicolasadidnothaveahusband—onestrike

againsther.Shedidhaveason,Victor,butinhisregardthegoalofthestateremained

incomplete—hehasaspinaldisorder,andthereforedoesnotwork(Richards2004134;

TribunadelBíoBío).NotonlydidNicolasarefusetoparticipateintheChileaneconomy

throughpre-approvedmeanssuchasdomesticwork,shedidnotliveuptohermost

fundamentalroleofraisingmalelaborers.

Miesstatesthat“…theproductivityofthehousewifeisthepreconditionforthe

productivityofthe(male)wagelaborer”(47),andinthisassertionwecanseethatthe

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capitalistdivisionoflaborentirelyplacestheresponsibilityonNicolasaforherson’slackof

contributiontotheaccumulationoftheChileanstate.Her“productivity”firstneedstobe

presenttoensurethatherchildrenoutputaswell,andhersondoesnot.Ofcourse,wecan

seethatthatisprobablylargelyduetohisdisability;however,itistraditionallythestate’s

perspective,underapatriarchalpoliticaleconomy,thatthemotheristoblameforany

disabilitytheirchildrenarebornwith,as“duringchildbirth,thestatedistrustsmothersto

makeappropriatedecisionstoprotectthewell-beingofthefetus.And,ifthechildisborn

withadisability,themotherisblamedforcausingwhateverdifficultiesmayoccur”(Colker

1206).IntheperspectiveoftheChileanstate,Nicolasahasrejectednotonlyherown

placementinthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,buthasalsofundamentallycausedherson’s

failuretoparticipateaswell.Therefore,notonlydosheandheroffspringnotparticipatein

thestate’saccumulation,sheactivelyworksagainstitthroughheractivism.

DanielaÑancupil

DanielaÑancupilrejectedthecapitalistdivisionoflaborbynatureofherexistence.

Aswehaveseen,Mieshighlightsthat“femaleproductivityisthepreconditionofmale

productivity”(70)andthat“thenuclearfamily,organizedandprotectedbythestate,isthe

socialfactorywherethiscommodity‘laborpower’isproduced”bythewifethrough

reproduction(48).Daniela,however,isnotmale;raisingher,aMapuchegirl,doesnot

contributegreatlytotheaccumulationoftheChileanstate.Inaddition,shewas13atthe

timeofhershootingandkidnapping,anageatwhichsheprobablycouldnothaveachild

andthuscomplywiththecapitalistdivisionoflabor,butalsocouldnotacceptthe

alternativeandworkasadomesticworker,contributingtonationalaccumulation.Thus,in

theeyesofthestate,Danielaservednopurpose(exceptforinherassociationwithher

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activistfather,elaboratedinthenextsection,“State-LedViolence:MapucheWomenvs.

MapucheMen”).Inthisway,shetoorejectedtheracialandgenderdivisionoflabor.

PatriciaTroncoso

PatriciaTroncosowaslivingstudyingtheologyattheCatholicUniversityof

Valparaísoandworkingasapreschoolassistantwhenshedecidedtotakeupthecauseof

theMapuchein1998andfocussolelyonactivism(Cayuqueo).Notonlydidsherejectthe

Chileanpoliticaleconomyandherplaceinit—growingnationalwealththroughherincome

andalsoreinvestingitthroughherstudies—shealsorejectedherpositionasamestiza

womantolivewithintheMapuchepoliticaleconomy.Patriciaisdifferentthantheother

threeactivistsinthatsheisnotcompletelyMapuche,butmixedwithwhiteancestry.

Hereinliesanimportantdistinctionthatisnottobeignored:theeffectofraceandethnicity

inthegenderedcapitalistdivisionoflabor.

EvelynNakanoGlennwritesthatwhile“Marxistfeministsplacethegendered

constructionofreproductivelaboratthecenterofwomen’soppression,”many“theoriesof

racialhierarchydonotincludeanyanalysisofreproductivelabor”(2).However,wecannot

affordtoseparategenderandraceandthinkofthemas“additivesystems”(Glenn3)that

contributetoaMapuchewoman’sstatusintheChileancapitalistsociety;rather,raceand

genderare“interlocking”andcreatean“integratedmodelofraceandgender”that

uniquelydefinestheirroleinthecapitalistdivisionoflabor(Glenn3).Thiscomesintoplay

mainlythroughthedisproportionateamountofwomenofcolorwhoperformdomestic

workinprivatehouseholds(clearlyexemplifiedthroughtheMapuche,asseeninthe

previoussection)(Glenn6).Indigenouswomen’sworkisdevaluedandoverlookedina

multitudeofwaysduetotheinterlockingfactorsofraceandgender.

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Wecannotjustdisregardthis,especiallyinouranalysisofPatriciaTroncoso.While

shewascertainlytargetedandattackedbythestateforherbreakwiththecapitalist

divisionoflabor,theconsequencesmayhavebeenlessdireforher.AccordingtoGlenn,

Theracialdivisionoflaboralsobolsteredthegenderdivisionoflaborbyofferingwhitewomenaslightlymoreprivilegedpositioninexchangeforacceptingdomesticity…adualisticconceptionofwomenas“good”and“bad,”longapartoftheWesternculturaltradition,providedready-madecategoriesforcastingwhiteandracial-ethnicwomenasoppositionalfigures.(33-34)

Thoughin1998whenheractivismbeganPatriciadidnotacceptthegeneraldomesticity

thatthestateexpectsofitswomensubjects,shedidnotalsohavetheexpectationthat

indigenouswomendothatshewouldperformunderpaid,exploitativedomesticserviceas

herjobifsheweretorejectunpaidhouseworkasherrole.Itislessradicalfora

white/mestizawomantohaveajoboutsideofdomesticservitudethanitisforaMapuche

woman,andPatriciabenefitedfromthissystem.ThoughIhavebeenfocusingmainlyon

genderthroughoutthispaper,itisextremelyimportanttounderstandthattheviolence

MapuchewomenactivistsfacefromthestateandTNCsisnotduejusttotheirgender,but

theirraceandethnicityaswell.Patriciaisexemptfromthis.Ihave,however,decidedto

includeherinthisthesisbecausetheMapuchelandrightsmovementhasfullyacceptedher

asanimportantandrighteousfigureinthefightagainsttheoccupationofland.Thedozens

ofnewspaperarticlesandessaysIhavereadthatwerewrittenbyMapuchecommunity

membershavealwaysreferredtoherasaMapucheactivist,andthrownfullsupport

behindher.Forthisreason,andbecauseIbelieveherstorydemonstratestheGBVthestate

commitsagainstitscitizenry,Ihaveincludedherinthisthesis.

ThoughPatriciadoesnotexperiencethesametreatmentthatMapuchewomen

activistsdoduetotheirrace,itistruethatsherejectedthegenderdivisionoflabor

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throughgivingupherjobasapreschoolassistant—apositionthatdoesinvolvethecareof

children—tolivefullyasanactivistoutsideoftheChileanmodeofproduction,moving

fromValparaiso,anurbancenter,toDidaico,aMapuchecommunityintheAraucanía

(BasadreG.).This,too,couldcertainlybeconsideredasanaffronttothestate.

IhavespenttimeprovidingevidencefortheseMapucheactivistsdefyingthe

capitalistdivisionoflaborbecauseitshowsjusthowthoroughlytheyexistoutsideofthe

state’sclear-definedboundariesforthem.Notonlydoalloftheseactivistschallengethe

stateanditscapitalistMOP,Macarena,Nicolasa,andDanielaespeciallydosoduetotheir

rejectionofboththegenderandracialdivisionsoflabor.

So,howdoesthestatereacttothisaffront?Withviolence.Inparticular,Iarguethat

theChileanstateusesgender-basedviolenceagainstMapuchewomeninordertoforce

thembackintotherolestheyaresupposedtoplayunderthehegemonicpoliticaleconomy.

V.State-ledviolence:Mapuchewomenvs.Mapuchemen

WhatIthinkisimportantnextistoexamineanydifferencesinthetreatment

betweenMapuchemenandwomen,ifwearetoconsidertheviolenceenactedagainst

womenactivistsasgender-basedaswell,andnotjustrace-andethnicity-based(for,of

course,theviolencecommittedagainstMapuchewomenactivistsisnotjustsolely

committedbasedontheirgender,buttheirrace,indigenousness,existenceoutsidethe

hegemonicpoliticaleconomy,andmore).Thisisnotmeanttocreateadivisionbetween

Mapuchemenandwomen,norclaimthatwhatonegroupexperiencesisworsethanthe

other—justtoshowthatthestatetreatsthemasseparategroupsaccordingtothethreat

theyperceive.

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Mapucheactivistmencertainlyexperienceviolenceatthehandsofthestate.Itis

notauniqueexperiencethatMapuchewomenface.Mapuchemenareimprisoned,shot,

murdered,leftinpoverty,andforcedtomigrate,justasMapuchewomenare.Theviolence

experiencedbetweenthesetwospecificgenders,however,isundoubtedlynuanced,and

womenfaceaparticularthreatduetotheirgender.Thisismadeespeciallyclearinthe

livedexperiencesofMacarena,Nicolasa,Patricia,andDaniela,soIwillusetheirstories

throughoutmyargumentassupport.

MapucheWomen:DerivativesofMapucheMen

OnepatternthatIhavenoticedisthestate’suseofviolenceagainstMapuche

womenastoolstogettopowerfulorwell-knownMapuchemen.Ratherthanharmthese

mendirectly,Mapuchewomen’sbodiesareusedasdisposablewarnings,exampleofwhat

couldhappentothesemeninthefutureiftheypersistintheiractivism.Thedeathof

MacarenaValdésandtheshootingofDanielaÑancupilaretwoinstancesofthis.Macarena

wasaleaderandanactivistinherownright,butsowasherhusband,Rubén—whowas

alsoawerken(leader)ofthecommunityofNewenTranguil.Mapuchenewscoverageofher

deathcorroboratesthatherassassinationwas,atleastinpart,awayofthreateningher

husband.“HitmenassassinateMacarenaValdés,wifeofthewerkenoftheLiquiñe

community,”oneheadlinereads(WerkenRojo;translationbySippola);anotherarticle

statesthatinthedaysleadinguptoMacarena’sdeath,Rubénhadreceivedthreatsfrom

affiliatesofRPGlobal,demandinghislandlordevictthefamily(SudaméricaRural).Other

articlesclaimthatthesesameaffiliatesthreatenedtoburnhishouse(WerkenRojo).

TheshootingandkidnappingofDanielaÑancupilbyCarabinerosalsodemonstrates

thispattern.Asmentionedpreviously,Danielaherselfwasnotanactivistperseinthe

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Mapuchestruggleforlandrights,butherfather,JoséÑancupil,was.Hewasalonko

(highestleader)oftheGalvarinocommunityintheAraucaníaregion,protestingthe

occupationofhiscommunitybyCarabineroswhenDanielawasshot.Daniela’sbody,just

likeMacarena’s,wasusedasamessagetoaMapuchemaleleader.Later,whenDanielawas

kidnapped,herabductorstoldhertheywouldkillherlawyerifshedidnotdropthe

chargesshehadpressedontheCarabinerosthathadshother:onceagain,usingthebodyof

aMapuchewomantogettoathreateningman.

Ibelievethisparadigmservesseveralpurposes.Firstly,todemeanthewoman(if

shesurvives)—gender-basedviolenceisawaytoassertdominanceandcontroloverthe

victim(Mies167),andiftheChileanstatefeelsitislosingcontroloverthewomenwithin

itsborders,makingthemsuccumbthroughphysicalforcewouldservetwopurposes:

achievingitsgoal(thesubmissionofthewoman)aswellasteachingthewoman,and

therebyotherwomenofthesamegroup,ahumiliatinglesson.Secondly,thepatternof

usingviolenceagainstwomentowarnmaleactivistsallowstheChileanstatetocontinue

actualizingthecapitalistdivisionoflaborwithoutmuchinterruption.Clearly,whenGBVis

committedagainstMapuchewomenactivistsbutmaleactivistsarespared,astatementis

beingmadeonwhichcitizensareworthmoretothestate.Inthesescenarios,theMapuche

womanwhosuffersgender-basedviolence“…isameans,anobject,notasubject”(Mies

162).Withthisquote,Miesusestheword“subject”todenoteautonomy,butIwilltakeita

stepfurtherandalsosayitcouldbeinterpretedasasubjectofthenation.Asmentioned

before,womenaretraditionallysidelinedinthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,theirpreferred

usebeingtoraisemalewagelaborers(Mies47).Importantheretothestatearethemen:

theyaretheonesintegratedintothecapitalisteconomy.Though,ofcourse,wecanseethat

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womenplayanequallyimportantrole,theirworkisclearlydevalued(astheyarenotpaid).

Thestatefavorsitsmalesubjects,evengoingsofarastotreatitswomenaslessthan

citizens,seeingtheminsteadasan“object”ora“means”togetmalelabortocomplywith

itsdesignatedrole.Mapuchewomenactivists,therefore,aretreatedasdisposableproperty

bytheChileanstate,atooltocontinuetheproductionthatprovidesforitsnational

accumulation—notharmingthemeninthesecases,astheirpotentialstillexists.

MapucheWomenandPoverty

NicolasaQuintreman,too,facedgender-basedviolenceatthehandsoftheChilean

state.Whensheunderwentforcedrelocationin2002,shereceivedonly200,000,000

Chileanpesosincompensation—about$290,000USdollars(Muñoz).Bythetimeshe

drownedin2013,hermoneywasgone;theroughterrainanddroughtofhernewlocation

didnoteasilysupportagriculture,andshediedinpoverty,takingcareofherillson

(TribunadelBíoBío)(Muñoz).NeitherthenationalgovernmentnorENDESAdidanything

tostopthis:asapartofhercontractwithENDESA,Nicolasaandtheotherrelocated

Mapuchefamiliesweresupposedtoreceive1,500UF(aChileanunitofaccount),valuedat

about41,108,000Chileanpesos,about$60,460USD,tohelpdevelopagriculturalprojects

intheirnewlocations;accordingtoNicolasa’sson,thismoneynevercame.Moreover,

ENDESAagreedtobuildhomesfortheMapucheinadditiontothecashtheyreceived—this

didnothappeneither,andNicolasahadtobuildanewhomeonherlandwithpartofthe

original$290,000(Muñoz).

Thesefactsareimportant.The“feminizationofpoverty”isawell-knownglobal

phenomenon—“womenaremoreimpoverishedthanmen”:astheproportionofpoor

peoplegrows,thepercentageofthisproportionthatarewomenalsogrows(Buvinić38).Of

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course,racecannotbeoverlookedhere.Indigenouswomeninparticular“tendtohave

lowereducationalattainment[and]liveinmoreimpoverishedmunicipalities…”thannon-

indigenouswomen(Eversoleetal.30);wecanthereforemaketheconnectionthat

indigenouswomentendtobemoreimpoverishedthanbothmeningeneralandwhiteand

mestizawomeninChile.Whenlookingatpovertystatistics,wefindthistobetrue;

accordingtotheWorldBank,in2015,11%ofindigenousChileanslivedinpoverty(making

lessthan$5.5USDperday),ascomparedto8%ofnon-indigenousChileans(WorldBank

2018).Inaddition,in2013,regionswithveryhighconcentrationsofMapuche—Maule,Bío

Bío,Araucanía,andLosRíos—hadthefourworstpovertyratesinChile,allat20.1to30.0

percentofthepopulation(Pinoetal.).

Itisnotasecret,therefore,thattheMapuche,andMapuchewomeninparticular,are

affectedbypovertyinChile.Infact,SebastianPiñera—thePresidentofChilefrom2010-

2014,atthetimeofNicolasa’sdeath,and2018-2022—ranhismostrecentcampaignin

partonapromisetoliftwomenoutofpoverty,mentioninginhisofficialplatformnoless

than16timesthepromiseofanincreaseinwomen’spensions,ortheincreaseintheir

economicintegrationandopportunities(PiñeraEchenique).Piñeraevenoutrightadmits

thedisproportionateamountofwomenaffectedbypovertyinChile,stating“povertystill

affectswomeninagreaterproportion“(109;translationbySippola),andevenconceding

thatitaffectsindigenouspeopleatagreaterproportion:“therearestillbetweentwoand

fourmillioncitizenslivingbeneaththepovertyline,asituationthatisconcentrated

fundamentallyonchildren,women,indigenousgroupsandtheruralworld”(98;

translationbySippola).ItisthereforeaccuratetoassumethatthePiñeraadministration

understandsthegraspthatpovertyholdsonMapuchewomen.

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ThisiswhytheviolenttreatmentofNicolasaQuintremanisgender-based.Wecan

seethegreateraffectsthatherpovertyhadonherbecauseofherwomanhood:her

traditionaldutiesasamother—takingcareofherillson—werethereasonshetookthe

settlementfromENDESAinthefirstplace,andmostlikelyareasonfortheexhaustionof

thosefunds.Thisisthefeminizationofpovertyinaction—wehavealreadyseenhowthe

stateinacapitalistsocietyemphasizesmaternityasanessentialdutyofwomen.Wecan

seehowtheChileanstatepromotesthetraditionalassignmentofchildrearingtowomen,

undervaluesthislabor,andthenholdsindigenouswomeninthispovertybysupporting

projectssuchasRalcothatdemonstrablyworsentheireconomicconditions.Theironyofit

isfoundinthegovernment’sacknowledgmentthatwomenandindigenouspeople

disproportionatelysufferfrompoverty—exemplifiedbyPiñera’splatform—yetcontinually

makedecisionsthatworsenthisphenomenon,allinthenameofneoliberalglobalization.

Thisisundoubtedlystructuralgender-basedviolence.

StateOwnershipofMapucheWomen’sBodies

In2004,PatriciaTroncosowassentencedtoapunishmentof10yearsand1dayfor

afiresheandotherMapucheactivistslitin2002onthelandoccupiedbyForestalMininco,

apapercompany.ShewaschargedwithTerroristArson,IllicitTerroristAssociation,and

TerroristThreatsundertheAntiterrorismLaw(CorreaandMella311),apolicyputinto

placein1984byAugustoPinochet.InOctoberof2007,threeyearsintohersentence,she

beganahungerstriketoprotesttheuseofthislawagainstMapucheactivists(itsimpact

willbedetailedmoreinthesection“TheAntiterrorismLaw”).Thisstrikelasted113days.

ThoughthereweremanywaysthestatetreatedPatriciaviolently—herarrestand

detentioningeneral,includingthetwoyearsshespentinjailwithoutcharges—whatI

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thinkisespeciallyimportanttofocusonistheendtoherhungerstrike,whichwasnota

decisionPatriciaherselfmade.Afterbeinghospitalizedonthe104thdayofherstrikedueto

theextremelyharshphysicaltollittookonherbody,theChileanGendarmerie(thetitle

giventotheirnationalprisonservice,adivisionoftheirMinistryofJustice)andhospital

staff,againsttheprotestsofPatricia,subjectedhertoforcedfeeding;toaccomplishthis,

theyrestrainedhertoherbed(Servindi).

Interestingly,thestatedoesnotsubjectMapuchemaleprisonerstothesame

treatmentwhentheyinvokethesamenegotiatingtactics:duringseveralhigh-profile

hungerstrikesundertakenbyMapuchemen,includingahungerstrikein2010that

involved34Mapucheprisoners,forcedfeedingneveroccurred.Infact,inahigh-profile

hungerstrikeundertakenin2017byfiveMapuchemen,aprisoner,BenitoTrangol,was

hospitalizedduetohisworseninghealth;thehospitalstaffandGendarmerieexpressed

theirdesiretofeedhim,butultimatelydidnotafterTrangoldeniedthempermission(Ortiz

Herrera).Inmyresearch,IhavenotfoundonecaseofforcedfeedingofaMapucheman.

Thepointofthiscomparison,again,isnottopitMapuchewomenandmenagainst

oneanother,butrathertocallattentiontothedifferencesintheirtreatmentbythestate

whenundertheexactsameconditions:starving,incarcerated,andinprotest.Todevelop

whythismightbe,IwilluseLesleyA.Sharp’sMarxiananalysisoftheobjectificationand

commodificationofthebody(2000).Inherwork,Sharpwritesthat“…historically,thebody

frequentlyemergesasasiteofproduction,wherelivingpersonsmaybevaluedsolelyfor

theirlaborpower”(292).LookingbacktoPatricia’ssubheadinginthesection“Mapuche

ActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor,”wecanseehowshehasdefiedthestate’s

embraceofneoliberalcapitalismwithherrejectionofparticipationintheformal

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workforce.The“laborpower”thatPatriciacontainsisnotbeingputtowardsfurtheringthe

accumulationofwealth,butratherintodisassemblingthisveryprocess.Therefore,when

lookingbacktowhatSharptellsus,Patriciacertainlyhaslowvalueintheeyesofthe

state—herpotentialpowerisbeingputtonouse;whenobjectified,thecommodityshe

becomestothestateisoflowworth.

Besideslaborpower,undercapitalismPatriciaalsoholds“reproductivepower.”

AccordingtoSharp,“…womenconsistentlyemergeasspecializedtargetsof

commodification,wherethefemalebodyisoftenvaluedforitsreproductivepotential”

(293).Again,callingbacktotheideaofthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,weseehowthestate

valorizeswomenfortheabilitytocreateandconditionmalelaborerstofurthercapital

accumulation(Patriciadidnothavechildren).ThispatternfurtherobjectifiesPatricia,as

sheasreducedtothelaborpowershepossesses—andrejects—andherreproductive

organs(Sharp294),whosestate-dictateduseshealsorejects.Therefore,itisnosurprise

thatthestate,actingthroughtheGendarmerie,chosetodefyPatricia’sordersforherown

body—nonutrition,evenifsheweretodie(Servindi),unlessherdemandsweremet—and

actuponitasifitwereanobject.“Colonialpower,laborpolicies,andmedicalpractices

havefrequentlyworkedtogethertodisciplinecolonizedbodies,”Sharpwrites(293),and

thereisnoclearerexampleofthisthanthestatephysicallyrestrainingaMapuchewoman,

penetratingherbodywithanIV,anddecidingherownfateforher,allagainstherwill.

Thus,wecanconcludethatPatriciaTroncoso’streatmentisaclear-cutexampleof

gender-basedviolence.Theangerofthestateatthisactivistforcallingattentiontothe

unjustappropriationofMapuchelands,aswellasthejailingofMapucheprotestorsundera

racistandauthoritarianAntiterrorismLaw,isobvious.Actingasrepresentativesofa

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neoliberalbody,theGendarmerieandhospitalstaffreducedPatriciatohertwo

characteristicsthatcreatehervalueinthecapitalistMOP—herlaborpotentialand

reproductivepotential—andfoundneithersatisfactory.Ofcourse,theyobjectifiedherin

theprocess,aphenomenonthatoccursconstantlyinasocietybuiltaroundproduction,

distribution,andconsumption.Objectification,ofcourse,raisesquestionsofownership

(Sharp298),animportantcomponentofcapitalism—towhomdoesPatriciabelong?In

raisingthisquestion,IwouldliketoharkenbacktotheassertionbyMapucheprotestors

thatPatriciaTroncoso’streatmentbytheChileanstatewasfemicide(theycalledonthen-

presidentMichelleBacheletto“stopthismajorinstitutionalfemicide”(Córdova)).Inher

bookLaGuerraContraLasMujeres(2016),RitaLauraSegatowritesextensivelyon

femicideinCiudadJuarez,Mexico,andtheroleofherconceptofthe“SecondState”inthis

phenomenon,aconceptthatIwilldelveintointhenextsectionofthisthesis.Sheasserts

thatunderthisSecondState,“inthelanguageoffemicide,“femininebody”alsomeans

“territory””(Segato47;translationbySippola).Weclearlyseethisideaatplayinthecase

ofPatriciaTroncoso—herrape-liketreatmentofisnothardtomiss,asthestateexercises

itsclassicalroleofsovereigntyoverherbody,itsterritory.Asweknow,sexualviolenceisa

questionofpower,control,anddominance,andbyphysicallyrestrainingPatriciaand

penetratingherwithanIV,assertingdominance,thestate’sopinionoverherownershipis

evident.

Throughoutthissection,mygoalhasbeentodemonstratethattheviolenceagainst

MapucheactiviststhatIdetailedin“State-LedViolenceagainstMapucheWomen”hasbeen

shapedbytheirgender.Thoughitiseasytoseewhythisisincrediblyimportantto

understandinreallife—astateactingviolentlytowardsitscitizensandperpetratingthat

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violencedifferentlyduetoperceivedgenderisahugecauseforalarm—whydoesthis

matterspecificallytothisresearch?ToshowthatthecurrentMOP,capitalism—specifically

neoliberalfinancecapitalism—punishesMapuchewomenforexistingoutsideofthis

politicaleconomyandactivelytryingtodismantleit.Aswe’veseenthroughPatricia

Troncoso,thestatesummonsitssovereigntyoveritssubjects,whichmanifeststhrough

violence,tomakethemre-enterthispoliticaleconomy.Whatbecomesimportant,then,is

theinseparabilitythatdefinestherelationshipbetweentheChileanstateandtransnational

corporations,andhow,thus,thesecorporationsarenecessarilyandvoluntarilyinvolvedin

theviolenceandwhatthefutureholdsforthisdynamic.Ibelievethenextsectionwill

demonstratethis.

VI.TheChileanSecondState

Throughoutthisthesis,Ihavecalledattentiontothegrowingintegrationof

transnationalcorporationsintotheChileanstate,aswellasthestate’sviolentreaction

towardsMapuchewomen’slandrightsactivists.Ibelievewecanconnectthesetwo

phenomenathroughSegato’sconceptofthe“SegundoEstado”(SecondState)(2006),or

the“SecondRealidad”(SecondReality),assherephraseditin2016.Segatowritesthatin

Mexico,specificallyinNorthernMexicowherebordertownshavebeenplaguedby

instancesoffemicide,thestatehasadualnature;the“PrimeraRealidad”(First

Reality/FirstState),whichis

“constitutedbyallthatgovernedbythesphereoftheState,allthatdeclaredtobetheState,visibleinthestoriesofthenationandthe‘Transparencyinpublicgovernance’internetpages,residentialrealestate…allthatisproducedandcommercialized;for-profitcompaniesandnon-profits,etc.Foritsprotection,thisuniversecountsonpoliceandmilitaryforces,institutionsandpoliciesonpublicsecurity,thejudicialsystemandprisonthatprotectthislegitimate,legalwealth”(75;translationbySippola).

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TheSecondState,however,exists

“intheundergroundofthisworldofsupposedtransparencies…itisamirroredrealityinrelationtothefirstone:withtheamountofcapitalandcirculatingflowprobablyidentical,andwithitsownforcesofsecurity,whichistosay,armedcorporationsoccupiedwithprotectingtheir“owners’”property,ontopoftheirincalculablerichesthatinthisuniverseareproducedandadministered.”(75;translationbySippola).

Twostatesexist:thatofthestatethatthepublicconsciouslyrecognizes,thatwhichwe

typicallythinkofwhenitcomestothestate,andtheSecondState,orFirstState’sdarker

underbelly.Thisstateisruledbylatecapitalism,andcorporationsandthecapitaliststhat

leaditlargelytakecontrolofmanyofthestate’sprimaryfunctions—forexample,

sovereignty(includingtheformationandapplicationoflegislation)andthemonopolyon

violence(bothexploredinthenextsection).SegatoarguesthatundertheSecondState,

impoverishedMexicanfactoryworkersareoftensubjecttofemicide,notduetoindividual

man/womanrelationships,butbecauseofthenatureoftheSecondStateitself.Iquoted

Segatoonpage43,statingthatunderthisSecondState,women’sbodiesareviewedas

territory(47).Thisowner/propertyrelationshipissoentrenchedintheSecondState

becauseunderit,thecapitalist—primarilyawhiteman—“becamecapableofcontrolling

histerritoryinanalmostunrestrictedmanner,asaconsequenceoftheuncontrolled

accumulation…exacerbatedbytheglobalizationoftheeconomyandthevigorous

deregulationoftheneoliberaleconomy”(Segato48;translationbySippola).Harkening

backtoAnkieHoogvelt’sassertionthatglobalizationisessentially“deepening,butnot

widening,capitalistintegration”(121),wecanseethatascapitalismadvancesand

globalizationdevelops,capitalistscontinuetheiraccumulation,whetherintheformofland,

labor,orcapital—histerritory—andthepoolofthesecapitalists(the“core”)necessarily

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dwindles.Women,Iassert,arepartofthe“periphery,”astheyareviewedasterritoryby

thecore.

Segato’sworkonMexicohasbeenincorporatedheretointroducetheargumentthat

theconceptoftheSecondStatecanbeappliedtoChileandthegender-and-ethnicity-based

violencethatMapuchewomenfaceunderdeepeningglobalization.Wehavealreadyseen

howtheChileanstatehascommittedGBVagainstMapuchewomenactivists,buthavealso

seenhowitdoesnotacknowledgethesewrongs(thinkbacktoSebastianPiñera’s

seeminglyobliviousacknowledgementofthesufferingoftheindigenouspeopleofChile

andwomenofChile,comingjustafewmonthsbeforehisstrengtheningofthe

AntiterrorismLawthatisusedtoholdMapucheprotesterswithouttrial).Itisapparent

thatthereisacleardualitywithintheChileanstate,justasthereisintheMexicanstate.

Segatomentionssovereigntyandtheownershipofprotective/securityforces(the

monopolyonviolence)astwodefiningcharacteristicsofthestate(38,48).Toprovide

evidencefortheexistenceoftheChileanSecondState,Iwillnowdemonstratehow

transnationalcorporationshave,inincreasingdegrees,becomeinvolvedintheseprimary

functions;Iarguethattheinfiltrationoftransnationalcorporationsintotheseprocessesis

asignoftheSecondStateanddeepeningglobalization.

TheAntiterrorismLaw

Segatodefinessovereigntyas“legislativecontroloveraterritoryandoverthebody

oftheotherasanannexofthatterritory”(38).Thisthesishasalreadycoveredhowthe

statehasexercisedcontroloverthebodyof“theother,”inthiscase,Mapuchewomen

activists;now,adiscussiononlegislativecontrolwillbegin,whichisbestdemonstrated

throughtheAntiterrorismLaw.

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Themostinfluentialanti-terrorismlaw,Law18,314(or“LaLeyAntiterrorista”/the

AntiterrorismLaw),waspassedinChilein1984,inthemiddleofAugustoPinochet’sfascist

dictatorship.Thislegislationbroadlydefinestheactionsthatconstituteterrorism,

includingbutnotlimitedto“homicides,”“injuries,”“kidnapping,”“robbery,”“fires,”and

“infractionsagainstpublichealth”(Law18.314Article2.1);thelawalsoallowsthestateto

holdsuspectedterroristswithoutchargesforanindefiniteamountoftime,called

“preventativeprison”(Richards201074)(Law18,314Article14),allowswiretappingand

housearrests(Law18,314Articles14.2&14.3)andhasbeenusedbythedemocratic

government—notjustthedictatorship—foryearstodetainMapucheactivists.From

January2000toMayof2009alone,wellpasttheyearsofthemilitaryregime,therewere

fortyMapucheactivistsheldprisonerundertheAntiterrorismLaw(CorreaandMella311).

Originally,thelawwasimplementedin1984alongwithastringofotherrelatedlaws—

specifically,theArmsControlLawandInternationalSecurityLaw—tostrengthenthe

controlofthemilitaryovertheChileanpopulation(Loveman37);specifictargetingofthe

Mapuchewasnotitsfocusedintent,butratherthesuppressionofanyindividualsorgroups

opposedtothedictatorship.Infact,thelawwasnotexplicitlyusedagainsttheMapuche

untilafterthemilitaryregimehadbeenphasedout.ThefirstcasetochargeMapucheunder

theAntiterrorismLawoccurredin2001afterseveralMapucheleaders—includingPatricia

Troncoso—wereaccusedofsettingfiretothepropertyofAgustínFigueroa,aChilean

politicianandformerministerofagriculture(Richards201080).Althougheventually

acquitted,theywereheldinpreventativeprisonfor18months(González).

ThisapplicationoftheAntiterrorismLawamplifiedafterSeptember11th,2001,

whentheWaronTerrorbegan,asitwasbelievedthatanewfoundpublicfeartowards

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terrorismwouldallowheavyuseofthelawwithoutmuchquestioningfromthepublic

(Richards201077).Thisdemonstratesadifferenteffectthatglobalizationhashadonthe

Mapuche:insteadofmanifestingitselfasland-grabsbytransnationalcorporations,physical

representationsofthedeepeningofglobalization,aninternationalfearwasbroughtto

Chileandusedtoaffecttheapplicationoflegislation,anentirelyintangibleaction.Thetwo,

ofcourse,constantlyinteractwitheachother:legislationisusedasalegitimizingforceto

supportthedeepeningpresenceofTNCs.

However,thestateshowsnosignsofstoppingitsuseofthelaw:MichelleBachelet,

thepresidentofChilefrom2006-2010and2014-February2018,ranandwonherfirst

termclaimingthatshewouldnotusethislawagainstMapucheprotestors.However,bythe

endofherfirstterm,BachelethadusedthelawtoimprisonatleastfourMapuche

(Richards201074).Inaddition,SebastianPiñera,thecurrentpresidentofChile,passeda

reformoftheAntiterrorismLawinearly2018thatallowstheuseof“drones,undercover

agents,[and]GPStracking”againstsuspectedterrorists(Telesur).Hehasalreadyusedthe

lawtodetainMapucheactivists.

Clearly,theChileanstateexercisessovereigntyovertheMapuche,evidencedhere

bylegislativecontrol.Iarguethattransnationalcorporationshaveahandintheapplication

ofthislegislation.ThearrestofPatriciaTroncosoundertheAntiterrorismLawforsetting

firetoapinetreefarm,PolucoPidenco,ownedbyaChileanTNC,demonstratesthis;as

mentionedbefore,shewaschargedwith“terroristarson,illicitterroristassociation,and

terroristthreat”forthisfire(CorreaandMella311;translationbySippola).Ofthose

activistswhohavebeenchargedundertheAntiterrorismLaw,“mostofthecrimes

committedhavebeenagainstproperty(especiallyarson)…”(Richards201074).In2010,of

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thefortyMapuchethathadeverbeendetainedunderthelaw,twentyhadbeencharged

withterroristarsonorarson,crimesagainstproperty,nothumans(CorreaandMella311-

314).Whatisinterestingisthat“ininternationaltreaties,”arsonandothercrimesagainst

property“donotqualifyasterrorism”(Richards201074).Thissignifiesthatthereis

internationalrecognitionthatcrimesagainstpropertyaretreatedmoredrasticallybythe

Chileanstatethanthenorm.Infact,in2014theInter-AmericanCourtofHumanRightssaw

acasebetweentheStateofChileandeightMapuchemen,whoaccusedthestateof

violatingMapuchehumanrightsbyusingtheAntiterrorismLawunjustlyagainstthem,as

theyhadbeenchargedwith“terroristarson”;thecourtfoundthestateguilty(International

FederationforHumanRights).However,thestatehasnotstoppeddetainingMapuche

underthislaw.

Iarguethatthisdemonstratesatleastpartialcontroloflegislationbycorporations.

Theconsiderationofcrimesagainstlargepropertytobe“terrorism,”andworthyoflong

prisonsentences,isabnormal.ThisprovidesevidencefortheexistenceofaSecondStatein

Chile,underwhichneoliberalcapitalismanditsbeneficiariesregulatelawmakingand

exercisesovereigntyoverthepopulationwithintheirterritory,especiallyperipheral

populations.Anothercomponentofsovereignty,themonopolyonviolence,isalso

regulatedbytheChileanSecondState.

TheMonopolyonViolence

Atseveralpointsinthisthesis,Ihavereferredtothestate’suniqueabilityto

publicallyandlegitimatelyperformviolencetowardsitscitizens,andhowthisdirectly

benefitsTNCs,especiallywhenthevictimsareMapuchewomenactivists.Theideathat

legitimateviolenceisapropertythatdefinesastatecomesfromMaxWeber,whocalled

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thisphenomenonthe“monopolyofthelegitimateuseofphysicalforce”orthe“monopoly

onviolence.”Specifically,inhisessayPoliticsasaVocation1,Webersaysthat“ultimately,

onecandefinethemodernstatesociologicallyonlyintermsofthespecificmeanspeculiar

toit,astoeverypoliticalassociation,namely,theuseofphysicalforce”(1).WhatWeber

claimsisthat“astateisahumancommunitythat(successfully)claimsthemonopolyofthe

legitimateuseofphysicalforcewithinagiventerritory”(1).Wecanseeexamplesofthisin

Chile:theCarabineroswhoshotDanielaÑancupil,theCarabineroswhoarrestedPatricia

TroncosoandtheGendarmerieandhospitalstaffwhoforcefedher,andallotherexamples

ofactorsoftheChileanstatecarryingoutphysicalviolenceagainstMapucheactivists.

NicolasaQuintremanIampurposefullyexcludingfromthisdiscussion,astheviolenceshe

suffereddirectlyfromthestate—forcedrelocation—wasmorestructuralthanphysical

(thoughitcertainlyledtoseriousphysicaleffects).InthecasesofDanielaandPatricia,

however,thebodycarryingoutthedirectviolenceinthesetwocaseswas,arguably,the

FirstState—theGendarmerie,Carabineros,andhospitalworkersareallexamplesof

instrumentsofthestatethatare“visibleinthestoriesofthenation,”asSegatoputit(75).

ButwhatofMacarenaValdés?Fromherstory,weknowthatitiswidelybelievedby

herfamily,theMapuchecommunity,andmanyotherChileansthatactorsofthe

transnationalcompanyRPGlobalassassinatedher.Thisconclusioniscorroboratedby

witnessesofthreatsthatherhusbandreceivedinthedaysleadinguptoherdeath,aswell

asaprivateautopsythatrefutedthestateautopsy,whichhadconcludeditwasasuicide.

Fromthisstory,wecanassumethatRPGlobaldidnotlikethatsheandherhusbandwere

activelycampaigningagainsttheTranguilhydroelectricplant,andthreatenedthemtostop;1ThisessaywasoriginallyalecturegivenbyWeberin1918,laterpublishedintext.

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whentheydidnot,theysentprivate,nottraditionallypublic,associatestomurderher.

WhenwelooktoSegato’sdefinitionoftheSecondState—a“mirroredreality…withitsown

forcesofsecurity”thatprotect“theirowners’property,”(75),weclearlyseeevidenceofa

ChileanSecondStatewithinMacarena’sstory.Whatdoesthissayaboutthemonopolyon

violence?

Macarenawaskilledin2016,astheeffectsofglobalizationhavepenetratedeven

deeperintothecountry.Throughherstory,wecanseethatglobalcapitalhastakenamore

activeroleintheperpetuationofviolenceagainstMapuchewomenactivists.Weberwrites

that“specifically,atthepresenttime,therighttousephysicalforceisascribedtoother

institutionsorindividualsonlytotheextenttowhichthestatepermitsit”(1).Ibelievethat

alooseningofcontrolbytheFirstStatecanbeobservedinMacarena’sassassination.TNCs

arecertainlybecomingmoreinvolvedinreactionagainstMapucheactivists,notonly

perpetuatingextremephysical(andgender-andethnic-based)violencesuchasmurder,

butthreatsandharassmentaswell.Asglobalwealthincreasinglybecomesaprimary

sourceofincomeforChile,governmentalregulationofbusinesshasgreatlyreduced,asI

demonstratedinthesections“RelationshipBetweenIndustryandtheChileanState”and

“UpholdingGlobalizationthroughNeoliberalism.”Itmakessensethat,underaneoliberal-

prescribedlackofgovernmentregulation,TNCswouldfillinthegapsleftbytheshrinking

oftheChileangovernment,creatingastatedominatedbybusiness—adeepeninginfluence

oftheSecondState.

AsneoliberalismadvocatesforthedeepeningofcapitalismthroughoutChile,Ialso

arguethatitadvocatesforgreaterpowerofTNCsandthedeepeningofthesecorporations

withinthestate,creatingamorepowerfulSecondState,andthegradualwithdrawalofthe

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FirstState’scontrolonsovereignty.TheeffectsthishasontherightsoftheMapuche,and

especiallytherightsofMapuchewomenactivists,aredire.

VII.Conclusion

Throughoutthisthesis,IhavetriedtodemonstratethattheChileanstateand

MapucheNationoperateundertwoseparatepoliticaleconomies,theoneoftheMapuche

activelyunderminingthegoalsoftheChileanpoliticaleconomyanditsMOP,neoliberal

capitalism.DuetothiscapitalistMOP,andtheglobalizationthatdevelopsasitadvances,

theChileanstatecontinuestopromotetheoccupationofMapuchelandbytransnational

corporations,whosetupextractiveindustriessuchaspapermillsandhydroelectricplants.

TheMapuchehaveveryvocallyprotestedthiscolonization,whichhasledtoviolence

againstactivistsperpetuatedbythestateandTNCs.IhavearguedthatMapuchewomen

activistshavebeenmetwithgender-andethnic-basedviolence,asunderneoliberal

capitalism,theirbodiesareviewedas“territory.”AsglobalizationdeepensandTNCs

furtherpenetratetheChileaneconomy—seenphysicallythroughtheirincreased

occupationofMapucheland—thisphenomenonismirroredthroughincreasedand

deepeningviolenceagainstMapuchewomenactivists.Thetraditionalstatefunctionof

sovereignty,madeupinpartbythemonopolyonviolenceandcontroloflegislation,has

fallenfurtherandfurtherintothehandsoftheTNCsandthecapitalistswholeadthemas

theirspacewithintheChileanstategrows;theythenexpressthissovereigntythroughthe

enactmentofviolenceonindigenouswomen’sbodies.This,Iargue,isevidenceofthe

existenceandexpansionoftheadverseChileanSecondState,aconceptfirsttheorizedby

RitaLauraSegato.

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TheconsequencestheseprocesseswillhaveforMapuchewomenactivistsasthey

continuearenothardtofigureout.TheexperiencesofDanielaÑancupil,PatriciaTroncoso,

NicolasaQuintreman,andMacarenaValdésaretestimoniestothedrasticeffectsof

neoliberalcapitalismandglobalizationonindigenouswomen.NotonlywillallMapuche

whostanduptothisprocessbeviolentlyrepressed—astheyhavebeenforyears—but

womenespeciallywillbetargeted,astheirlesservalueunderpatriarchalcapitalism

renderstheminconsequentialtotheincreasinglyprivatizedstate.Ipredictthegrowthof

theSecondStatewillcreatemorefrequentanddrasticinstancesofviolenceagainst

Mapuchewomen.Macarenaisatestamenttothisfact,asshewaskilledonlyin2016,with

noconsequencesforhermurderers—onlycomplicityfromtheChileangovernmentand

stateasawhole.

However,therearesignsthatmaybethiscynicaloutlookwillnotcometopass.The

Mapuchemovementhasbeengainingtraction,asshownbytheincreasinginternational

opinionthattheChileanstatehasbeenundoubtedlycruelinitsapplicationofthe

AntiterrorismLaw.Thisisaninterestingcontradictoryeffectofglobalization:thatalthough

itfundamentallycausesthedisenfranchisementoftheMapuche,italsoallowsforthemto

protestthismarginalizationandspreadthenewstoaglobalaudience,whothencantake

stepstotrytostopitfromhappening.Whetherornottheirgoalwillbeaccomplishedisa

differentstory—forexample,theprosecutionandconvictionofChileintheInter-American

CourtofHumanRightsdidnotstopthestatefromapplyingtheAntiterrorismLawto

protestors.Itisalsoimportanttorememberthatthisinternationalrecognitionandsupport

wouldnotbepossiblewithouttheactivismofMapuchewomen,whobeardreadful

consequencesforbringingattentiontotheirmovement.

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So,thoughitmayseemoverlycynical,myoutlookonthefutureoftheMapucheland

rightsmovementisnegative.TheChileanpopulacerecentlyreelectedSebastianPiñerato

thepresidency,astaunchconservativeandbillionairebusinessmanwhoreformedthe

AntiterrorismLawtoapproveevenmoreviolentandharshmeasuresagainsttheMapuche.

Althoughthefutureisunclear,IthinkitisextremelyevidentthatMapuchewomenarenot

goingtogiveuptheiractivismnomatterhowbadtheirstate-and-TNC-ledrepression

becomes.InsteadofbeingsilentafterMacarena’sdeath—theintendedconsequence—the

Mapuchehavebecomeevenlouderthanbefore.

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