Mapuche Women’s Land Rights Activism and State-Led Gender ...
Transcript of Mapuche Women’s Land Rights Activism and State-Led Gender ...
MapucheWomen’sLandRightsActivismandState-LedGenderBasedViolenceunderNeoliberalGlobalizationinChile
UndergraduateResearchThesisPresentedinPartialFulfillmentoftheRequirementsforgraduation“with
HonorsResearchDistinctioninSpanish”intheundergraduatecollegesoftheOhioStateUniversity
By
KirstenSippola
TheOhioStateUniversityDecember2018
ProjectAdvisor:Dr.AnaDelSarto,DepartmentofSpanishandPortuguese
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TableofContents
I. Introduction 3a. FourMapucheActivists 7
i. MacarenaValdés 7ii. PatriciaTroncoso 7iii. DanielaÑancupil 8iv. NicolasaQuintreman 9
II. MapucheWomen,theChileanState,andGlobalization 10a. ClashingPoliticalEconomies 10b. RelationshipbetweenIndustryandtheChileanGovernment 14
c. UpholdingGlobalizationthroughNeoliberalism 15d. MapucheWomenandtheirCommunity 19
III. State-LedViolenceagainstMapucheWomen 20i. NicolasaQuintreman 21ii. MacarenaValdés 22iii. DanielaÑancupil 23iv. PatriciaTroncoso 24
IV. CharacterizingState-LedViolenceasGender-BasedViolence 25a. MapucheWomenandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor 26b. MapucheActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor 29
i. MacarenaValdés 29ii. NicolasaQuintreman 31iii. DanielaÑancupil 32iv. PatriciaTroncoso 33
V. StateLedViolence:MapucheWomenvs.MapucheMen 35a. MapucheWomen:DerivativesofMapucheMen 36b. MapucheWomenandPoverty 38c. StateOwnershipofMapucheWomen’sBodies 40
VI. TheSecondChileanState 44a. TheAntiterrorismLaw 47b. TheMonopolyonViolence 50
VII. Conclusion 52VIII. Bibliography 55
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I.Introduction
TheMapucheareChile’slargestindigenousgroup,with1,745,147people
identifyingasMapuchein2017,whichrepresents79.8%ofthecountry’sindigenous
populationandalmost10%ofthenationalpopulation(NationalInstituteofStatistics16).
Thisgrouphasbeensignificantintheformationofthecountry’shistory,astheMapuche
weretheonlyNativepopulationinChiletosuccessfullyresistSpanishcolonization,
maintainingcontroloftheterritorysouthofChile’scentrallylocatedBíoBíoRiverfromthe
arrivalofconquistadorsin1540untilwellpastChileanindependencein1820(Amapof
Wallmapu,theMapuchenamefortheirhistoricalterritory,canbefoundonpage4).In
1881,toexpandthebordersofthecountryandconsolidatethenation-state,thenational
governmentoftheRepublicofChilelaunchedtheconquestoftheMapuche,calledthe
“PacificationoftheMapuche.”Duringthistime,theChileanRepublicviolentlyconquered
theMapucheandseizedcontrolofthesouthernhalfofthecountry(ParkandRichards
1321).Sincethisturningpoint,therelationshipbetweentheMapucheandthestatehas
beencontentious,asMapucheattemptstoregaintheselostancestrallandshavebeen
deniedtimeandtimeagaininvaryingdegreesbyeveryadministration,throughliberal
republics,socialistrepublics,andadictatorship.Theseclasheshaveresultedinviolence,
throughapatternofMapucheattemptstoberecognized—throughbothpeacefulandnon-
peacefulprotest—andswiftandviolentretributionfromthestate.
Fromtheendofthe“Pacification”to1929,theMapuchewereforciblymovedto
smallreservationsastheirlandwasseizedbytheChileanRepublicandsoldtoEuropean
landowners(Newbold176),withonly6.4%oftheiroriginalancestrallandsstillbelonging
tothemwhentheprocesswascompleted(ParkandRichards1321).In1970,however,a
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shiftoccurredandthenationalgovernmentbegantoconcernitselfwithindigenousland
rights,acompletebreakfromthepast—thesocialistpresidentSalvadorAllendewas
elected,achangefromthecapitalistswhohadproceededhim.Hisadministration,known
asthePopularUnitygovernment,passedLaw17,729in
1972,whichbegantheprocesstoreturnancestrallands
totheMapuchebyseizingprivatelandfromlarge
businessinterestsinthesouthofChile.Itallowedfor
communallandownership,andlegallyrecognized
indigenouspeopleforthefirsttime(Newbold177).
However,in1973,thePopularUnity
governmentwasoverthrownbyacoupledbythe
ChileanmilitaryandbackedbytheCIAoftheUnited
States.Thisdictatorshipwouldlastuntil1990.
Authoritarianandrightwing,thenewpresident,
AugustoPinochet,quicklyinstalledcapitalistreformsto
theeconomy.Thisincluded,yetagain,theseizureof
landfromtheMapuche,whichwasdividedandsoldto
bothoutsidersandtheMapuchethemselves(primarily
Mapuchemaleheadsofhouseholdbuyingbacktheir
land)(PinchulefCalfulcura80).Throughthisperiodofdictatorshipandlossoflandand
culture,theMapuchesufferedimmenseeconomicandsociallosses.Mapuchewomenwere
veryactiveinthefighttorestorelandrightstoindigenouscommunities,astheir
relationshipwiththelandchangeddramaticallywiththeintroductionofneoliberalismto
Figure1:Wallmapu,historicalMapucheterritory.(JoshuaProject,2018;https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/13526/AR).
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ChileunderAugustoPinochet.Partofthedictatorship’sstrategytomaintainpowerwasto
urbanizethecountry,bothfortheindustrythatitwouldbringaswellastheassimilation
achievedthroughtheprocessesofurbanization,internalmigration,andintegrationtothe
workforce.ThehopesofthePinochetregimewerethat,afterbeingdividedsociallyand
physically,theMapuchecommunitywouldbeforcedtoabandontheircommunalwayof
livingandintegrateintocapitalistsociety(PinchulefCalfulcura61-62);unabletoself-
sustainaftercommunallandownershipbecameimpossible,theMapuchewouldtakeflight
tocitiestofindjobs.Thisstrategywaseffective,asmanyMapuchebeganmigratingto
urbanlandscapesinthe1970sand1980sinsearchofemployment(CanalesTapia143).
Duringthisperiloustimeoftheregimeinthefaceoftheseharshneoliberalreforms,
theregrewastrongMapucheactivismdedicatedtoendingthedictatorshipand
reestablishingarecognizednationwhoseborderswererespected.SaysIsoldeReuque,a
Mapucheactivistduringthistime:“thegovernmentalwaysknewwewereagainstthem,
but…after1980[they]realizedthatwehadourownproject,ourowngoalsanddemands.
Weworriedalotofpeople,withthehugenumbersweweremobilizing.In1980morethan
athousandcommunitieswereworkingwithus”(116).Mapuchewomenwereextremely
activeinthemovement,as“Mapuchewomen’sstrugglehasprimarilyoccurredinthe
contextofthegeneralMapuchemovement”(Richards2004158),andmanyMapuche
womenheldleadershiprolesinNGOsperformingactivismunderthedictatorship
(Richards2004212-213).Duringthetransitiontodemocracyin1990,therefore,therewas
ahopethatthenewgovernmentwouldrecognizeandactuponMapuchewomen’s
demands,asthemovementwasstrongandtherewereimmediatepromisesmadeby
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PatricioAylwin,thenewpresident,thattheMapucheandtheirrightswouldbe
constitutionallyrecognized(Richards2004129).
However,inthisthesisIwilldemonstratethatnotmuchhaschangedforMapuche
womensincethetransitiontodemocracy.Infact,IwillarguethattheChileanstate,inthe
yearssincethedictatorship,hasspecificallycommittedethnic-andgender-basedviolence
againstMapuchewomeninthenameofglobalization.Itsmostvaluabletoolinitsarsenalis
itssovereignty,andspecificallythemonopolyofviolenceandcontroloflegislationthat
comewithit.ThesetwotoolsareusedtolegallypunishMapuchewomenforrebelling
againsttheneoliberalcapitalistframeworkthatdrivesthestate’seconomicgain.
Transnationalcorporations(TNCs),andtheinvestmenttheybringintotheChilean
economy,havehadanextremelyimportantroleinthisdynamic.Iwilldemonstratethat
TNCs,throughneoliberalglobalization,increasinglyoccupyagreaterspacewithinthe
Chileanstate,exploitingthestate’smonopolyonviolenceandcontroloflegislationinits
fightforcapitalaccumulationandagainstMapuchewomen’sactivism.Intheend,Iwill
concludethatasglobalizationdevelops,privatebodiessuchasTNCsaregradually
assumingagreaterspacewithinthestateandthusaregrantedmorecontrolwithinits
territory(which,underneoliberalcapitalism,includesindigenouswomen’sbodies),
leadingtothedevelopmentofastrong“SecondState,”aconcepttheorizedbyDr.Rita
LauraSegato.Throughout,Iwillshowthedisastrousconsequencesthisglobalizationwill
have—andhashad—onMapuchewomenactivists,andwilldemonstratethispatternof
state-ledviolencethroughthestoriesoffourMapuchewomenwhohavecomeunderfire
(forsome,literally)forprotestingtheoccupationandseizureofancestrallandsby
transnationalcorporations.
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FourMapucheActivists
Togivecontextfortheargumentsaboutstate-ledgender-basedviolencethatIwill
make,Iwillnowgivebriefsummaries(thathopefullydonotminimizethelived
experiences)ofthecasesoffourwomen,ages13to74,whohaveexperiencedbodilyharm,
imprisonment,starvation,anddeathdirectlyatthehandsoftheChileanstate.
MacarenaValdés
MacarenaValdéswasaleaderintheMapucheprotestagainsttheconstructionof
Tranguil,ahydroelectricplantslatedforthePanguipullisectorofsouthernChile.Thisplant
wasapprovedbyServiciodeEvaluaciónAmbiental,abranchofChile’snational
governmentdedicatedtothepreservationofnature,withoutanyinvestigationdoneonthe
environmentalimpactitwouldhave(Figueroa).Theconstructionoftheplanthasproven
destructive,divertingalmost200metersoftheriver,whichleftpartsoftheNewen
Tranguilcommunitywithoutwater(Figueroa).Aleaderintheprotestagainsttheplant
since2014(Montalva),ValdéswasfounddeadbyhanginginAugustof2016,andherstate-
ledautopsyconfirmedittobeasuicide.However,Valdés’sfamily,herownMapuche
communityofNewenTranguil,andtheMapuchecommunityatlargebelievethistobealie:
aprivateautopsycommissionedbyherfamilyfoundthatherbodywashungafterher
deathhadalreadyoccurred(BustosC.).Manybelievethatherdeathwasorchestratedto
ensuretheplantwasbuiltbyaffiliatesofRPGlobal,anAustriancompany,andSaesa,a
ChileanenergydistributorownedbyPSEG,anAmericancorporation,thecompanies
investedintheconstructionofTranguil(VelásquezandAlarcón)(Hall10).
PatriciaTroncoso
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Patricia“LaChepa”Troncosoisanactivistandformerprofessorwhowasarrested
in2001aftersettingfiretoPolucoPidenco,apinetreefarmlocatedonancestralMapuche
territoryintheAraucanía,inprotestoftheoccupationofMapuchelandbydestructive
corporations.ThisfarmwasownedandoperatedbyForestalMininco,atransnational
timbercompanyheadquarteredinChile.Troncosowaschargedwith“terroristarson,illicit
terroristassociation,andterroristthreat”(CorreaandMella311;translationbySippola).
Sentencedin2005to10yearsandonedayinprisonandorderedtopayover$600,000
USDforthedamagecausedtoabout100hectaresofthefarm(ElMercurio),shecontinued
toprotestwhileincarceratedbywayofhungerstrikes.Onestrikelasted113days,ending
withTroncosoincriticalconditionandthegovernmentfinallyacceptingtoconsiderher
demandsduetomountingpublicpressureandherworseningcondition.Thesedemands
includedanappealtohercaseandthecasesofotherMapuchepoliticalprisoners,the
releaseofallpoliticalprisoners,andweekendvisitingrights(Córdova).Ofthesedemands,
visitingrightsweregrantedtoTroncosoandtwootherMapuchepoliticalprisoners,John
MillalenandJaimeMarileo(Troncoso).TroncosoherselfisnotfullyMapuche,butmestiza,
animportantdistinction:differencesintheactivismandthestate’streatmentofTroncoso
versustheotherthreeactivists,allofwhomconsiderthemselvescompletelyMapuche,will
bediscussedinthesection“MapucheActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor.”
DanielaÑancupil
DanielaÑancupilwasa13-year-oldMapuchegirlwhen,in2001,shewasshotby
Carabineros,theChileannationalpoliceforce,intheGalvarinocommunityofthe
Araucanía.Daniela’sfatherJoséÑancupil,alonko(Mapucheleader)ofthecommunity,was
anactivistwhohadbeenprotestingtheoccupationoftheAraucaníabypolice.Daniela
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herselfwasnotknownasanactivist,yetwasusedasatooltothreatenherfather.While
membersoftheGalvarinocommunitywereprotestingsomeeightkilometersaway,abus
DanielawasridingwasstoppedbyCarabineros,whowereonthewaytoherhouse.Daniela
wasshotseventimesinthebackandarmbutsurvived;theCarabineroswererelocated
(MapuExpress2016).In2002,Danielawasalsokidnappedbyunidentifiedassailantsafter
herlawyer,JaimeMadariaga,triedtobringchargesagainstthepoliceresponsible.The
kidnappersthreatenedtokillMadariagaunlessDanieladroppedthecharges.Shewas
eventuallyreleased,andnocasewaseverbroughtforwardagainsttheCarabineros
(HumanRightsWatch61).Sincetheseinstancesofviolence,shehasbecomeasymbolin
theMapuchecommunityofthebrutalrepressioninflictedbythestateasareactiontotheir
landrightsactivism.
NicolasaQuintreman
NicolasaQuintremanandheractivismintheearly2000sagainsttheconstructionof
theRalcomineisoneofthemostoft-citedexamplesofresistanceagainstdestructivestate-
ledeconomicdevelopment.In2004,then-presidentEduardoFreiandhisadministration
approvedENDESA,Chile’slargestmultinationalprivateelectriccompany,tobuilda
hydroelectricdamontheBíoBíoRiver.LocatedintheAraucanía,theBíoBío’sbanksare
largelyoccupiedbythePehuenche,asub-communityoftheMapuche.Ofcourse,the
floodingthatwouldresultfromthisdamwascertaintodestroyandthenoccupythis
Pehuencheland.Itwasestimatedin1999thatthefloodingwoulddestroy70kilometersof
theareasurroundingtheriver(AltieriandRojas60).Soon,“itbecameapparentthatit
wouldentailtherelocationofninety-onePehuenchefamilies,thefloodingoftheirancestral
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lands,andthedestructionofsacredcemeteriesandotherreligioussites”(Richards2004
132).
ThePehuenchepeoplebegantheirfightagainstthestatein1997,whentheplansfor
Ralcowerefirstannounced.LeadingthefightagainstRalcowereNicolasaandBerta
Quintreman,twoPehuenchesisterswhorefusedtocedetheirlandtoENDESA,holdingout
until2003(PinchulefCalfulcura67).Eventually,however,pressuremountedandNicolasa
wasfinallyforcedtoabandonherlandsforRalco.Shetookamonetarysettlement,asher
sonwassufferingfromaspinaldisorderandthemoneywashelpful(Richards2004134).
In2013,shewasfounddrownedintheverydamwhoseconstructionshewastryingto
stop(MapuExpress2017).
II.MapucheWomen,theChileanState,andGlobalization
Throughallfourofthesestories,wecanseeconnectionsbetweentheChileanstate
andindustry,andtheharmthatcametothewomenandtheMapuchecommunitiesasa
whole.Whatisimportanthereistofurtherdefinetheseconnectionsbyarticulatingthe
relationshipbetweentheChileannation,thetransnationalcorporationswhoseprofit
motiveleadstothecolonizationofMapucheland,andinturn,violenceagainstMapuche
womenthemselves.AsaframeworkforthemapIwilldrawtoshowtheseconnections,I
willapplyAnkieHoogvelt’sGlobalizationandthePostcolonialWorld(2001)tothespecific
Chileancase,asIhavefoundherworktoexplainwellthecomplicatedconnections
betweenglobalization,capitalism,nation-states,andthepeopleoftheworld.Inaddition,I
willuseMarxistthoughttoelaborateherframework.
ClashingPoliticalEconomies
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ToframetherelationshipbetweentheMapucheandtheChileanstate,itwillbe
helpfultodefinewhata“politicaleconomy”is.Todothis,wewilltakeaMarxianapproach.
Hoogveltstatesthat
“…Marx’sgenericconceptofpoliticaleconomywasmoregeneralandnotcoincidentalwiththenation-state.Marxreferredtothewaysocialrelationsandpowerrelations(anotherwayofsayingclassrelations)affectandorganizetheeconomyand,inturn,areorganizedbyit.ForMarx,inthehistoricalevolutionofhumansociety,thesesocialorclassrelationshavenotalwaysbeencontainedwithintheboundariesofthenation-state.”(2001,6)Giventhisdefinitionofapoliticaleconomy—basically,agroupofpeopleconnected
throughacommoneconomythatthenshapestheirsocialrelationships—wecandefinethe
ChileanstateandtheMapuchecommunityastwoseparatepoliticaleconomies,which
sharesometerritorialboundaries.IbasethisonMarx’sideaofthe“modeofproduction”
(MOP):theactualmethodofproducing,distributing,andexchanginggoodsinasocietyis
thedrivingforcethatcreatesdifferentpoliticaleconomies(Marx11).TheMapucheandthe
ChileanstatetraditionallyoperateundertwodifferentMOPs.SincetheSpanishconquestof
LatinAmerica,ChilehaslargelybeenoperatingunderacapitalistMOP(GunderFrank3)—
atfirst,asanextractivecolonyprovidingrawmaterialsfortheimperialistcountriesof
Europe,andlater,asanindependentrepublicstillprovidingrawmaterialsforotheractors
intheglobalmarket.Capitalism,asdefinedbyHoogvelt,isaneconomyinwhichthe
definingfeatureis“theproductionofgoodsandservicesforsaleinamarketinwhichthe
objectistorealizethemaximumprofit”(15).Wecanseethisprofitmotiveinaction
throughtheever-increasingGDPofChile,whichdemonstratestheconceptofcapital,a
centraltenetofcapitalism:profitmadethatisreinvestedtocreatemoremoney.Today,the
Chileaneconomyisdominatedbytheservicesector(comprising64.3%ofitsGDPin2017),
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butalsoindustry—suchasminingandtimber—whichmadeup31.4%ofits2017GDP
(CentralIntelligenceAgency).
TheMapuche,however,followedacommunallifestylebeforecolonization,with
communallandownershipbeingadefiningtraitoftheirsociety(Newbold178).Aswe
haveseen,sincethePacification,thedismantlingofthiscommunalownershiphasbeen
undertakenbyalmosteveryadministration,resultingintheprivatizationofmuchof
Mapucheancestralland.However,someMapuchecommunitiesinChilehavebeenableto
retainthetraditionalcommunallifestyle,albeitinaslightlymutatedform.Thedifference
betweenacapitalistMOPandtheMapucheMOPisstarklyillustratedbythedefinitionof
thisalteredcommunallandownershipprovidedbyGloriaGallardoFernández:“…itcanbe
characterizedbythecoexistenceofcommunaland(semi)privatelandpropertywithinthe
limitsofonebiggerlandedunit.Inapermanentandundividedformthisbelongstoallthe
comuneros(commoners)registeredinthatcommunity”(5).Here,wecanseehowthepre-
colonialMapucheMOP—completelycommunal—hasbeenmixedwithelementsofa
capitalistMOP,whichideallyoperatesundercompletelyprivatizedland,resultingina
uniquepoliticaleconomyformedby“thespecificinter-weavingintooneunittwoformsof
properties,whichtogethercouldbeconceivedascontradictory”(GallardoFernández5).
Thoughpartsofthesecommunitiesareofficiallyprivatelyowned,“themostbasic
element…is,however,thecommunalland”(GallardoFernández5).
This,however,isincompatiblewithstategoals.South-centralandsouthernChile,
wheremostoftheruralMapuchepopulationislocated,hasbecomeveryimportantfor
tradeandindustry.In2005,theforestrysectormadeup3.5%ofChile’sGDPand12%ofits
exports(OECD25);forestryinChileislocatedinthesouthernhalfofthecountry.In
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addition,“aquaculture,”orfishfarming,hasbecomeanimportantsectorinChile,withthe
industry’sproductiongrowingby825%from1990-2005.Aquacultureactivityisalso
locatedinthesouthernhalfofthecountry(OECD26).Thus,severallargeextractive
industrieswithasignificantstakeintheeconomymaketheirhomeinoraroundMapuche
lands,andtheacquisitionofthislandisimperativeforthecontinuationofthesechannels
ofrevenue.Accordingly,Mapucheprotestsagainsttheoccupationoftheirlandareanti-
globalist,astheyadvocateforthecompleteexpulsionoftransnationalindustryfromtheir
ancestralterritory.
WewillconsiderthemotivesandmodesofproductionoftheChileanstateandthe
Mapuchecommunitytobetwodistinctentities,withtheMapuchedirectingapolitical
economyoftheirownindirectconflictwiththatoftheChileanstate.Nothingdemonstrates
thisclashbetterthantheMapucheliterallynotfittingintheboundariesthattheChilean
statedrawsforthem:Wallmapu,theMapudungunwordthatlooselytranslatesto
“MapucheNation,”defiestheinternationallyrecognizedbordersofChile,withalittleover
100,000MapuchelivinginArgentina(MinorityRightsGroup)ontheirancestralland.This
coincideswithmypreviouscitationofHoogvelt,inwhichshestatesthatapolitical
economydoesnotalwaysalignwiththenation-state(6),butthatcapitalistshave
increasinglyfoundthemselvesmeasuringtheirsuccessthrough“nationalaccumulation”—
themonetaryworthofanofficiallyrecognizedcountry(3).
ThesepointscoalescetoformtheideathatMapucheandtheChileanstateexistin
economic,political,social,andculturalconflict:twoseparatepoliticaleconomieswithtwo
differentworldviewsoccupyingonerecognizednation,whoseeconomicandsocialgoals
directlyclash.ThecommunalMOPoftheMapuchemeansthattheirland,notusedtomake
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aprofitthatcouldbeincludedintheChileanGDP,isseenasawastebythestateasawhole
andespeciallybysomeofthemorepowerfulcapitalistactorsmakingupthestate,suchas
transnationalcorporationsandtheliberalgovernment.Thus,therelationshipbetweenthe
ChileangovernmentandChileanindustrycomesintoplay,arelationshipthatholdsdirect
consequencesforMapucheactivists.
RelationshipbetweenIndustryandtheChileanGovernment
TheChileangovernmentatthismomentholdsthesamegoalsasnationaland
transnationalcorporations,suchaselectriccompaniesliketheSpanishENDESA,orenergy
companiesliketheAustrianRPGlobal,twoofthecompaniesinvolvedintheviolence
againsttheactivists.IwillpositthattheChileangovernmentactsonbehalfofthese
corporationsandcorporationsonbehalfofthegovernment,forminganewChileanstate
thatisincreasinglyprivate,notpublic.Thoughprivatecompaniesarenotaliteral,
constitutionalpartofChile’sgoverningstructures,thetwohavebecomethoroughly
intertwinedsincethedictatorship,wheneconomicdevelopmentwasmadethecountry’s
topprioritysincethefirsthalfofthe1970s.InHoogvelt’sworkshewritesaboutthetheory
ofpost-imperialism,whichsupportsthisclaim,asitargues“…thereisnoinnate
antagonismbetweentheglobaleconomicinterestsofthetransnationalcorporations
(TNCs)andthenationaleconomicaspirationsofhostorhomecountries”(57).Wewillhold
thistobetrue,asthenationalaccumulation/GDPofChilewouldonlyrisewithincreased
transnationalcorporateactivitywithinitsborders.Thoughthegovernmentitselfdidnot
buildtheRalcodamoranyoftheotherhydroelectricplants,pinefarms,fisheries,etc.that
havecolonizedMapucheland—privatecorporationssuchasENDESAdid—itssupport
towardstheseprojectshasbeenconstant,whetheritisthroughapprovingthelandgrabs,
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firingMapuchegovernmentalleaders,forcefullypacifyingMapucheprotests,ordetaining,
killing,orotherwiseharmingthosewhoresist.
Theeconomicincentivetosupportthesecorporationsisastounding—forexample,
Chile’sGDPhasrisenfrom$16.8billionin1973,theyearPinochetfirsttookpower,toa
highpointof$278.3billionin2013(WorldBank2018);yearsofrelaxedtradelaws,low
tariffs,andotherneoliberaleconomicincentivestowardscorporationshavehadalarge
handinthis.Thesepoliciesareextremelyimportanttothecurrenteconomytoattract
investors,as“thestructureoftheChileaneconomyispredicatedinnosmallmeasureupon
theconstantinputofforeigncapital,bothFDIandshort-termportfoliocapital”(Taylor59).
Thus,thegovernment’scloserelationshipwithbuildingindustryinthecountryand
increasingnationalnetincomeshouldsolidifytheconnectionbetweenthetwoentities,
creatingapowerfulstatewhoseeffectshaveextremeconsequencesonMapuchewomen
activists.
UpholdingGlobalizationthroughNeoliberalism
WhatallowsthesetransnationalcorporationstoextractwealthfromMapuche
countryisglobalization,whichissoinextricablylinkedtocapitalismthatRobertGwynne
referstoitas“anunquestionableempiricalmanifestationofcontemporarycapitalism”(5).
Hoogveltdefinesglobalizationas“deepening,butnotwidening,capitalistintegration”
(121).Whatthismeansisthatglobalizationallowscorporationsandindividualsthatare
alreadyprofitingthroughthecapitalistMOP(the“core”)tocontinueextractingmoreand
morewealth,astheirbusinessesexpandfurtheranddeeperintocountriestheyoccupy.
Theentitiesontheotherendofthespectrum,the“periphery”—exploitedbythesystem—
aren’tintegratedanyfurtherintothecapitalistsystem.Thisdefinitionshowshow
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globalizationhasbenefittedTNCsinChile:theycanfurtherpenetratethecountry,
aggregatingmoreandmoreland,whilethegroupstheytakeadvantageoftodoso—i.e.,the
Mapuche—aren’tgivenmoreopportunitiestobecomeapartofthesystemandbenefit
fromit:infact,theyareonlymarginalizedfurtherastheirlandcontinuestobeswallowed.
Thecoreshrinksinquantityasmorecompaniesareboughtoutormergedandwealthis
concentratedinthehandsofthefew;theperipherygrowsandbecomesmoreisolated.
Globalizationismerelyaeuphemisticwayofdescribingthisphenomenon.
Sincethe1970sinLatinAmerica,globalizationhasbeenadvancedthrough
neoliberalism.Neoliberalismis,generally,amodeofregulationofcapitalismthathasbeen
describedas“neoclassical,”stressingtheliberalizationoftrade,theprivatizationofstate-
runindustry,lossoflaborrights,stressonmacroeconomicstability,andaneconomic-
based“fix”tosocialreform.ThesepolicieswereformallyprescribedtoLatinAmerican
countriesinthelate1980sandearly1990sthroughlargesupranationalinstitutionssuch
astheWorldBank,theInternationalMonetaryFund,andothers,asaroutetodevelopment
(Gwynne15);thiswasknownasthe“WashingtonConsensus,”theresultsofwhichwere
tenspecificeconomicpoliciesintendedtoaddresstheconsequencesoftheLatinAmerican
economiccrisesofthe1980s.However,ChileandsomeotherLatinAmericancountrieshad
begunputtingthesepoliciesintoplacewellbeforetheWashingtonConsensuswasformed
throughright-wingdictatorships,withPinochetbeginningtheirimplementationduringthe
beginningsofhisregime(Gwynne16).Neoliberalpoliciesadministerfinancecapitalism
primarilythroughminimallateinvolvementandanemphasisonmarketforces.
SincetheadoptionofneoliberalpolicieswidelythroughoutLatinAmericainthe
1970sthroughthe1990s,globalizationhasintensified(Gwynne17),astheneoliberal
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frameworkandglobalizationgohand-in-hand.Thismakessensewhenconsideringthe
tightrelationshipbetweentheChileangovernmentandprivateindustry.Whenexamining
theChileangovernment’spoliciesonforeigndirectinvestment(FDI),theyreadlikethey
comestraightfromtheWashingtonConsensus’srecommendations:“taxexemptionsfor
overseasshareholders,”taxincentivesfortheminingandindustrialsectors,“nolimitson
foreignownershiporcontrolofbusinessentitiesorassets,”extremelylimitedcompetition
law,tax-freezones,andmore(DepartmentofState3).Neoliberalpoliciesallowdeeper
capitalistintegration(keepinginmindHoogvelt’sdefinitionofglobalization)bymakingit
easierforcorporationstoconductbusinessinforeigncountries.
TheimportanceofChile’sneoliberalpoliciesisclear:thegovernmenthassetoutto
attractforeigninvestment,andithasworked.In2014,“over3,000companiesfromover60
countries[had]operationsinChile”(DepartmentofState17).Forcontext,ENDESAandRP
Global,twoofthepreviouslymentionedcompaniesthatwereinvolvedinviolenceagainst
thefourMapucheactivists,aretransnational.Itisalsoimportanttonotethenatureofthese
TNCs:amajorityareextractive,with50.1%ofChile’sFDIfrom2009to2012concerning
mining,10.9%involvingelectricity,gas,andwater(thinkofhydroelectricdamslikeRalco),
and0.5%concerningagricultureandfishing.FDIinminingalonebroughtChile3.9billion
in2013(DepartmentofState17-18).Thesestatisticsshowthestrongrelationshipbetween
theChileangovernmentandforeigncompanies.AlthoughFDIonlyaccountedforalittle
morethananannualaverageof6%ofChile’sGDPintheyears2004-2014(Departmentof
State17),thepoliciesChilemaintainstowardstransnationalcorporationsshowthevalue
thestateplacesonforeigncapitalandinvestment,thusonfinancecapitalismasasystem
whichextractsvalue(includingsurplusvalue)fromwhereitcan.
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However,neoliberalismisnotsolelyaneconomicentity,thougheconomicpolicyis
onewayinwhichitclearlymanifests.Itisaphenomenonthatpervadesallaspectsoflife,
asatitscore,itisamethodoforganizingsocietyundercapitalism.Therefore,itmakes
sensethatneoliberalismwouldaffectsocialstructureandtherelationshipsbetween
individualsandcommunities.Socially,“neoliberalismseescompetitionasthedefining
characteristicofhumanrelations.Itredefinescitizensasconsumers…itmaintainsthat‘the
market’deliversbenefitsthatcouldneverbeachievedbyplanning”(Monbiot2).Inthis,we
canseehowtheMapuchepeopleandtheirdistinctpoliticaleconomythreatenthe
institutionofneoliberalism.TheactivismofMapuchewomenspecificallychallengesthis
socialarrangement,asitisathoroughlycommunity-basedmovementthatrejectsthe
competitionandindividualismthataresocentraltoneoliberalism.Wecanseethis
demonstrated,forexample,throughtheoutpouringofsupportthatPatriciaTroncoso’s
hungerstrikereceivedintheMapuchecommunity,specificallyfromMapuchewomen.For
instance,oneMapuchewomen’sorganization,TheNationalAssociationofRuraland
IndigenousWomen(ANAMURI),wroteanopenlettertoMichelleBacheletstatingtheir
supportforPatricia’shungerstrike.Theyendedtheirletterbysaying“Finally,wewantto
signaltoyouthatthewomenthatANAMURIrepresentswillcontinuesupportingPatricia’s
valiantbattle,whichthankstohersacrificemaintainsanationalandinternational
mobilizationfortherespectoftherightsoftheMapuchepeople”(ANAMURI;translationby
Sippola).Here,thecontrastisclearlydemonstratedbetweenneoliberalsocialphenomena
suchascompetitionandindividualismandMapucheactivists’valuesofcommunityand
connection.Severalcommunitiesarementioned:theorganizationANAMURI,theMapuche
community,andthenationalandinternationalgroupsthatlenttheirsupporttoPatricia’s
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hungerstrike.Joiningtogetherandconsciouslyconfrontingneoliberaleconomicprograms
insteadofseparatingandparticipatinginsaidprogramsasindividualconsumers,Mapuche
womenactivistschallengeallaspectsofneoliberalismandglobalizationinChileansociety.
Sincethisisadirectaffronttothegoalsofthestate,Mapuchewomenface
retributionwhenparticipatinginanti-globalistmovements.Thisoftentakestheformof
violenceatthehandsoftheChileanstate.
MapucheWomenandTheirCommunity
BeforeIgodeeperintotheviolenceMapuchewomenhaveexperiencedthroughthe
state,IwilldescribewhatthelandrightsmovementmeanstoMapuchewomen.Iamnot
Mapuchenorindigenous,norhaveIeverbeenmarginalizedduetomyraceorethnicity,so
Iwillnottrytoexplainthisinmyownwords.Instead,IwillreprintthewordsofMapuche
womenwhohavespokenatlengthaboutthistopic.
AccordingtoMapuchewomen,what’simportanttounderstandisthattheyare
drivennotbythemesofWesternfeminism,buttheiridentitiesasMapuche.IsoldeReuque,
awell-knownactivistduringthedictatorship,assertsoftenthatsheis“Mapuchefirst,and
Mapuchesecond;onlythirdissheaCatholic,apoliticalpartyactivist,orafeminist”
(Reuque12).ThisisaverycommonthoughtamongMapucheactivists,who“[assert]that
theircentralstruggleisthatoftheMapuchepeopleasawhole.Evenwhentheymake
gender-basedclaims,they[insist],theirgoalistocontributetothewiderstruggle”
(Richards2004158).AnotherMapuchewoman,ElisaAvendaño,summarizesitthisway:
“’Wewomenassertasapeoplethatwehavetoberecognized,wewantautonomy,andwe
arenotgoingtoachieveautonomyaswomen,wearegoingtoachieveitasapeople’”
(Calfio105;inRichards2004232).AmongmanyMapuchewomenandactivists(though
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notall),“feminism”isseenasathoroughlyWesternconcept,andgaininglandasa
statementongenderisnottheobjectiveofwomenactivists—rather,itisthereclaimingof
ancestrallandforallMapuche.Withthispaper,therefore,Idonotattempttoportray
Mapuchewomen’sactivismasafeministpursuit,butwouldliketoexplorethedynamics
betweentheChileanstateandMapuchewomenprotestorsandhowglobalizationand
neoliberalcapitalismcanalterthisrelationship.
III.State-ledviolenceagainstMapuchewomen
AllfouroftheMapucheactivistsspokeoutagainsttheoccupationofMapucheland,
andallfourexperiencedviolenceatthehandsoftheChileanstate.Someofthisviolence
wascommittedthroughdirectgovernmentaction,suchasCarabineroshootings,or
throughneoliberalprojectscarriedoutlargelythroughlargetransnationalcorporations.
WecandividetheviolencethatthesefourMapucheandmestizawomen—andofcourse,
otherMapuchewomen—experiencedthroughthehandsofthestateintotwoseparate
categories:personalandstructuralviolence,basedonJohanGaltung’sseminalwork
Violence,Peace,andPeaceResearch,publishedin1968.ViolenceisdefinedbyGaltungas
“thecauseofdifferencebetweenthepotentialandtheactual”(168).Whatisimportant
hereistheideathatviolenceisnotmerelyphysicalviolence,butanypreventablecondition
thatisharmful—whetherphysically,psychologically,socially,etc.—toitssubject.From
there,violencecanbebrokendownfurtherintopersonalviolence,orviolencethatis
causedbyaclearactor,andstructuralviolence,or“violencewherethereisnosuchactor”
(Galtung170).InthecasesofNicolasaQuintreman,DanielaÑancupil,PatriciaTroncoso,
andMacarenaValdés,thefourwomenactivistsintroducedatthebeginning,wecanclearly
identifyexamplesofbothintheirstrugglesforlandrights.
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Now,usingGaltung’sworkassupport,Iwillpointouttheviolencepresentineachof
thecasesofthefouractivists.Withsomeoftheactivists,suchasDanielaÑancupil,whowas
shotbytheChileannationalpoliceforce,thisissomewhatobvious;forothers,suchas
NicolasaQuintreman,itmaynotbesoimmediatelyclear.Iwillalsodemonstratethatthe
Chileanstateiscapableofcommittingfemicide—seenthroughthecaseofPatricia
Troncoso—whichwillsegueintothesection“CharacterizingState-LedViolenceasGender-
BasedViolence,”whichwillarguethattheChileanstatecommitsgender-andethnicity-
basedviolenceagainstMapuchewomen.
NicolasaQuintreman
NicolasaQuintremanwasforcedtogiveupherancestrallandthroughstate
pressure.Herrelocationtoanewregioncanbedefinedasphysicalviolence:forced
physicalmovementfromheridealcondition—livingonthelandherfamilyhasoccupied
forcenturies—toaworsenedactualcondition,orlifeonunfamiliarlandandthephysical
andmentalhardshipsthiscancause.Inthiscase,thereareclearactors:theChileanstate
andENDESA,bothofwhomdemandedNicolasa’srelocation.ENDESAstipulatedtheterms
ofthedeal—howmuchmoneyNicolasawouldreceive,wherehernewlandswouldbe
located,andhowmanyhectaresshewouldreceive(whichendedupbeing77)(Richards
2004134);ENDESAmadetheexchange,whichwasfacilitatedbytheChileangovernment,
amiddleman.ToensuretheremovaloftheQuintremansisters,theChileanstate(andin
particular,EduardoFrei)intervened.In2002,theSupremeCourtruledagainstNicolasa
andBertaQuintremaninasuitthatwouldstoptheconstructionofthedam;Freifiredtwo
CONADIdirectorswhowouldnotapproveofthelandswaps—oneofthestate’slawsin
termsofoccupationofindigenouslandisthattheCONADIboardmustapproveofit—and
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eventuallyhiredanon-Mapuche,non-indigenousmantothepositionwhowouldbesureto
approveofthedeal(Richards2004133).Inthesecases,thereareclearactorswhocarried
outpersonalviolenceagainstNicolasa.
However,wecanalsoseeclearexamplesofstructuralviolenceinNicolasa’scase.
Thereasonsheacceptedthe200million-peso,77-hectaredealwithENDESAwasherson’s
spinaldisorder.Lackofaccesstoaffordablehealthcareledtoherremovalfromancestral
lands;sheneededthemoneytogivetoherson.Thereisnoclearactorherewhoinflicted
thisviolenceonNicolasaandherson,justdeepstructuralproblemswithnopersonal
attacks.Inaddition,Nicolasa’sdeathexhibitsstructuralviolence.Shedrownedinthelake
thatwasformedintheconstructionoftheRalcodam,alakethatwouldnothaveexistedif
herremovalhadnothappened.Herdeathhasnoclearactor,buttheexistenceofthelake—
aprojectledandsupportedbythestate—enabledherdeath,aphysicallyviolentact.
MacarenaValdés
MacarenaValdéssufferedfromdirectphysicalviolencebythehandsofthestate,as
shewaspotentiallyassassinatedbyanaffiliateofRPGlobal,theAustrianTNCconstructing
ahydroelectricplantinhercommunityofTranguil;theChileangovernmentapprovedthis
project,despiteyearsofMapucheprotests,andactivelycollaboratedthroughtheautopsy
theyconductedwhichconcludedshehadcommittedsuicide.Evenifwebelievethe
government’sautopsy,wecanstillfindevidenceofstate-ledviolenceinhercasethrough
Galtung’sconceptof“latentviolence”(172).Thisisthethreatofviolenceor“potential”
violence,ascomparedtomanifestviolence,whichiswhenaviolentactactuallyoccurs.
ThoughthereisapossibilitythatRPGlobalmaynothavekilledMacarena(thoughsuicide
wasdeclaredanimpossibilitybythosewhoknewher),herdeathservesasareminderof
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thepowerthestatewieldstowardsitscitizensandthedeathsithascausedtheMapuche
peopleinthepast.
DanielaÑancupil
ItiseasytoseehowtheChileanstateinflictedviolenceonDanielaÑancupil.Theviolence
shesufferedwasdirectandphysical:multipleCarabineros,agentsofthenationalpolice
force,shotherseventimes.Asweknow,Danielaherselfwasnotprotestingtheoccupation
oftheAraucaníabyCarabineros—itwasherfather.However,thestatestilldecidedtouse
extremelethalforceagainst
her,shootingherasshegot
offabus(HumanRights
Watch61).Shealso
sufferedfromindirect,or
latent,violencefromthe
statejustasMacarenadid:
Danielawaskidnapped
afterwordspreadthather
familywasgoingtopursue
legalactionagainstthe
stateforhershooting.ThisfunctionsinthesamewayasthepotentialviolenceMacarena
faced—thoughitisnotcompletelycertainwhoactuallykidnappedher,thethreatsthey
committedagainstherforspeakingoutagainsttheCarabinerosandthegovernment’srole
asawholeinherattackshowpotentialviolencewillingtobecommittedinthenameofthe
state.
Figure2:StreetartIfoundwhileinValparaíso,Chile."MacaValdésassassinated!Fordefendingtheearth."
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PatriciaTroncoso
TheviolencecommittedagainstPatriciaTroncosoissimilartoNicolasathroughthe
factthatitwasstate-led,thoughoppositeinitsmanifestation:whileNicolasaendured
forcedmovement,Patriciahadherfreedomtomovetakenawaythroughdetainment,one
ofGaltung’sbasicexamplesofpersonal,somaticviolence(174):shewasdetainedbyactors
ofthestate—thepolicewhoarrestedher,theguardswhokeptherinjail,thejudgewho
sentencedher,thenationalprisonworkersandhospitalstaffwhoauthorizedherforce-
feedingtoendherhungerstrike.Inaddition,thestarvationsheunderwentaspartofher
protestisaclearexampleofstate-ledpersonalviolence:becausethestatewouldn’tlisten
toherdemands,shestarvedherselftovisibly—orsomatically—showtheeffectsof
incarcerationonherselfandherMapuchecomrades,aswellastheeffectsofstate-led
occupationofMapucheland.
WhenresearchingPatricia,Icameacrossaquotethatstruckachordwithme:in
responsetoherhungerstrikeandthejudicialsystem’srefusaltoreadherdemands,the
RuralandIndigenousWomen’sAssociationwrotealettertoChile’spresident,Michelle
Bachelet,askinghertostop“’thismajorinstitutionalfemicide’”(Córdova).Theword
“femicide”or“feminicide”hasmanydefinitions,buttwoofthemostrelevantcomefrom
MarcelaLagarde,thechairofMexico’sSpecialCommissiononFemicidein2004,whostates
thefollowing: “acrimeofthestatewhichtoleratesthemurdersofwomenandneither
vigorouslyinvestigatesthecrimesnorholdsthekillersaccountable”aswellas“whenthe
stateofferswomennoguaranteesandcreatesnoconditionsofsecurityfortheirlivesinthe
community,athome,noteveninworkorrecreationalareas.Evenworse,authoritiesdonot
evendotheirjobefficiently”(Widyono11).
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IntermsofPatriciaTroncoso’scase,“femicide”wasnotactuallycommitted—
Troncosowasdyingofstarvation,butendedupsurvivinghertimeinprison.What’s
importantaboutthelettertoBacheletandthephrase“stopthisinstitutionalfemicide”can
befoundinLagarde’sdefinitions:theideathatthestate,or“institution,”iscomplicitin
gender-targetedviolence.Lagarde’sseconddefinitionoffemicideharkensbacktoGaltung’s
definitionofviolence,whichisthedifferencebetweentheactualandthepotential.
Femicide,bythisdefinition,isnotthenarrowerdefinitionofthegender-basedmurderofa
woman,butgender-basedviolenceasawhole.Sincethecapitalistsystemisalsoinherently
patriarchal(Mies2014,53),andwehavealreadyconcludedthattheChileanstateis
capitalistandcommittedtothefurtheringofcapitalism,wearejustifiedinconstructingthe
oppressiverelationshipbetweentheChileanstateandMapuchewomenasagender-based
one:asystemthatfunctionsformensettingouttoinflictviolenceonitswomencitizenryis
certainlygendered.Iwilldevelopthisconceptmoreintheforthcomingsection.
IV.CharacterizingState-LedViolenceasGender-BasedViolence
Thepronouncementthatstate-ledattacksonMapucheactivistsareinstancesof
gender-basedviolence(GBV)mayatfirstglanceseemlikeastretch.Weareusedto
recognizingGBVonamicro-,orpersonal,level:menwhoassaulttheirwives,forexample,
orviolentattacksontransgenderpeople.However,itistruethatalargebodysuchasa
statecancommitGBVonalargescale—wehaveseenthisthroughthedefinitionof
femicide,whichfullyimplicatesthestateinthesepractices.Somestateshaveeven
acceptedthiscondemningdefinition,asMexicohasassumedLagarde’sdefinitionsof
femicideastheirown(Widyono11),furtherlendingcredencetothefactthatastatecan
commitgender-basedviolence.Whatisnecessaryhereistoprovewhyweshouldconsider
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thetreatmentofMapucheactiviststobeGBVcommittedbythestate.Todothis,wemust
harkenbacktotheearlierdivisionwedrewbetweenthestate’sMOPandthatofthe
Mapuche,anddeterminehowanindigenouswoman’sactivismcouldbeseenasathreatto
theneoliberal,globalizedMOP.WewilltakealookatwhatroleMapuchewomenare
supposedtoplayundertheneoliberalsystem,andhowtheiractivism—andspecifically,the
involvementofthefouractivists—upendsthis.
MapucheWomenandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor
ThoughIhavealreadymentionedhowtheMapuchestruggleforlandrightsin
generalchallengesneoliberalglobalizationandthestate,women’sspecificparticipationin
thisstruggleposesanevenbiggerthreat.Theuseofviolentactionsbythestateagainst
Mapucheactivists,suchastheshootingofDanielaÑancupil,thearrestandstarvationof
PatriciaTroncoso,themurderofMacarenaValdés,andtheforcedmigrationofNicolasa
Quintreman,canbetiedbacktotheprioritizationofneoliberalglobalization.Capitalism,
andthusneoliberal,globalizedcapitalism,reliesonthesuppressionofwomen,especially
womenofcolor,tocontinuouslyactualize:“thecapitalistmodeofproduction…[needs]
differentcategoriesofcolonies,particularlywomen,otherpeoplesandnature,touphold
themodelofever-expandinggrowth”(Mies50-51).Thisissodeeplyrootedthatcapitalism
“cannotfunctionwithoutpatriarchy…thegoalofthesystem,namelythenever-ending
processofcapitalaccumulation,cannotbeachievedunlesspatriarchalman-woman
relationsaremaintainedornewlycreated”(Mies52-53).Justasthecoreexploitsthe
periphery,womenareexploitedbymenundercapitalismtomaximizeprofits.
Fromthisassertion,wecanconcludethatwomen,andespeciallywomenofcolor,
playaveryimportantroleinthecapitalisteconomy.MariaMiesspeaksofthe“capitalist
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divisionoflabor,”andhowtraditionallyunderthecapitalistMOP,laborhasbeendivided
basedongender:menworkingwage-laborjobsandearningmoney,whilewomendo
“reproductive”or“private”work,raisingchildrentoeventuallyparticipateinthecapitalist
economyandfurthertheaccumulationofwealth,butnotearningacentfortheirlabor
(47).This,aswellastheexploitationofwagelaborperformedbywomen—demonstrated
throughthewagegap,whichinChileaffectsindigenouswomenthemostoutofanygroup
identity(Ataletal.11,36)—showshowcorporationscanearnaprofitoffofMapuche
women’sparticipationintheMOP,moresothanotherlaborers.
TheplaceintheChileaneconomythatthestatehaspickedforMapuchewomenis
nothardtofigureout:asdomesticservantsinSantiagoandotherurbanizedareas,made
clearthroughpoliciesdatingbacktoPinochet.Ashasbeenmentionedbefore,the
dictatorshipinvokedaharshurbanizationprocessinthelate1970sandearly1980s,
seizingMapuchelandandprivatizingit.Thesubsequentmigrationthatoccurred,however,
wasgendered:the1992ChileannationalcensusfoundthatthemajorityofMapuche
migrantsmovedtoSantiagofromruralareas,andthatofthesemigrants,Mapuchewomen
outnumberedMapuchemen(CastroRamiro).TheparticulareffectsthishadonMapuche
womenareseenthroughtheregime’sdecreelaw2,568,passedin1979,whichallowedthe
militaryregimetoseizeMapuchecommunalland,parcelit,andsellittocompanies,private
citizens,andbacktotheMapuchethemselves.Withinthislawwaswrittentheausentes
policy,whichstatedthatonthedayofparceling,anyMapuchewhowasnotphysically
locatedontheirhistoriclandwouldautomaticallyforfeitittothegovernment;since
womenweredisproportionatelymovingtothecitiestolookforwork,lesswerepresentin
thecommunityatthetimeofseizure(PinchulefCalfulcura97).
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Thesewomenfoundvarioustypesofemployment,butthemostcommonjobwasin
domesticwork,with40.6%ofMapuchewomenperformingsometypeofdomesticwork
and34.6%ofthisbeinglive-indomesticwork(CastroRamiro).Thisclearlyharkenstothe
capitalistdivisionoflabor,asMapuchedomesticworkerswere(andare)participatingina
jobthatispartoftheprivatesphere,andthatcomeswithlowerwages:sincethe
dictatorshipandupuntil2011,Chileandomesticworkers—adisproportionateamountof
whomareMapuche—wereonlylegallyentitledto75%ofthenationalminimumwage
(Blofield119).EventhoughthePinochetregimewantedto“modernize”thecountryand
assimilatetheMapuchepopulationsoitwouldnolongerresist,therewasnointentionof
advancingequityfortheindigenouspopulation.DomesticworknotonlyholdsMapuche
womeninalow-payingjob,butalsoreinforcesatraditionalpatriarchalandracialdivision
oflaborandkeepsMapuchewomenawayfromtheirancestralland.Thisforcedmigration
tourbanareashasaddedtothecontinuedeconomicdevelopmentoftheChileanstate
throughincreasedproduction,asMapuchetraditionallyarealmostentirelyself-sufficient
ontheirancestrallands(CanalesTapia133),apositionthatdoesnotcontributetothe
growthofthenation’sGDP.Mapuchewomenprotestingagainstanyelementofthestate
riskstheharmfulrelationshipbetweenoppressedgroupsandthestateandthusthe
economicgrowthofthenation.Itisachallengetothestate’slargelyuncheckedpower.
Thestatehasusedatleasttwotoolstoreacttothischallenge:gender-based
violenceandanti-terrorismlaws,whichwillbediscussedinthesection“TheSecond
ChileanState.”ThreeoftheMapucheactivists—Nicolasa,Macarena,andPatricia—were
directlyprotestingtheoccupationoftheAraucaníabytransnationalcorporations;their
silencewouldensurethecontinuationoftheseprofitableprojects.Danielawasprotesting
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theoccupationoftheAraucaníanotbymultinationalcorporationsperse,butbythe
Chileannationalpolice.IncreasedsurveillanceoftheMapuche,justifiedunderthe
aforementionedanti-terrorismlaws,reinforcessubordinationandthecontinuationof
developmentprojectsonMapucheterritory.Byprotestingthisoccupation,Danielawas
alsothreateningtheglobalizedorder.
MapucheActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor
Specifically,wecanseehowthefourMapucheactiviststhreatenedtheChilean
capitalistdivisionoflaborthroughthepositionseachofthemheldwithintheMapuche
community.
MacarenaValdés
MacarenaValdésandherhusband,RubénCollío,werebornandraisedinSantiago,
butknewthattheirfamilieswerefromtheLosRíosRegioninSouthernChile.In2014,the
coupledecidedtogiveupcitylifeandembracetheirancestry;theymovedtoPanguipulliin
LosRíos,takingtheirthreechildrenwiththemtoliveasMapuche.Shortlythereafter,both
MacarenaandRubénbecameleadersinthecampaignagainstRPGlobalandtheTranguil
hydroelectricplant(Montalva).
Hereweclearlyseeaspectsofthecapitalistdivisionoflabor.Bothsheandher
husbandwerefromMapuchefamilies,buthadlivedinSantiagotheirwholelives;thisisa
clearexampleoftheforcedmigrationthatMapuchehaveundergonesincethefoundation
oftheChileanrepublicandthesplittingoftheirland.InSantiago,Macarenawas
conformingtothestate’sdivisionoflabor:integratedintothecapitalisteconomy.However,
sheandherhusbandwereawareofthisintegration,Rubénnotingthat“’Wecameescaping
thatexcessivecompetitionofobtainingeconomicresourcesthatintheendnevermakeyou
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happy…Onedoesnotliveinthecapital,onesurvives.Whatwewantedwastolive’”
(Balcázar;translationbySippola).WhentheymovedtoPanguipulli,thetwogaveuptheir
traditionaljobs,Rubénbecomingawerken—aleaderofaMapuchecommunity—and
Macarenagardenedandrefurbishedthepasturesofhercommunity(Balcázar).Thetwo
alsospentalargeamountoftime,ofcourse,asactivists.
InMacarena’sstory,wecanseeclearexamplesofhowshedefiedtheChilean
capitalistdivisionoflabor.Shebrokefreefromthestate’spoliticaleconomytojointhe
Mapuchepoliticaleconomy,andnolongerparticipatedinthecreationofcapitalforthe
state,ashergardeningandfarmworkwouldnotrealizeanymoneyforthestate.In
addition,thoughMacarenacaredforherchildreninPanguipulli,probablywithout
payment,thiswasnotanexploitationofwomen’slaborasitwouldbeintheChilean
politicaleconomy.WecanharkenbacktoMies’sworkonthecapitalistdivisionoflabor
andseethatinthecapitalisteconomy,“…theproductivityofthehousewifeisthe
preconditionfortheproductivityofthe(male)wagelaborer…hence,thehousewifeandher
laborare,inotherwords,thebasisoftheprocessofcapitalaccumulation”(47-48).Taking
careofchildren,workingasa“housewife”isonlyusefultothestateifthatwomanisraising
herchildrentoeventuallyjointhecapitalisteconomyandearnawage.Macarena,however,
tookherthreesonswithhertoPanguipulli,extractingthemfromthiscycle.Sheevenhada
fourthsonwhileinPanguipulli,whowasbornshelteredfromthisprocessandwilllivea
childhoodentirelyintheMapuchepoliticaleconomy.This,ofcourse,isanaffronttothe
state,whichnotonlylostthelaborofMacarenaandherhusband,buttheirfourchildrenas
well.BymovingfromSantiago,effectivelyreversingtheforcedmigrationoftheMapuche
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forherfamily,andenteringintoadifferentpoliticaleconomy,Macarenathreatenedthe
reproductionofcapitalism.
NicolasaQuintreman
NicolasaQuintremanwasbornandraisedinMapuchecountry,livingonher
parents’ancestrallandfrombirthuntilitwasappropriatedbyENDESAin2002(Tribuna
delBíoBío).Shelivedseparatefromtheurbanized,“modern”countrythatPinochetbuilt
andthedemocraticgovernmentafterwardsworkedtosustain—thisisseenveryclearly
throughherownwords,asin1999shestatedthisaboutthedealsshewasbeingoffered
fromENDESA:“’Moneydoesn’tinterestme,nordoesahousewithakitchen.Ihavemy
place,mystove,andmylandtoworkon.NordoIwantthelightthattheyoffer,Ihavethe
sunforthat…withthis,I’mgood’”(TribunadelBíoBío).Nicolasaclearlyexistedwellwithin
theMapuchepoliticaleconomy,notearningmoneythroughanymeansofemployment.
Whilethisistraditionallyexpectedofwomenunderthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,what
isolatesNicolasafromthisprocesswasthatshewasnotperformingthedutyexpectedof
herbythestate—completingunpaidandunrecognizedhouseworkthatwouldsupporta
laborerhusbandandfuturelaborers(sons).Nicolasadidnothaveahusband—onestrike
againsther.Shedidhaveason,Victor,butinhisregardthegoalofthestateremained
incomplete—hehasaspinaldisorder,andthereforedoesnotwork(Richards2004134;
TribunadelBíoBío).NotonlydidNicolasarefusetoparticipateintheChileaneconomy
throughpre-approvedmeanssuchasdomesticwork,shedidnotliveuptohermost
fundamentalroleofraisingmalelaborers.
Miesstatesthat“…theproductivityofthehousewifeisthepreconditionforthe
productivityofthe(male)wagelaborer”(47),andinthisassertionwecanseethatthe
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capitalistdivisionoflaborentirelyplacestheresponsibilityonNicolasaforherson’slackof
contributiontotheaccumulationoftheChileanstate.Her“productivity”firstneedstobe
presenttoensurethatherchildrenoutputaswell,andhersondoesnot.Ofcourse,wecan
seethatthatisprobablylargelyduetohisdisability;however,itistraditionallythestate’s
perspective,underapatriarchalpoliticaleconomy,thatthemotheristoblameforany
disabilitytheirchildrenarebornwith,as“duringchildbirth,thestatedistrustsmothersto
makeappropriatedecisionstoprotectthewell-beingofthefetus.And,ifthechildisborn
withadisability,themotherisblamedforcausingwhateverdifficultiesmayoccur”(Colker
1206).IntheperspectiveoftheChileanstate,Nicolasahasrejectednotonlyherown
placementinthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,buthasalsofundamentallycausedherson’s
failuretoparticipateaswell.Therefore,notonlydosheandheroffspringnotparticipatein
thestate’saccumulation,sheactivelyworksagainstitthroughheractivism.
DanielaÑancupil
DanielaÑancupilrejectedthecapitalistdivisionoflaborbynatureofherexistence.
Aswehaveseen,Mieshighlightsthat“femaleproductivityisthepreconditionofmale
productivity”(70)andthat“thenuclearfamily,organizedandprotectedbythestate,isthe
socialfactorywherethiscommodity‘laborpower’isproduced”bythewifethrough
reproduction(48).Daniela,however,isnotmale;raisingher,aMapuchegirl,doesnot
contributegreatlytotheaccumulationoftheChileanstate.Inaddition,shewas13atthe
timeofhershootingandkidnapping,anageatwhichsheprobablycouldnothaveachild
andthuscomplywiththecapitalistdivisionoflabor,butalsocouldnotacceptthe
alternativeandworkasadomesticworker,contributingtonationalaccumulation.Thus,in
theeyesofthestate,Danielaservednopurpose(exceptforinherassociationwithher
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activistfather,elaboratedinthenextsection,“State-LedViolence:MapucheWomenvs.
MapucheMen”).Inthisway,shetoorejectedtheracialandgenderdivisionoflabor.
PatriciaTroncoso
PatriciaTroncosowaslivingstudyingtheologyattheCatholicUniversityof
Valparaísoandworkingasapreschoolassistantwhenshedecidedtotakeupthecauseof
theMapuchein1998andfocussolelyonactivism(Cayuqueo).Notonlydidsherejectthe
Chileanpoliticaleconomyandherplaceinit—growingnationalwealththroughherincome
andalsoreinvestingitthroughherstudies—shealsorejectedherpositionasamestiza
womantolivewithintheMapuchepoliticaleconomy.Patriciaisdifferentthantheother
threeactivistsinthatsheisnotcompletelyMapuche,butmixedwithwhiteancestry.
Hereinliesanimportantdistinctionthatisnottobeignored:theeffectofraceandethnicity
inthegenderedcapitalistdivisionoflabor.
EvelynNakanoGlennwritesthatwhile“Marxistfeministsplacethegendered
constructionofreproductivelaboratthecenterofwomen’soppression,”many“theoriesof
racialhierarchydonotincludeanyanalysisofreproductivelabor”(2).However,wecannot
affordtoseparategenderandraceandthinkofthemas“additivesystems”(Glenn3)that
contributetoaMapuchewoman’sstatusintheChileancapitalistsociety;rather,raceand
genderare“interlocking”andcreatean“integratedmodelofraceandgender”that
uniquelydefinestheirroleinthecapitalistdivisionoflabor(Glenn3).Thiscomesintoplay
mainlythroughthedisproportionateamountofwomenofcolorwhoperformdomestic
workinprivatehouseholds(clearlyexemplifiedthroughtheMapuche,asseeninthe
previoussection)(Glenn6).Indigenouswomen’sworkisdevaluedandoverlookedina
multitudeofwaysduetotheinterlockingfactorsofraceandgender.
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Wecannotjustdisregardthis,especiallyinouranalysisofPatriciaTroncoso.While
shewascertainlytargetedandattackedbythestateforherbreakwiththecapitalist
divisionoflabor,theconsequencesmayhavebeenlessdireforher.AccordingtoGlenn,
Theracialdivisionoflaboralsobolsteredthegenderdivisionoflaborbyofferingwhitewomenaslightlymoreprivilegedpositioninexchangeforacceptingdomesticity…adualisticconceptionofwomenas“good”and“bad,”longapartoftheWesternculturaltradition,providedready-madecategoriesforcastingwhiteandracial-ethnicwomenasoppositionalfigures.(33-34)
Thoughin1998whenheractivismbeganPatriciadidnotacceptthegeneraldomesticity
thatthestateexpectsofitswomensubjects,shedidnotalsohavetheexpectationthat
indigenouswomendothatshewouldperformunderpaid,exploitativedomesticserviceas
herjobifsheweretorejectunpaidhouseworkasherrole.Itislessradicalfora
white/mestizawomantohaveajoboutsideofdomesticservitudethanitisforaMapuche
woman,andPatriciabenefitedfromthissystem.ThoughIhavebeenfocusingmainlyon
genderthroughoutthispaper,itisextremelyimportanttounderstandthattheviolence
MapuchewomenactivistsfacefromthestateandTNCsisnotduejusttotheirgender,but
theirraceandethnicityaswell.Patriciaisexemptfromthis.Ihave,however,decidedto
includeherinthisthesisbecausetheMapuchelandrightsmovementhasfullyacceptedher
asanimportantandrighteousfigureinthefightagainsttheoccupationofland.Thedozens
ofnewspaperarticlesandessaysIhavereadthatwerewrittenbyMapuchecommunity
membershavealwaysreferredtoherasaMapucheactivist,andthrownfullsupport
behindher.Forthisreason,andbecauseIbelieveherstorydemonstratestheGBVthestate
commitsagainstitscitizenry,Ihaveincludedherinthisthesis.
ThoughPatriciadoesnotexperiencethesametreatmentthatMapuchewomen
activistsdoduetotheirrace,itistruethatsherejectedthegenderdivisionoflabor
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throughgivingupherjobasapreschoolassistant—apositionthatdoesinvolvethecareof
children—tolivefullyasanactivistoutsideoftheChileanmodeofproduction,moving
fromValparaiso,anurbancenter,toDidaico,aMapuchecommunityintheAraucanía
(BasadreG.).This,too,couldcertainlybeconsideredasanaffronttothestate.
IhavespenttimeprovidingevidencefortheseMapucheactivistsdefyingthe
capitalistdivisionoflaborbecauseitshowsjusthowthoroughlytheyexistoutsideofthe
state’sclear-definedboundariesforthem.Notonlydoalloftheseactivistschallengethe
stateanditscapitalistMOP,Macarena,Nicolasa,andDanielaespeciallydosoduetotheir
rejectionofboththegenderandracialdivisionsoflabor.
So,howdoesthestatereacttothisaffront?Withviolence.Inparticular,Iarguethat
theChileanstateusesgender-basedviolenceagainstMapuchewomeninordertoforce
thembackintotherolestheyaresupposedtoplayunderthehegemonicpoliticaleconomy.
V.State-ledviolence:Mapuchewomenvs.Mapuchemen
WhatIthinkisimportantnextistoexamineanydifferencesinthetreatment
betweenMapuchemenandwomen,ifwearetoconsidertheviolenceenactedagainst
womenactivistsasgender-basedaswell,andnotjustrace-andethnicity-based(for,of
course,theviolencecommittedagainstMapuchewomenactivistsisnotjustsolely
committedbasedontheirgender,buttheirrace,indigenousness,existenceoutsidethe
hegemonicpoliticaleconomy,andmore).Thisisnotmeanttocreateadivisionbetween
Mapuchemenandwomen,norclaimthatwhatonegroupexperiencesisworsethanthe
other—justtoshowthatthestatetreatsthemasseparategroupsaccordingtothethreat
theyperceive.
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Mapucheactivistmencertainlyexperienceviolenceatthehandsofthestate.Itis
notauniqueexperiencethatMapuchewomenface.Mapuchemenareimprisoned,shot,
murdered,leftinpoverty,andforcedtomigrate,justasMapuchewomenare.Theviolence
experiencedbetweenthesetwospecificgenders,however,isundoubtedlynuanced,and
womenfaceaparticularthreatduetotheirgender.Thisismadeespeciallyclearinthe
livedexperiencesofMacarena,Nicolasa,Patricia,andDaniela,soIwillusetheirstories
throughoutmyargumentassupport.
MapucheWomen:DerivativesofMapucheMen
OnepatternthatIhavenoticedisthestate’suseofviolenceagainstMapuche
womenastoolstogettopowerfulorwell-knownMapuchemen.Ratherthanharmthese
mendirectly,Mapuchewomen’sbodiesareusedasdisposablewarnings,exampleofwhat
couldhappentothesemeninthefutureiftheypersistintheiractivism.Thedeathof
MacarenaValdésandtheshootingofDanielaÑancupilaretwoinstancesofthis.Macarena
wasaleaderandanactivistinherownright,butsowasherhusband,Rubén—whowas
alsoawerken(leader)ofthecommunityofNewenTranguil.Mapuchenewscoverageofher
deathcorroboratesthatherassassinationwas,atleastinpart,awayofthreateningher
husband.“HitmenassassinateMacarenaValdés,wifeofthewerkenoftheLiquiñe
community,”oneheadlinereads(WerkenRojo;translationbySippola);anotherarticle
statesthatinthedaysleadinguptoMacarena’sdeath,Rubénhadreceivedthreatsfrom
affiliatesofRPGlobal,demandinghislandlordevictthefamily(SudaméricaRural).Other
articlesclaimthatthesesameaffiliatesthreatenedtoburnhishouse(WerkenRojo).
TheshootingandkidnappingofDanielaÑancupilbyCarabinerosalsodemonstrates
thispattern.Asmentionedpreviously,Danielaherselfwasnotanactivistperseinthe
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Mapuchestruggleforlandrights,butherfather,JoséÑancupil,was.Hewasalonko
(highestleader)oftheGalvarinocommunityintheAraucaníaregion,protestingthe
occupationofhiscommunitybyCarabineroswhenDanielawasshot.Daniela’sbody,just
likeMacarena’s,wasusedasamessagetoaMapuchemaleleader.Later,whenDanielawas
kidnapped,herabductorstoldhertheywouldkillherlawyerifshedidnotdropthe
chargesshehadpressedontheCarabinerosthathadshother:onceagain,usingthebodyof
aMapuchewomantogettoathreateningman.
Ibelievethisparadigmservesseveralpurposes.Firstly,todemeanthewoman(if
shesurvives)—gender-basedviolenceisawaytoassertdominanceandcontroloverthe
victim(Mies167),andiftheChileanstatefeelsitislosingcontroloverthewomenwithin
itsborders,makingthemsuccumbthroughphysicalforcewouldservetwopurposes:
achievingitsgoal(thesubmissionofthewoman)aswellasteachingthewoman,and
therebyotherwomenofthesamegroup,ahumiliatinglesson.Secondly,thepatternof
usingviolenceagainstwomentowarnmaleactivistsallowstheChileanstatetocontinue
actualizingthecapitalistdivisionoflaborwithoutmuchinterruption.Clearly,whenGBVis
committedagainstMapuchewomenactivistsbutmaleactivistsarespared,astatementis
beingmadeonwhichcitizensareworthmoretothestate.Inthesescenarios,theMapuche
womanwhosuffersgender-basedviolence“…isameans,anobject,notasubject”(Mies
162).Withthisquote,Miesusestheword“subject”todenoteautonomy,butIwilltakeita
stepfurtherandalsosayitcouldbeinterpretedasasubjectofthenation.Asmentioned
before,womenaretraditionallysidelinedinthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,theirpreferred
usebeingtoraisemalewagelaborers(Mies47).Importantheretothestatearethemen:
theyaretheonesintegratedintothecapitalisteconomy.Though,ofcourse,wecanseethat
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womenplayanequallyimportantrole,theirworkisclearlydevalued(astheyarenotpaid).
Thestatefavorsitsmalesubjects,evengoingsofarastotreatitswomenaslessthan
citizens,seeingtheminsteadasan“object”ora“means”togetmalelabortocomplywith
itsdesignatedrole.Mapuchewomenactivists,therefore,aretreatedasdisposableproperty
bytheChileanstate,atooltocontinuetheproductionthatprovidesforitsnational
accumulation—notharmingthemeninthesecases,astheirpotentialstillexists.
MapucheWomenandPoverty
NicolasaQuintreman,too,facedgender-basedviolenceatthehandsoftheChilean
state.Whensheunderwentforcedrelocationin2002,shereceivedonly200,000,000
Chileanpesosincompensation—about$290,000USdollars(Muñoz).Bythetimeshe
drownedin2013,hermoneywasgone;theroughterrainanddroughtofhernewlocation
didnoteasilysupportagriculture,andshediedinpoverty,takingcareofherillson
(TribunadelBíoBío)(Muñoz).NeitherthenationalgovernmentnorENDESAdidanything
tostopthis:asapartofhercontractwithENDESA,Nicolasaandtheotherrelocated
Mapuchefamiliesweresupposedtoreceive1,500UF(aChileanunitofaccount),valuedat
about41,108,000Chileanpesos,about$60,460USD,tohelpdevelopagriculturalprojects
intheirnewlocations;accordingtoNicolasa’sson,thismoneynevercame.Moreover,
ENDESAagreedtobuildhomesfortheMapucheinadditiontothecashtheyreceived—this
didnothappeneither,andNicolasahadtobuildanewhomeonherlandwithpartofthe
original$290,000(Muñoz).
Thesefactsareimportant.The“feminizationofpoverty”isawell-knownglobal
phenomenon—“womenaremoreimpoverishedthanmen”:astheproportionofpoor
peoplegrows,thepercentageofthisproportionthatarewomenalsogrows(Buvinić38).Of
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course,racecannotbeoverlookedhere.Indigenouswomeninparticular“tendtohave
lowereducationalattainment[and]liveinmoreimpoverishedmunicipalities…”thannon-
indigenouswomen(Eversoleetal.30);wecanthereforemaketheconnectionthat
indigenouswomentendtobemoreimpoverishedthanbothmeningeneralandwhiteand
mestizawomeninChile.Whenlookingatpovertystatistics,wefindthistobetrue;
accordingtotheWorldBank,in2015,11%ofindigenousChileanslivedinpoverty(making
lessthan$5.5USDperday),ascomparedto8%ofnon-indigenousChileans(WorldBank
2018).Inaddition,in2013,regionswithveryhighconcentrationsofMapuche—Maule,Bío
Bío,Araucanía,andLosRíos—hadthefourworstpovertyratesinChile,allat20.1to30.0
percentofthepopulation(Pinoetal.).
Itisnotasecret,therefore,thattheMapuche,andMapuchewomeninparticular,are
affectedbypovertyinChile.Infact,SebastianPiñera—thePresidentofChilefrom2010-
2014,atthetimeofNicolasa’sdeath,and2018-2022—ranhismostrecentcampaignin
partonapromisetoliftwomenoutofpoverty,mentioninginhisofficialplatformnoless
than16timesthepromiseofanincreaseinwomen’spensions,ortheincreaseintheir
economicintegrationandopportunities(PiñeraEchenique).Piñeraevenoutrightadmits
thedisproportionateamountofwomenaffectedbypovertyinChile,stating“povertystill
affectswomeninagreaterproportion“(109;translationbySippola),andevenconceding
thatitaffectsindigenouspeopleatagreaterproportion:“therearestillbetweentwoand
fourmillioncitizenslivingbeneaththepovertyline,asituationthatisconcentrated
fundamentallyonchildren,women,indigenousgroupsandtheruralworld”(98;
translationbySippola).ItisthereforeaccuratetoassumethatthePiñeraadministration
understandsthegraspthatpovertyholdsonMapuchewomen.
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ThisiswhytheviolenttreatmentofNicolasaQuintremanisgender-based.Wecan
seethegreateraffectsthatherpovertyhadonherbecauseofherwomanhood:her
traditionaldutiesasamother—takingcareofherillson—werethereasonshetookthe
settlementfromENDESAinthefirstplace,andmostlikelyareasonfortheexhaustionof
thosefunds.Thisisthefeminizationofpovertyinaction—wehavealreadyseenhowthe
stateinacapitalistsocietyemphasizesmaternityasanessentialdutyofwomen.Wecan
seehowtheChileanstatepromotesthetraditionalassignmentofchildrearingtowomen,
undervaluesthislabor,andthenholdsindigenouswomeninthispovertybysupporting
projectssuchasRalcothatdemonstrablyworsentheireconomicconditions.Theironyofit
isfoundinthegovernment’sacknowledgmentthatwomenandindigenouspeople
disproportionatelysufferfrompoverty—exemplifiedbyPiñera’splatform—yetcontinually
makedecisionsthatworsenthisphenomenon,allinthenameofneoliberalglobalization.
Thisisundoubtedlystructuralgender-basedviolence.
StateOwnershipofMapucheWomen’sBodies
In2004,PatriciaTroncosowassentencedtoapunishmentof10yearsand1dayfor
afiresheandotherMapucheactivistslitin2002onthelandoccupiedbyForestalMininco,
apapercompany.ShewaschargedwithTerroristArson,IllicitTerroristAssociation,and
TerroristThreatsundertheAntiterrorismLaw(CorreaandMella311),apolicyputinto
placein1984byAugustoPinochet.InOctoberof2007,threeyearsintohersentence,she
beganahungerstriketoprotesttheuseofthislawagainstMapucheactivists(itsimpact
willbedetailedmoreinthesection“TheAntiterrorismLaw”).Thisstrikelasted113days.
ThoughthereweremanywaysthestatetreatedPatriciaviolently—herarrestand
detentioningeneral,includingthetwoyearsshespentinjailwithoutcharges—whatI
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thinkisespeciallyimportanttofocusonistheendtoherhungerstrike,whichwasnota
decisionPatriciaherselfmade.Afterbeinghospitalizedonthe104thdayofherstrikedueto
theextremelyharshphysicaltollittookonherbody,theChileanGendarmerie(thetitle
giventotheirnationalprisonservice,adivisionoftheirMinistryofJustice)andhospital
staff,againsttheprotestsofPatricia,subjectedhertoforcedfeeding;toaccomplishthis,
theyrestrainedhertoherbed(Servindi).
Interestingly,thestatedoesnotsubjectMapuchemaleprisonerstothesame
treatmentwhentheyinvokethesamenegotiatingtactics:duringseveralhigh-profile
hungerstrikesundertakenbyMapuchemen,includingahungerstrikein2010that
involved34Mapucheprisoners,forcedfeedingneveroccurred.Infact,inahigh-profile
hungerstrikeundertakenin2017byfiveMapuchemen,aprisoner,BenitoTrangol,was
hospitalizedduetohisworseninghealth;thehospitalstaffandGendarmerieexpressed
theirdesiretofeedhim,butultimatelydidnotafterTrangoldeniedthempermission(Ortiz
Herrera).Inmyresearch,IhavenotfoundonecaseofforcedfeedingofaMapucheman.
Thepointofthiscomparison,again,isnottopitMapuchewomenandmenagainst
oneanother,butrathertocallattentiontothedifferencesintheirtreatmentbythestate
whenundertheexactsameconditions:starving,incarcerated,andinprotest.Todevelop
whythismightbe,IwilluseLesleyA.Sharp’sMarxiananalysisoftheobjectificationand
commodificationofthebody(2000).Inherwork,Sharpwritesthat“…historically,thebody
frequentlyemergesasasiteofproduction,wherelivingpersonsmaybevaluedsolelyfor
theirlaborpower”(292).LookingbacktoPatricia’ssubheadinginthesection“Mapuche
ActivistsandtheCapitalistDivisionofLabor,”wecanseehowshehasdefiedthestate’s
embraceofneoliberalcapitalismwithherrejectionofparticipationintheformal
Sippola42
workforce.The“laborpower”thatPatriciacontainsisnotbeingputtowardsfurtheringthe
accumulationofwealth,butratherintodisassemblingthisveryprocess.Therefore,when
lookingbacktowhatSharptellsus,Patriciacertainlyhaslowvalueintheeyesofthe
state—herpotentialpowerisbeingputtonouse;whenobjectified,thecommodityshe
becomestothestateisoflowworth.
Besideslaborpower,undercapitalismPatriciaalsoholds“reproductivepower.”
AccordingtoSharp,“…womenconsistentlyemergeasspecializedtargetsof
commodification,wherethefemalebodyisoftenvaluedforitsreproductivepotential”
(293).Again,callingbacktotheideaofthecapitalistdivisionoflabor,weseehowthestate
valorizeswomenfortheabilitytocreateandconditionmalelaborerstofurthercapital
accumulation(Patriciadidnothavechildren).ThispatternfurtherobjectifiesPatricia,as
sheasreducedtothelaborpowershepossesses—andrejects—andherreproductive
organs(Sharp294),whosestate-dictateduseshealsorejects.Therefore,itisnosurprise
thatthestate,actingthroughtheGendarmerie,chosetodefyPatricia’sordersforherown
body—nonutrition,evenifsheweretodie(Servindi),unlessherdemandsweremet—and
actuponitasifitwereanobject.“Colonialpower,laborpolicies,andmedicalpractices
havefrequentlyworkedtogethertodisciplinecolonizedbodies,”Sharpwrites(293),and
thereisnoclearerexampleofthisthanthestatephysicallyrestrainingaMapuchewoman,
penetratingherbodywithanIV,anddecidingherownfateforher,allagainstherwill.
Thus,wecanconcludethatPatriciaTroncoso’streatmentisaclear-cutexampleof
gender-basedviolence.Theangerofthestateatthisactivistforcallingattentiontothe
unjustappropriationofMapuchelands,aswellasthejailingofMapucheprotestorsundera
racistandauthoritarianAntiterrorismLaw,isobvious.Actingasrepresentativesofa
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neoliberalbody,theGendarmerieandhospitalstaffreducedPatriciatohertwo
characteristicsthatcreatehervalueinthecapitalistMOP—herlaborpotentialand
reproductivepotential—andfoundneithersatisfactory.Ofcourse,theyobjectifiedherin
theprocess,aphenomenonthatoccursconstantlyinasocietybuiltaroundproduction,
distribution,andconsumption.Objectification,ofcourse,raisesquestionsofownership
(Sharp298),animportantcomponentofcapitalism—towhomdoesPatriciabelong?In
raisingthisquestion,IwouldliketoharkenbacktotheassertionbyMapucheprotestors
thatPatriciaTroncoso’streatmentbytheChileanstatewasfemicide(theycalledonthen-
presidentMichelleBacheletto“stopthismajorinstitutionalfemicide”(Córdova)).Inher
bookLaGuerraContraLasMujeres(2016),RitaLauraSegatowritesextensivelyon
femicideinCiudadJuarez,Mexico,andtheroleofherconceptofthe“SecondState”inthis
phenomenon,aconceptthatIwilldelveintointhenextsectionofthisthesis.Sheasserts
thatunderthisSecondState,“inthelanguageoffemicide,“femininebody”alsomeans
“territory””(Segato47;translationbySippola).Weclearlyseethisideaatplayinthecase
ofPatriciaTroncoso—herrape-liketreatmentofisnothardtomiss,asthestateexercises
itsclassicalroleofsovereigntyoverherbody,itsterritory.Asweknow,sexualviolenceisa
questionofpower,control,anddominance,andbyphysicallyrestrainingPatriciaand
penetratingherwithanIV,assertingdominance,thestate’sopinionoverherownershipis
evident.
Throughoutthissection,mygoalhasbeentodemonstratethattheviolenceagainst
MapucheactiviststhatIdetailedin“State-LedViolenceagainstMapucheWomen”hasbeen
shapedbytheirgender.Thoughitiseasytoseewhythisisincrediblyimportantto
understandinreallife—astateactingviolentlytowardsitscitizensandperpetratingthat
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violencedifferentlyduetoperceivedgenderisahugecauseforalarm—whydoesthis
matterspecificallytothisresearch?ToshowthatthecurrentMOP,capitalism—specifically
neoliberalfinancecapitalism—punishesMapuchewomenforexistingoutsideofthis
politicaleconomyandactivelytryingtodismantleit.Aswe’veseenthroughPatricia
Troncoso,thestatesummonsitssovereigntyoveritssubjects,whichmanifeststhrough
violence,tomakethemre-enterthispoliticaleconomy.Whatbecomesimportant,then,is
theinseparabilitythatdefinestherelationshipbetweentheChileanstateandtransnational
corporations,andhow,thus,thesecorporationsarenecessarilyandvoluntarilyinvolvedin
theviolenceandwhatthefutureholdsforthisdynamic.Ibelievethenextsectionwill
demonstratethis.
VI.TheChileanSecondState
Throughoutthisthesis,Ihavecalledattentiontothegrowingintegrationof
transnationalcorporationsintotheChileanstate,aswellasthestate’sviolentreaction
towardsMapuchewomen’slandrightsactivists.Ibelievewecanconnectthesetwo
phenomenathroughSegato’sconceptofthe“SegundoEstado”(SecondState)(2006),or
the“SecondRealidad”(SecondReality),assherephraseditin2016.Segatowritesthatin
Mexico,specificallyinNorthernMexicowherebordertownshavebeenplaguedby
instancesoffemicide,thestatehasadualnature;the“PrimeraRealidad”(First
Reality/FirstState),whichis
“constitutedbyallthatgovernedbythesphereoftheState,allthatdeclaredtobetheState,visibleinthestoriesofthenationandthe‘Transparencyinpublicgovernance’internetpages,residentialrealestate…allthatisproducedandcommercialized;for-profitcompaniesandnon-profits,etc.Foritsprotection,thisuniversecountsonpoliceandmilitaryforces,institutionsandpoliciesonpublicsecurity,thejudicialsystemandprisonthatprotectthislegitimate,legalwealth”(75;translationbySippola).
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TheSecondState,however,exists
“intheundergroundofthisworldofsupposedtransparencies…itisamirroredrealityinrelationtothefirstone:withtheamountofcapitalandcirculatingflowprobablyidentical,andwithitsownforcesofsecurity,whichistosay,armedcorporationsoccupiedwithprotectingtheir“owners’”property,ontopoftheirincalculablerichesthatinthisuniverseareproducedandadministered.”(75;translationbySippola).
Twostatesexist:thatofthestatethatthepublicconsciouslyrecognizes,thatwhichwe
typicallythinkofwhenitcomestothestate,andtheSecondState,orFirstState’sdarker
underbelly.Thisstateisruledbylatecapitalism,andcorporationsandthecapitaliststhat
leaditlargelytakecontrolofmanyofthestate’sprimaryfunctions—forexample,
sovereignty(includingtheformationandapplicationoflegislation)andthemonopolyon
violence(bothexploredinthenextsection).SegatoarguesthatundertheSecondState,
impoverishedMexicanfactoryworkersareoftensubjecttofemicide,notduetoindividual
man/womanrelationships,butbecauseofthenatureoftheSecondStateitself.Iquoted
Segatoonpage43,statingthatunderthisSecondState,women’sbodiesareviewedas
territory(47).Thisowner/propertyrelationshipissoentrenchedintheSecondState
becauseunderit,thecapitalist—primarilyawhiteman—“becamecapableofcontrolling
histerritoryinanalmostunrestrictedmanner,asaconsequenceoftheuncontrolled
accumulation…exacerbatedbytheglobalizationoftheeconomyandthevigorous
deregulationoftheneoliberaleconomy”(Segato48;translationbySippola).Harkening
backtoAnkieHoogvelt’sassertionthatglobalizationisessentially“deepening,butnot
widening,capitalistintegration”(121),wecanseethatascapitalismadvancesand
globalizationdevelops,capitalistscontinuetheiraccumulation,whetherintheformofland,
labor,orcapital—histerritory—andthepoolofthesecapitalists(the“core”)necessarily
Sippola46
dwindles.Women,Iassert,arepartofthe“periphery,”astheyareviewedasterritoryby
thecore.
Segato’sworkonMexicohasbeenincorporatedheretointroducetheargumentthat
theconceptoftheSecondStatecanbeappliedtoChileandthegender-and-ethnicity-based
violencethatMapuchewomenfaceunderdeepeningglobalization.Wehavealreadyseen
howtheChileanstatehascommittedGBVagainstMapuchewomenactivists,buthavealso
seenhowitdoesnotacknowledgethesewrongs(thinkbacktoSebastianPiñera’s
seeminglyobliviousacknowledgementofthesufferingoftheindigenouspeopleofChile
andwomenofChile,comingjustafewmonthsbeforehisstrengtheningofthe
AntiterrorismLawthatisusedtoholdMapucheprotesterswithouttrial).Itisapparent
thatthereisacleardualitywithintheChileanstate,justasthereisintheMexicanstate.
Segatomentionssovereigntyandtheownershipofprotective/securityforces(the
monopolyonviolence)astwodefiningcharacteristicsofthestate(38,48).Toprovide
evidencefortheexistenceoftheChileanSecondState,Iwillnowdemonstratehow
transnationalcorporationshave,inincreasingdegrees,becomeinvolvedintheseprimary
functions;Iarguethattheinfiltrationoftransnationalcorporationsintotheseprocessesis
asignoftheSecondStateanddeepeningglobalization.
TheAntiterrorismLaw
Segatodefinessovereigntyas“legislativecontroloveraterritoryandoverthebody
oftheotherasanannexofthatterritory”(38).Thisthesishasalreadycoveredhowthe
statehasexercisedcontroloverthebodyof“theother,”inthiscase,Mapuchewomen
activists;now,adiscussiononlegislativecontrolwillbegin,whichisbestdemonstrated
throughtheAntiterrorismLaw.
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Themostinfluentialanti-terrorismlaw,Law18,314(or“LaLeyAntiterrorista”/the
AntiterrorismLaw),waspassedinChilein1984,inthemiddleofAugustoPinochet’sfascist
dictatorship.Thislegislationbroadlydefinestheactionsthatconstituteterrorism,
includingbutnotlimitedto“homicides,”“injuries,”“kidnapping,”“robbery,”“fires,”and
“infractionsagainstpublichealth”(Law18.314Article2.1);thelawalsoallowsthestateto
holdsuspectedterroristswithoutchargesforanindefiniteamountoftime,called
“preventativeprison”(Richards201074)(Law18,314Article14),allowswiretappingand
housearrests(Law18,314Articles14.2&14.3)andhasbeenusedbythedemocratic
government—notjustthedictatorship—foryearstodetainMapucheactivists.From
January2000toMayof2009alone,wellpasttheyearsofthemilitaryregime,therewere
fortyMapucheactivistsheldprisonerundertheAntiterrorismLaw(CorreaandMella311).
Originally,thelawwasimplementedin1984alongwithastringofotherrelatedlaws—
specifically,theArmsControlLawandInternationalSecurityLaw—tostrengthenthe
controlofthemilitaryovertheChileanpopulation(Loveman37);specifictargetingofthe
Mapuchewasnotitsfocusedintent,butratherthesuppressionofanyindividualsorgroups
opposedtothedictatorship.Infact,thelawwasnotexplicitlyusedagainsttheMapuche
untilafterthemilitaryregimehadbeenphasedout.ThefirstcasetochargeMapucheunder
theAntiterrorismLawoccurredin2001afterseveralMapucheleaders—includingPatricia
Troncoso—wereaccusedofsettingfiretothepropertyofAgustínFigueroa,aChilean
politicianandformerministerofagriculture(Richards201080).Althougheventually
acquitted,theywereheldinpreventativeprisonfor18months(González).
ThisapplicationoftheAntiterrorismLawamplifiedafterSeptember11th,2001,
whentheWaronTerrorbegan,asitwasbelievedthatanewfoundpublicfeartowards
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terrorismwouldallowheavyuseofthelawwithoutmuchquestioningfromthepublic
(Richards201077).Thisdemonstratesadifferenteffectthatglobalizationhashadonthe
Mapuche:insteadofmanifestingitselfasland-grabsbytransnationalcorporations,physical
representationsofthedeepeningofglobalization,aninternationalfearwasbroughtto
Chileandusedtoaffecttheapplicationoflegislation,anentirelyintangibleaction.Thetwo,
ofcourse,constantlyinteractwitheachother:legislationisusedasalegitimizingforceto
supportthedeepeningpresenceofTNCs.
However,thestateshowsnosignsofstoppingitsuseofthelaw:MichelleBachelet,
thepresidentofChilefrom2006-2010and2014-February2018,ranandwonherfirst
termclaimingthatshewouldnotusethislawagainstMapucheprotestors.However,bythe
endofherfirstterm,BachelethadusedthelawtoimprisonatleastfourMapuche
(Richards201074).Inaddition,SebastianPiñera,thecurrentpresidentofChile,passeda
reformoftheAntiterrorismLawinearly2018thatallowstheuseof“drones,undercover
agents,[and]GPStracking”againstsuspectedterrorists(Telesur).Hehasalreadyusedthe
lawtodetainMapucheactivists.
Clearly,theChileanstateexercisessovereigntyovertheMapuche,evidencedhere
bylegislativecontrol.Iarguethattransnationalcorporationshaveahandintheapplication
ofthislegislation.ThearrestofPatriciaTroncosoundertheAntiterrorismLawforsetting
firetoapinetreefarm,PolucoPidenco,ownedbyaChileanTNC,demonstratesthis;as
mentionedbefore,shewaschargedwith“terroristarson,illicitterroristassociation,and
terroristthreat”forthisfire(CorreaandMella311;translationbySippola).Ofthose
activistswhohavebeenchargedundertheAntiterrorismLaw,“mostofthecrimes
committedhavebeenagainstproperty(especiallyarson)…”(Richards201074).In2010,of
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thefortyMapuchethathadeverbeendetainedunderthelaw,twentyhadbeencharged
withterroristarsonorarson,crimesagainstproperty,nothumans(CorreaandMella311-
314).Whatisinterestingisthat“ininternationaltreaties,”arsonandothercrimesagainst
property“donotqualifyasterrorism”(Richards201074).Thissignifiesthatthereis
internationalrecognitionthatcrimesagainstpropertyaretreatedmoredrasticallybythe
Chileanstatethanthenorm.Infact,in2014theInter-AmericanCourtofHumanRightssaw
acasebetweentheStateofChileandeightMapuchemen,whoaccusedthestateof
violatingMapuchehumanrightsbyusingtheAntiterrorismLawunjustlyagainstthem,as
theyhadbeenchargedwith“terroristarson”;thecourtfoundthestateguilty(International
FederationforHumanRights).However,thestatehasnotstoppeddetainingMapuche
underthislaw.
Iarguethatthisdemonstratesatleastpartialcontroloflegislationbycorporations.
Theconsiderationofcrimesagainstlargepropertytobe“terrorism,”andworthyoflong
prisonsentences,isabnormal.ThisprovidesevidencefortheexistenceofaSecondStatein
Chile,underwhichneoliberalcapitalismanditsbeneficiariesregulatelawmakingand
exercisesovereigntyoverthepopulationwithintheirterritory,especiallyperipheral
populations.Anothercomponentofsovereignty,themonopolyonviolence,isalso
regulatedbytheChileanSecondState.
TheMonopolyonViolence
Atseveralpointsinthisthesis,Ihavereferredtothestate’suniqueabilityto
publicallyandlegitimatelyperformviolencetowardsitscitizens,andhowthisdirectly
benefitsTNCs,especiallywhenthevictimsareMapuchewomenactivists.Theideathat
legitimateviolenceisapropertythatdefinesastatecomesfromMaxWeber,whocalled
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thisphenomenonthe“monopolyofthelegitimateuseofphysicalforce”orthe“monopoly
onviolence.”Specifically,inhisessayPoliticsasaVocation1,Webersaysthat“ultimately,
onecandefinethemodernstatesociologicallyonlyintermsofthespecificmeanspeculiar
toit,astoeverypoliticalassociation,namely,theuseofphysicalforce”(1).WhatWeber
claimsisthat“astateisahumancommunitythat(successfully)claimsthemonopolyofthe
legitimateuseofphysicalforcewithinagiventerritory”(1).Wecanseeexamplesofthisin
Chile:theCarabineroswhoshotDanielaÑancupil,theCarabineroswhoarrestedPatricia
TroncosoandtheGendarmerieandhospitalstaffwhoforcefedher,andallotherexamples
ofactorsoftheChileanstatecarryingoutphysicalviolenceagainstMapucheactivists.
NicolasaQuintremanIampurposefullyexcludingfromthisdiscussion,astheviolenceshe
suffereddirectlyfromthestate—forcedrelocation—wasmorestructuralthanphysical
(thoughitcertainlyledtoseriousphysicaleffects).InthecasesofDanielaandPatricia,
however,thebodycarryingoutthedirectviolenceinthesetwocaseswas,arguably,the
FirstState—theGendarmerie,Carabineros,andhospitalworkersareallexamplesof
instrumentsofthestatethatare“visibleinthestoriesofthenation,”asSegatoputit(75).
ButwhatofMacarenaValdés?Fromherstory,weknowthatitiswidelybelievedby
herfamily,theMapuchecommunity,andmanyotherChileansthatactorsofthe
transnationalcompanyRPGlobalassassinatedher.Thisconclusioniscorroboratedby
witnessesofthreatsthatherhusbandreceivedinthedaysleadinguptoherdeath,aswell
asaprivateautopsythatrefutedthestateautopsy,whichhadconcludeditwasasuicide.
Fromthisstory,wecanassumethatRPGlobaldidnotlikethatsheandherhusbandwere
activelycampaigningagainsttheTranguilhydroelectricplant,andthreatenedthemtostop;1ThisessaywasoriginallyalecturegivenbyWeberin1918,laterpublishedintext.
Sippola51
whentheydidnot,theysentprivate,nottraditionallypublic,associatestomurderher.
WhenwelooktoSegato’sdefinitionoftheSecondState—a“mirroredreality…withitsown
forcesofsecurity”thatprotect“theirowners’property,”(75),weclearlyseeevidenceofa
ChileanSecondStatewithinMacarena’sstory.Whatdoesthissayaboutthemonopolyon
violence?
Macarenawaskilledin2016,astheeffectsofglobalizationhavepenetratedeven
deeperintothecountry.Throughherstory,wecanseethatglobalcapitalhastakenamore
activeroleintheperpetuationofviolenceagainstMapuchewomenactivists.Weberwrites
that“specifically,atthepresenttime,therighttousephysicalforceisascribedtoother
institutionsorindividualsonlytotheextenttowhichthestatepermitsit”(1).Ibelievethat
alooseningofcontrolbytheFirstStatecanbeobservedinMacarena’sassassination.TNCs
arecertainlybecomingmoreinvolvedinreactionagainstMapucheactivists,notonly
perpetuatingextremephysical(andgender-andethnic-based)violencesuchasmurder,
butthreatsandharassmentaswell.Asglobalwealthincreasinglybecomesaprimary
sourceofincomeforChile,governmentalregulationofbusinesshasgreatlyreduced,asI
demonstratedinthesections“RelationshipBetweenIndustryandtheChileanState”and
“UpholdingGlobalizationthroughNeoliberalism.”Itmakessensethat,underaneoliberal-
prescribedlackofgovernmentregulation,TNCswouldfillinthegapsleftbytheshrinking
oftheChileangovernment,creatingastatedominatedbybusiness—adeepeninginfluence
oftheSecondState.
AsneoliberalismadvocatesforthedeepeningofcapitalismthroughoutChile,Ialso
arguethatitadvocatesforgreaterpowerofTNCsandthedeepeningofthesecorporations
withinthestate,creatingamorepowerfulSecondState,andthegradualwithdrawalofthe
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FirstState’scontrolonsovereignty.TheeffectsthishasontherightsoftheMapuche,and
especiallytherightsofMapuchewomenactivists,aredire.
VII.Conclusion
Throughoutthisthesis,IhavetriedtodemonstratethattheChileanstateand
MapucheNationoperateundertwoseparatepoliticaleconomies,theoneoftheMapuche
activelyunderminingthegoalsoftheChileanpoliticaleconomyanditsMOP,neoliberal
capitalism.DuetothiscapitalistMOP,andtheglobalizationthatdevelopsasitadvances,
theChileanstatecontinuestopromotetheoccupationofMapuchelandbytransnational
corporations,whosetupextractiveindustriessuchaspapermillsandhydroelectricplants.
TheMapuchehaveveryvocallyprotestedthiscolonization,whichhasledtoviolence
againstactivistsperpetuatedbythestateandTNCs.IhavearguedthatMapuchewomen
activistshavebeenmetwithgender-andethnic-basedviolence,asunderneoliberal
capitalism,theirbodiesareviewedas“territory.”AsglobalizationdeepensandTNCs
furtherpenetratetheChileaneconomy—seenphysicallythroughtheirincreased
occupationofMapucheland—thisphenomenonismirroredthroughincreasedand
deepeningviolenceagainstMapuchewomenactivists.Thetraditionalstatefunctionof
sovereignty,madeupinpartbythemonopolyonviolenceandcontroloflegislation,has
fallenfurtherandfurtherintothehandsoftheTNCsandthecapitalistswholeadthemas
theirspacewithintheChileanstategrows;theythenexpressthissovereigntythroughthe
enactmentofviolenceonindigenouswomen’sbodies.This,Iargue,isevidenceofthe
existenceandexpansionoftheadverseChileanSecondState,aconceptfirsttheorizedby
RitaLauraSegato.
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TheconsequencestheseprocesseswillhaveforMapuchewomenactivistsasthey
continuearenothardtofigureout.TheexperiencesofDanielaÑancupil,PatriciaTroncoso,
NicolasaQuintreman,andMacarenaValdésaretestimoniestothedrasticeffectsof
neoliberalcapitalismandglobalizationonindigenouswomen.NotonlywillallMapuche
whostanduptothisprocessbeviolentlyrepressed—astheyhavebeenforyears—but
womenespeciallywillbetargeted,astheirlesservalueunderpatriarchalcapitalism
renderstheminconsequentialtotheincreasinglyprivatizedstate.Ipredictthegrowthof
theSecondStatewillcreatemorefrequentanddrasticinstancesofviolenceagainst
Mapuchewomen.Macarenaisatestamenttothisfact,asshewaskilledonlyin2016,with
noconsequencesforhermurderers—onlycomplicityfromtheChileangovernmentand
stateasawhole.
However,therearesignsthatmaybethiscynicaloutlookwillnotcometopass.The
Mapuchemovementhasbeengainingtraction,asshownbytheincreasinginternational
opinionthattheChileanstatehasbeenundoubtedlycruelinitsapplicationofthe
AntiterrorismLaw.Thisisaninterestingcontradictoryeffectofglobalization:thatalthough
itfundamentallycausesthedisenfranchisementoftheMapuche,italsoallowsforthemto
protestthismarginalizationandspreadthenewstoaglobalaudience,whothencantake
stepstotrytostopitfromhappening.Whetherornottheirgoalwillbeaccomplishedisa
differentstory—forexample,theprosecutionandconvictionofChileintheInter-American
CourtofHumanRightsdidnotstopthestatefromapplyingtheAntiterrorismLawto
protestors.Itisalsoimportanttorememberthatthisinternationalrecognitionandsupport
wouldnotbepossiblewithouttheactivismofMapuchewomen,whobeardreadful
consequencesforbringingattentiontotheirmovement.
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So,thoughitmayseemoverlycynical,myoutlookonthefutureoftheMapucheland
rightsmovementisnegative.TheChileanpopulacerecentlyreelectedSebastianPiñerato
thepresidency,astaunchconservativeandbillionairebusinessmanwhoreformedthe
AntiterrorismLawtoapproveevenmoreviolentandharshmeasuresagainsttheMapuche.
Althoughthefutureisunclear,IthinkitisextremelyevidentthatMapuchewomenarenot
goingtogiveuptheiractivismnomatterhowbadtheirstate-and-TNC-ledrepression
becomes.InsteadofbeingsilentafterMacarena’sdeath—theintendedconsequence—the
Mapuchehavebecomeevenlouderthanbefore.
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