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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity (Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)
PROGRESSNWORK
by Patrick I. Patio
INSTITUTE FORPOPULARD E M O C R A C Y
Local Polit ics
Transformation and
Continuity
(case Study on Naga City andIrosin)
Occasional Paper No. 27
August 2003
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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity (Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)
by Patrick I. Patio
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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity(Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)
Two local government units made names in thenational scene in terms of good governance. TheCity Government of Naga and the Municipal
Government of Irosin1 were widely recognized for
their most responsive local governments and for
having developed strong and award winning growth
and equity programs over time. These were attestedby numerous national and international recognition
Naga City and Irosin received from prestigious award
giving bodies on diverse fields of governance; service
delivery and citizen participation. Both were widely
recognized Peace Zones and Jueteng-Free Areas.
The remarkable socio-economic development of
these areas such as development of infrastructure,
increase of business establishments and revenues and
improvement of services and public safety were
attained under the leadership of Mayors Jesse Jess
Robredo Naga City and Eddie Doc Ed Dorotan ofIrosin. During their incumbency, their constituents
widely appreciated their leadership, performance and
personality. Various studies were also done on the
institutional reforms undertaken in Naga and Irosin
particularly in the areas of basic services delivery,
public administration and citizen participation in local
governance.
In the 1998 elections, Naga City and Irosin
elected new mayors when Robredo and Dorotan left
their executive post. Robredo completed his three
full terms as City Mayor and opted to attend to his
young daughters2 while Dorotan ran for
congressman instead of completing his third term as
mayor to test the level of the voters maturity3.
Unfortunately, Dorotan failed in his bid in the district
post. After the elections, the former mayors took
masteral course in public administration in Harvard
Universitys Kennedy School of Government.4
The elected mayor of Naga City in 1998 wasSulpicio Cholo Roco and in Irosin was Nathaniel
Tanny Balmes. The two were endorsed and
campaigned by their former mayors in the elections.
Roco and Balmes were also supported by civic,
business, non-government and peoples organizations
that were behind Robredo and Dorotan in their
previous electoral campaigns and during their
stewardship as mayors. These civil society
organizations believed that good governance could
only be sustained by ensuring that reform-minded
politicians in the likes of Robredo, Dorotan, Balmesand Roco win seats in government.
But the 2001 elections resulted changes in the
local administrations of Naga and Irosin. Robredo
came back and won as mayor of Naga but Mayor
Balmes lost his reelection bid in Irosin.
Before the elections, many people including those
working with Roco and Balmes were apprehensive
that the mayors will lose their reelection bid. Most
were of common concern that Robredo and Dorotan
should come back.
A growing section of civil society organizations
and of the population were having reservations on
1 Naga City is in the province of Camarines Sur and Irosin is in Sorsogon. Both are in the Bicol Region.2 Robredo, taped interview, December 11, 2000, Naga City3 Dorotan, taped interview, December 20, 2000, City of Manila4 Robredo and Dorotan took masters degree in separate years under the study grant of Ford Foundation. Robredo in
1998-1999 and Dorotan in 1999-2000
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the administration of Mayors Roco and Balmes. In
Naga City, the urban poor organizations criticized
Mayor Roco for reneging on his campaign promise
to address land acquisition and on-site development.
Most member-organizations of the Naga City
Peoples Council were one in issue against Roco for
his lackluster attitude on peoples participation in
governance affairs. In Irosin, the religious groups
and other organizations were having second thoughts
on Mayor Balmes for his weak disposition to curtail
the proliferation of Jueteng. Most people also
claimed that both Roco and Balmes are not
approachable unlike Robredo and Dorotan.
This paper attempts to share insights on the
struggle of transforming politics and governance inNaga City and Irosin whose foundations were
established under the administrations of Mayor
Robredo and Mayor Dorotan. The paper will
primarily delve on the sustainance of these
transformations through electoral victories by reform-
minded politicians and the civil society players.
Reforms are strengthened through
institutionalization. The Robredo and Dorotan
administration introduced key reforms in local
governance and established mechanisms for the
implementation of such reforms. The fundamental
contributing factors to these reforms were the strongpartnership between the local government
administration and civil society organizations and the
reform-oriented leadership of the local political
leadership.
But in Philippine local politics, democratic
institutions and reforms are ever threatened by anti-
reform forces ready to knock at the door during
election time. Elections in the Philippines is one
important source of local political power. With the
restructuring of the local economy, political power
becomes the venue of local economic elite either tomaintain or diversify their vested economic interests.
The Local Government Code of 1991, which
mandated the decentralization of the central
governments authority and resources has made the
local political power more enticing to the local elite
to join the electoral race.
On the other hand, the decentralization of the
central states authority and resources provided local
spaces where reforms could be introduced and
defended as well as enhanced by sustained efforts
of civil society organizations and reform-minded
politicians both in the period of governance and
elections.
The insights attempt to explore the following:
1. That a strong and effective partnership in
governance between reform-minded political
leaders and civil society organizations is an
important factor in the transformation of the local
political terrain.
2. That one important element in the
sustainability plan for good governance istranslating reforms and performance impact into
sufficient influence to modify the game of politics
and political organization that can diminish the
influence and organization of anti-reform forces.
3. Although changes in the socio-economic
environment contribute to the change of the
political behavior of constituents, the vibrant and
effective organizing and mobilization of popular
sectors pushes change forward in terms of
changing the traditional pattern of political
relationship and the traditional nature of politicalorganizations and networks.
4. That constituents measure good governance
not only in terms of service output but also due
process for peoples participation and
responsiveness. In the local culture,
responsiveness is approachability and the
disposition of political leaders. Performance, due
process, and responsiveness organize and
mobilize people in governance and community
affairs.
There are several reasons for choosing Naga
City and Irosin as case study. These are politically-
mined areas in different settings Naga City is urban
while Irosin is rural. The politics of these areas
have been traditionally determined by landed political
elite, traditional politicians and political actors from
the outside. On the other hand, the areas have
innovative reform-minded political leaders who were
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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity (Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)
able to consolidate popular support without the aid
of mutually rewarding ties, and a monopoly of power.
Naga and Irosin have active non-government
organizations willing to work with government. The
rise of these new forces the reform-minded
politicians and civil society organizations - and their
effective engagement in governance and electoral
politics have contributed to expanding the framework
at looking local politics beyond patron-client relations,
clan politics and machine politics.
In this study, reform-minded politicians is defined
as public officials who subordinate their actions to
the law, innovative to expand the law, recognizes the
participation of the non-government sector in the
decision-making processes of governance andrender an account of his/her actions with enough
transparency so that citizens may evaluate his/her
rule, and ultimately ratify it or reject it5. Civil society
organizations is simply defined here as the non-
government sector with emphasis on the popular
sector.
The 1998 Elections
CITY MAYOR JESSE Robredo and Rural Mayor
Eddie Dorotan, in their own separate context, made
major decision before the 1998 elections. At stakewere not only their personal political path. There
was also the concern of continuity in the local
governments they had led.
Jesse Robredo was on his third term in office
and barred by the constitutional limit from running
the mayoralty race. He did not run for any political
position in the 1998 election. He could have easily
won the congressional seat in the second district of
Camarines Sur but he cant afford to displace his
family ties while his three daughters are still young.
Being a congressman would take much of my timein Manila besides the time that would require me to
study legislation. I could not afford to lose the time
most important for my daughters at their present age.
relates Robredo. As an option, his supporters wanted
him to run for governor but Governor Villafuerte had
more resources than Robredo. Besides, Naga City,
being an independent component city and Robredos
bailiwick is excluded from the gubernatorial election.
Robredos supporters wanted his wife, Atty.
Maria Leonor Robredo, to run for mayor of the city
but the couple declined. Although the Philippine law
on political dynasty is not clear, Robredo believes that
the practice of family dynasty in politics should not
be tolerated. Robredo actively campaigned for Roco
and Jacob.
Sulpicio Cholo Roco, brother of Senator Raul
Roco and a businessman who formerly works with
the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) was the mayoral candidate
of Naga City. Jaime James Jacob, a lawyer andwas the councilor of Robredo since 1988 ran for the
congressional post in the second district of Camarines
Sur. Roco and Jacob ran under the ticket of the
Aksyon-Demokratiko party.
The entry of the Villafuerte family in the electoral
race was a threat. Governor Luis Villafuerte, a
powerful and traditional anti-reform politician in the
province wanted to establish his familys political
dynasty. While seeking re-election, Luis Villafuertes
eldest son Mariano Luis Bong Villafuerte wanted
to take the seat in the 2nd legislative district of the
province while the youngest, Luis Raymund L-RayVillafuerte aimed for the mayoral post of Naga City.
If the Villafuertes win, the gains of the Robredo
administration and civil society players in governance
would all go to nothing.
The rivals of Jacob in the congressional race were
reelectionist Representative Leopoldo San
Buenaventura (Lakas-NUCD), Bong Villafuerte
(LAMMP-LDP), former Rep. Celso Baguio, Emilio
Delfin and a nuisance candidate fielded by the
Villafuertes Jose Jacob to confuse the voters
against James Jacob who was the front runningcandidate. Rocos opponents in Naga City were Vice
mayor Lourdes Asence (LP), L-Ray Villafuerte
(LAMMP-LDP), and Agapito Tria (Lakas-NUCD).
Luis Villafuerte was reelected governor but his
sons, Bong and L-Ray, lost their respective race.
5 ODonnell, Guillermo, Transitions, Continuities, Paradoxes, Issues in Democratic Consolidation, 1992
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Jacob won by huge margins over his opponents in the
district race. Bong Villafuerte placed poor third.
Cholo Roco and his entire slate won by landslide over
L-Ray. Cholos brother, Senator Raul Roco, who ran
in the national presidential race garnered the highest
votes in Camarines Sur but placed poor third in the
national count won by Joseph Estrada.
The electoral victories of Jacob and Roco were
effected by several factors. One was the Robredo
factor. The personality and political network of
Robredo were important value-added factors that
compensated for the meager campaign resources of
Jacob and Roco against the Villafuertes. Another
was the Naga factor. With the traditionally
oppositionist and thinking stance, the city constituentscontinued public support to Robredo was crucial in
seeing the Jacob and Roco campaigns through
obstacles that traditional politicians like the Villafuertes
posed. According to Robredo, Jacobs landslide
victory in Naga city compensated for his loss in the
other municipalities of the second district.
In Irosin, Mayor Dorotan could have easily won
his third term but instead joined the congressional race
in the second district of Sorsogon. The district seat
was vacated by Representative Bonifacio Gillego who
was a last termer congressman. Dorotan says,
Being mayor for two consecutive terms was enoughfor me. The congressional race was a challenge. It
was an uphill battle but I cant afford Gonzales win
the seat without a fight. But the more important
challenge was that I wanted to test the voters
maturity in politics especially in Irosin.
Dorotan ran under the banner of Lakas-NUCD.
Nathaniel Tanny Balmes, an engineer and
Dorotans vice mayor since 1992 was the mayoral
candidate in Irosin.
The front running candidate in the congressional
race was former Customs Collector Atty. RodolfoGonzales, who became popular with his monicker
Dinugo which stemmed, according to voters, from
his fondness for a native dish. Dinugo hailed from a
poor family in Irosin, worked his way to college and
was known to have become a multi-millionaire when
he worked in the Bureau of Customs. Although the
case did not prosper, Dinugos name landed in the
newpapers in 1995 when he was involved in the oil
tax scam in Limay, Bataan where he was assigned
as a customs collector. Its worth noting that Gonzales
was also a Lakas-NUCD candidate.
The other congressional aspirants were
NAMRIA Administrator Joey Solis, Atty. Redentor
Guyala, Atty. Beda Fajardo and Atty. Jose Sabater.
In Irosin, Balmes opponent in the mayoral race
was Melchor Michelena, a councilor and nephew of
Irosin political kingpen Jose Michelena.
In the gubernatorial race of Sorsogon, re-
electionist Governor Juan Frivaldo (Lakas-NUCD)was challenged by Vice governor Atty. Oscar Diri
and Sorsogon City Mayor Raul Lee (LAMMP).
Dorotan and Balmes aligned with Oscar Diri who
also hails from Irosin while Gonzales and Michelena
aligned with Governor Frivaldo.
Dorotan lost the congressional race to Gonzales.
Dorotan placed far second in the overall district vote
count. He lost in all of the nine municipalities of the
second district by huge margin including Irosin where
Gonzales edged him by 495 votes. On the other hand,
Balmes defeated Michelena in the mayoral race in
Irosin. Raul Lee displaced Frivaldo in the provincialtop post.
Most people believed that Dorotan lost because
of the power of money of Gonzales. There was
widespread allegation that Gonzales camp bought
votes. Jun, an out-of-school youth, attests, Dinugos
campaigner in our barangay gave my mother P500
to ensure that the entire family vote for Dinugo.
There are five voters in the house but my sister and
I voted for Doc Ed to the anger of my mother. 6 A
joke spread a few days before election day, ang
pinababaryahan ni Doc Ed ay tig-isang daan lang,samantalang si Dinugo ay tig-isang libo.7
But Dorotans defeat was clearly not only
because Gonzales had more money to spend, more
patronage to dispense with or more utang na loob
6 Jun, Baby and Jake, note interview, Nov. 14, 2000, Irosin7 Johny, a campaigner of Gonzales, note interview, Sept. 18, 2000, Irosin
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to collect. There were other factors/dynamics that
worked well for Gonzales. Because, why did Jacob
won the district seat over opponents that had more
resources than him like Rep. Leopoldo San
Buenaventura and Bong Villafuerte, who is alleged
to have connections with jueteng operators.
Gonzales started his visibility campaign two years
before the election and projected himself better than
Dorotan. More importantly, Gonzales held the better
campaign organization.
Dorotan was not able to comply with the basic
requirements in the congressional elections. Rosendo,
a campaign operator of Doc Ed assesses, Doc Ed
had little resources and he only decided to run and
started his campaign a couple of months before thecampaign period.8
According to Jose Mechelena, a veteran
politician, Doc Eds decision to run for congress was
a political mistake. He should finished his last term
as mayor and built his capital in the second district
towards the 2001 elections.9 But a campaigner of
Doc Ed defended that Doc Eds decision to run was
correct only that there were weaknesses in the
campaign conduct.10
Visibility campaign in the current Philippine
elections requires a longer period of time especially
when there are many candidates gunning for thesame strategic position. Most candidates launch their
preparatory campaign one or two years before the
election period. Unless one already has the advantage
of popularity and an established political network
transformable into a campaign organization. Dorotan
started his campaign, only in January, four months
before the election.
The pre-campaign environmental scanning of
Dorotans campaign group overestimated the
assumption that Dorotan has an established projection
in the other towns because of the impact of theperformance of Irosin in the past six years. Doc Ed
relates, what complicated my campaign was that I
was not able to go directly in most areas because of
limited time and reach of my campaign organization.
On the other hand, Gonzales monicker Dinugo
was widespread. This was the result of two years
visibility campaign of Gonzales. The projection of
Dinugo even made it difficult for Dorotans
campaigners. Nori relates, there were instances
when Doc Ed arrives in gatherings we organized,
people asked, is that Dinugo?11
Perhaps the major impact that Dinugo
established with the people was on the religious side.
Gonzales was identified with the construction of
various barangay chapels in different towns. Dinugo
also stood as the hermano mayor in the reconstruction
of the centuries old St. Michael Church of Irosin.He was an able donor to various choir groups in Irosin
and other towns. If you look inside the church, there
is one big chandelier among the many hanging in the
church ceiling. That was donated by Dinugo and it
came all the way from Europe. He also gave the
church choir a P150,000-music organ when they
asked him for one, shares Kuya Peter, a local
businessman and an active church member.12
Dorotans campaign message focused on
traditional and new politics and expected that this
would click among the voters because they had used
the same in Dorotans previous mayoral campaignin Irosin. According to Doc Ed, Our message
focused against money politics. We expected that
our message would cut across the voters. The voters
pocket the money from other candidates but they
will vote for me. The objective was to contrast
Dinugo, who has questionable wealth, and Doc Ed
with a recognized track record in public service. The
campaign theme of Dorotan popularized the four Gs
God, Grassroots, Guts and Good Politics.13
The campaign line against money politics was
right but on the wrong premise that the voters weremature enough to make a wise choice. The money
politics message didnt sink enough to the language
8 Gabionsa, Rosendo, Program Officer, LIKAS Local Governance, Oct. 17, 2000, Irosin9 Michelena, Jose, former mayor of Irosin, note interview, Oct. 18, 2000, Irosin10 Honasan, Nenet, Secretary General Sandigan ng Magsasaka, taped interview, Oct. 19, 2000, Irosin11 Ortedi, Nori: Chairman, Sandigan ng Magsasaka, taped interview, Sept. 19, 2000, Irosin12 Kuya Peter: conversation notes, Sept. 17, 2000, Irosin13 The four Gs slogan was also used in Dorotans past mayoral campaigns.
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of the voters. According to Rocamora, More often
than not, losing reform candidates blame their
opponents vote-buying and come bitter at voters
who should know better than to sell their votes. But
to most voters in rural areas and urban poor
communities, getting a little bit of money during
elections is not something to be embarrassed about.
It is an expression of a personalized relationship with
politicians that is perceived as being no different from
asking a politician for funeral expenses or hospital
bills.14
On the other hand, the Gonzales camp bannered
Dinugo as the dehadista ng Irosin (the underdog
of Irosin). The propaganda line explained Dinugos
rugs-to-riches story. A video on the life story wasshown in the farm villages portraying how he started
as a baggage boy, jeepney barker, carinderia
narratives how he earned the monicker Dinugo, and
how he earned his law degree as a working student.
It also explained that his efforts and donations to the
churches and other groups was to share the blessings
he has in life.
James Jacob was a late campaigner but he had
an established network in the district. The family
name Jacob is also link to the heroic history of the
Bicolanos and James himself was a popular councilor.
Unlike Doc Ed, Jacob was able to maximize hislimited campaign time. The party structure of Aksyon
Demokratiko, the network of Robredo and the NGOs
and POs15 provided Jacob the organizational reach
for visibility, vote-gathering and vote delivery and
protection on election day.
What was unfavorable for Dorotan favored
Jacob the Lakas-NUCD machinery and resources.
The Lakas-NUCD in Camarines Sur was divided.
In the district race, the party support was divided
between the party candidate Rep. San Buenaventura
and Jacob, himself the Aksyon Demokratikocandidate. The same in Naga City where the party
candidate was Agapito Tria but other party
campaigners carried Roco. How did this happen?
Partly because Jacob and Roco were the strongest
candidates and anyone interested were enticed to
invest in them. Partly, because of Robredo. He
was the deputy secretary-general of Lakas-NUCD
at that time but he campaigned for Jacob and Roco.
Dorotan started his campaign in January after
he was officially proclaimed the official candidate of
Lakas-NUCD. But Gonzales was also the party
candidate. Doc Ed admits, the factor that prompted
me to run for congress was party support. My limited
campaign time would be compensated by the reach
of the party organization. But this did not matter at
all. The Lakas-NUCD in the second district was
divided between Dorotan and Gonzales. Gov.
Frivaldo, the party provincial chair aligned withGonzales while Rep. Gillego, the party district chair
supported Dorotan. Because Frivaldo was the
incumbent party official, he therefore held the party
resources and command than Gillego who was an
outgoing official.
As a result, Dorotans campaign was left with
no solid machinery except the POs and NGOs. What
complicated Dorotans organization was that his
campaign machinery and that of his mayoral bets
were one and the same. According to Michelena,
Dinugo had his own personal campaign organization
down to the barangay level. His mayoral bets hadtheir own organization that Dinugo supported. The
POs and NGOs that campaigned Doc Ed, Michelena
adds, were issue-based machineries and not
automatically translatable to him personally.
Gonzales camp was also able to break Dorotans
organization. Dinugo got the support of some of the
key leaders of Dorotans mayoral bets in other town.
The leaders campaigned for the mayor identified with
Doc Ed but their congressional bet was Dinugo. An
example was in Bulan town, says Doc Ed, I have
a mayoral bet there, but his brother campaigned forDinugo within the mayors organization.
Dinugo was also able to recruit supporters of
Dorotan, including some of his relatives. Frivaldo
14 Rocamora, Joel: Introduction: Boss. Five Case Studies of Local Politics in the Philippines. Phil. Center for Investigative
Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 199515 Even peoples organizations and development NGOs outside of Naga City campaigned for Jacob.
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shares, the Gabitos (Doc Eds relatives) have to
campaign for Dinugo because when the church was
reconstructed, they were hired by Dinugo as
engineers, foremen and workers.16 A former
supporter of Doc Ed adds, when my house was
threatened by the bank because of unpaid loans,
Dinugo helped me with the money. Before the
campaign started, Dinugo told me, Doc Ed and I
are your kumpadre and you have helped him before.
But Doc Ed is only your kumpadre. The two of us
were also classmates and barkada during our
younger days, cant you help me now?17
Doc Ed also failed to talk to influential people in
Irosin for vote support. A restaurant owner and small
landlord who has around 70 relatives and workerssaid that Doc Ed never bothered to talk to him while
Gonzales did. I could have divided 70 votes between
him and Dinugo which I did for Tanny and Michelena
who both approached me for support.
We made it sure that James wins by landslide
in Naga City and minimize his losing margins in the
other municipalities, says Robredo. Jacob was able
to narrow his losing margins in the towns of Pili and
Bombon. Pili is second to Naga in voter population
and the bailiwick of the Villafuertes. The mayoral
bets of Aksyon Demokratiko in Pili and Bombon, won
their race and delivered well for Jacob.A few days before the election, the power of
money sealed the final nail in Doc Eds defeat.
Money from the Gonzales camp flowed especially
in the remote areas and urban poor. Dante, one of
the operator of Gonzales gave a hint to this author
to how much budget they allotted for the campaign
in Irosin alone P500 each for the estimated 12,000
winning votes. Dante relates, For an undecided
head of the family, we gave a minimum of P1,000.00
depending on the number of voters in the household,
while those we are sure of voting our candidate weshell P500.00.18
But if the Gonzales camp bought votes in Irosin,
why did Doc Ed lost by a margin of only 495 votes
unlike in the other towns where he was swept by
Dinugo? We expected that Doc Ed will win in
Irosin by a margin of around 500. We assumed
that those who voted Ed in the past elections would
be his base votes at the minimum. The losing margin
came from the Iglesia ni Kristo which we estimate
had 400 to 600 voting members in Irosin. In the
past, INK supported Doc Ed. In 1998, the INK for
Dinugo in the entire district.19
The Tale of Two Places
THE ENACTMENT OF the Local GovernmentCode of 1991 opened new arenas and opportunities
for civil society organizations in engaging the
government and community affairs. From issue-
based movements and development work, civil
society organizations were challenged by the
opportunities provided by LGC 1991 to engage in
the politics of governance as a venue to push
forward social issues, policy advocacies and
accumulate power. Although civil society
organizations remain apprehensive in the new terrain
of engagement, a growing section of NGOs, POs,
and certain sectoral formations (i.e.environmentalists, womens groups, peasant
organizations) is pushing the limits of democratized
spaces to influence executive and legislative agenda
towards adoption of progressive policies.20
At the same time, a new breed of political leaders
is engaging the old or traditional political leaders. The
new political leaders are mostly young, professional
and reform-oriented. They wanted to institute changes
in government affairs in order for government make a
difference in the daily lives of the people. They have
the integrity, stamina, conviction, innovation, charismaand are willing partners to the new social forces in
governance affairs.
16 Frivaldo, Max, political leader: note interview, Oct. 17, 2000, Irosin17 Mang Ed: He campaigned for Doc Ed in his mayoral stint. In 1998, he campaigned for Dinugo in the congressional
race. Note interview. Nov. 14, 2000, Irosin18 Dante, a campaign operator of Gonzales: note interview, Nov. 15, 2000, Irosin19 Ubalde, Lorenzo. Municipal Information Officer; taped interview, Oct. 19, 2000, Irosin20 Valte, Maricris: Imagining the Transition: Restoration or Transformation, p. 76 Kasarinlan, Vol 12, No. 1, 3
rd
quarter, 1996
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But the new breed of political leaders, once in
government, have to go through the rigors of earning
their legitimacy or popular acceptance not necessarily
provided by electoral victories. They undergo various
factors and events in the environment that influence
their leaderships public policy and decisions. How
they confronted pressures, threats and opportunities
effected by the environment depended on their
leaderships legitimacy and vulnerabilities. Factors
and events unfold while leadership takes on the
consuming chores of governance. It is often said
that good governance is good politics. It is easily
said than done. Because the question is: how is good
governance converted into political gains that is
necessary to their legitimacy or popular acceptanceto push further reforms and without being subsumed
in the traditional legitimacy building of patronage and
monopoly of power.
USWAG NAGA!
WHEN AN OUTSIDER comes to Naga City, one
immediately observes the mix of the old and the new.
The structures that immediately catch ones eyes are
the old city plaza, the old PNB building, and the
cathedral. They remind one that the place thrived
longer than other places. But these structures areamidst the booming signs of commerce and
development of the city. Fastfood chains like Jollibee,
McDonalds, and Graceland, bazaars, malls and
theaters ring the city plaza. The city is alive. In the
afternoon, people from all walks of life pack the
sidewalks. Around the city proper, there are various
business establishments. The city continues to grow.
The first time I set foot in Naga was in 1991 and
more than a decade today, the City has developed
radically more than one can imagine. The plaza is
full of lights and activities during the night unlikebefore where its life was limited to a few
incandescent bulbs and a wide-screen TV for people
watching the on-going Gulf War in Kuwait. The
debate at the Jardin in Rizal Park continues but
they now have a more organized set-up of tables,
the place is well lighted and the structure was
designed such that people could have a good look
and listen to the debaters.
Given the development Naga City is undergoing,
it is not difficult to assume that urbanization and
development of Naga City transformed the political
pattern as it did the socio-economic situation of both
the constituency and the political elite.
Naga is one of the oldest cities in the Philippines.
It is situated right in the heart of Bicolandia about
eight hours land trip south of Manila. Naga is the
Bicol term for narra tree, which during the days of
the Spanish conquistadores, flourished along the banksof what is now the Naga River.
History has established Naga as the religious,
educational and business center of the Bicol Region
and so aptly deserves to be the Heart of Bicol.
Since Spanish times, Naga has been the seat of
the Archdiocese of Caceres, which oversees the
whole region. It is the site of the two of the oldest
colleges in the country, The Holy Rosary Minor
Seminary founded in 1793, and the Colegio de Sta.
Isabel founded in 1868, the first normal school for
women in the Orient. Naga is recognized as the
religious center of southern Luzon with theestablishment of the Metropolitan Cathedral, the seat
of Roman Catholicism in Bicol. The peak and last
venue of the one-month festivity of Lady of
Penafrancia is in Naga City where the statute is
returned back to the Cathedral. Naga City was the
capital of Camarines Sur until it acquired its charter
thru Republic Act 305 and became an independent
component city in 1948, politically autonomous from
its mother province.
Naga City is composed of 27 barangays and has
126,973 residents in 1995.21
Among the 27barangays, 22 are classified as urban and the
remaining five are called upland barangays, or rural
areas. The main industry of Naga is commerce and
21 National Statistics Office, 1995
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being the trading center of Bicolandia. The citys
public market is the biggest in the region. As such,
Bicol Naga is considered the standard regional dialect.
Under the stewardship of Mayor Robredo from
1988 to 1998, Naga evolved from a sleepy city to a
hub of economic activity, where marginalized sectors
have started to enjoy the gains of economic growth.
Three years after Robredo assumed office, Naga,
from a third class city in 1988, regained its original
status as a first class urban center, its income
increasing by an annual average of 30 percent.22 The
city is also one of the most well-acclaimed cities in
the Philippines for having one of the most responsive
local government units and for having developed
strong and award winning growth and equityprograms over time.
Among the awards and recognition that were
bestowed to the city government of Naga were Galing
Pook Awards in various categories, consistent
awardee of Peace and Order Council Award, the
Manuel L. Quezon Memorial Award for outstanding
achievement in TB Control; Health and Nutrition
Award; Clean and Green Award; among others. In
1996, Naga was elevated to the Hall of Fame of the
Gantimpalang Panlingkod Pook (Galing Pook), a
prestigious award that recognizes the most
outstanding local government programs. The UnitedNations recognized Robredos administration for its
excellence and for improving housing. Asiaweek, in
its 1999 review of Asias best cities, it named Naga
as one of the most improved.
But the benchmark that the Naga City
government had achieved under Robredos term was
the enactment of the Empowerment Ordinance
institutionalizing GO-NGO-PO partnership, the first
of its kind in the Philippines. One of the mandates of
the ordinance is the establishment of the Naga City
Peoples Council, where the 13 basic sectors arerepresented. At least 80 non-government and
peoples organizations are active members of the
council. This landmark achievement had not only
broadened the process of decision making, planning
and implementation of government program and
policies but also sustained the active and vibrant
NGO-PO community in the city. The more important
one was the establishment of mechanisms for
transparency and accountability of public officials.
The Robredo administration also created multi-level
consultative mechanism, which spanned from the
barangay to the city level, inform and engage the
community residents in governance issues.
According to City Councilor James Jacob,
proponent of the historic Ordinance, which was
enacted on Dec. 20, 1995 said, With the
implementation of the Empowerment Ordinance,
politics and governance in Naga will never be thesame again.23
Yes, Naga City continues to grow. The Roco
administration pursued the development path initiated
by the previous leadership and formulated its own.
The central bus terminal, one of the major
infrastructure projects drawn by the Robredo
administration, was completed by Mayor Roco. The
central market was refurbished. The city government
was able to revitalize revenue generation that
decreased in 1999 effected by the Asian financial
crisis. Investments continue to come in the city. The
Roco administration was also able to start-up itsIntegrated Livelihood Masterplan for the urban poor.
On the other hand, Roco has drawn criticism from
various sectors for his slow decision-making and style
of management. Church groups voiced their
concerns for the proliferation of pornography and
criminality in the city. Small businesses complained
of the administrations conversion of the park into a
flea market.
There grew a reservation among leaders and
member-organizations of the Naga City Peoples
Council (NCPC) that partnership between the NCPCand the City government under Mayor Roco had
become limited, unlike in the Robredo administration,
which was very open.
22 Annual City Budgets, 1993-1999 City Budget Office, Naga City
23 The Theory and Practice of Peoples Council: Focus on the Naga City Model; Institute for Politics and Governance
(IPG)
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In a dialogue between the NCPC and the
Mayor on August 1, 1998, the newly elected city
executive declared that NCPCs role in governance
is to check what the government is doing and must
stay away from direct implementation of programs
and projects. Mayor Roco reasoned that, whatever
the effects the programs and projects have, it is the
city government which is ultimately accountable. The
NGO/PO participation in governance should be in
advocacy, meaning to tell government what is wrong
with its programs and projects. In the same dialogue,
the mayor declared, kung kailangan namin kayo
(NCPC), saka kayo pumasok.24
BASTA IROSIN, ANG GALING!
A DECADE AGO this place had few houses, the
road was rough, dusty and total darkness during the
night. Matatakot kang maglakad. Kuya Peter
reminisces, It was a dead site The site is more
than a hundred meters away from the Irosin town
hall. Today, the street is lined with small
establishments and a public library busied with
students doing their studies. There is also a fire station
and a ten-room lodging house with a restaurant and
videoke bar. Irosin has a well-constructed public
market located in the poblacion center and a well-crafted zoning plan for a trading and commercial
center the town is envisioned to be. One wonders
how this fourth class municipality despite its meager
resources has come to a rapid development from
less than ten years ago.
The municipality of Irosin is the only land-locked
town in Sorsogon, a province located in the
southeasternmost part of Luzon. Located right in the
center of the province, Irosin is more than four hours
land trip from Naga City and thirteen hours away
from Manila. Being an inland town and valley, Irosinis surrounded by hills and mountains, most prominent
among these is the Bulusan Volcano. The town is
endowed with natural wealth because of its
geographic advantage and physical attractions.
Natural springs, lakes and excellent spots abound in
the area and its immediate vicinities.
Irosin has a land area of 15,880 hectares where
78 percent is devoted purely to agriculture. Irosin is
the rice granary, citrus center and main abaca
producer of Sorsogon. Due to its central location,
the town virtually serves as the economic center of
many barangays from the nearby towns. The fourth
class municipality has 28 barangays where 23 are
classified as rural.
The word Irosin was derived from the local term
iros, which means to cut off a part. The word was
traced to have come from an old tailors term
synonymous with tabas as in irosi an hiniro or cut
a part of the cloth. Iros was the image most probably
drawn to connote the gush or flow of floodwaters
eroding riverbanks and cutting through lands toeventually form another river or river route.
Since 1992, after two decades of inertness and
underdevelopment, civil society organizations
together with a new set of local officials led by Mayor
Eddie Dorotan actively labored for a kind of
development and governance that is participatory and
responsive. These endeavors have netted concrete
results that are widely recognized, looked upon and
emulated as a community development model.
Immediately after the election, the newly elected
Mayor Dorotan called for a consultation with the
different sectors and groups of Irosin. It did notmatter whether you were pro-Dorotan or from the
opposition. Doc Ed wanted the consultation to be
representative, relates Gabionsa. Included in the
workshop were all line agencies, LGU department
heads, NGOs and POs. After the three-day Multi-
Sectoral Development Planning Workshop, a vision
and development strategy of the municipality was
adopted. A mechanism was set for the representation
of the different sectors in the various municipal
government committees and bodies for peoples
participation in the program implementation.The Dorotan administration is characterized as
a charismatic and activist leader dominated
governance. There were three principles that guided
the Dorotan administration: peoples participation;
transparency and accountability; and integrative and
holistic approach to public management
24 Minutes of the NCPC General Assembly on August 1, 1998. Mayor Roco was invited for a dialogue.
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The two landmark resolutions the Sangguniang
Bayan and the multi-sectoral consultations of Irosin
adapted were the ones declaring Irosin as a Zone of
Peace being executed through a series of dialogue
with the contending parties, complemented with the
basic services and village level peace initiatives. The
other resolution was declaring the town as a Jueteng-
Free Community by launching alternative economic
activities, information campaign and venues for value
clarification to sustain the program. This initiative
caught the attention of neighboring towns and was
consequently replicated.
The municipal government of Irosin earned in
1994 the coveted National Galing-Pook Awards for
Outstanding Local Government Program. The townwas also selected as one of the most cleanest and
greenest municipalities in the country. Besides other
regional and national recognition, Irosin also gained
international recognition with the Medal of Excellence
for Better Local Government given by the Konrad
Adenauer Stiftung, a German private foundation.
Irosin also received in 1998 Galing-Pook Awards for
its Agrarian Reform Program and Inter-Barangay
Environment Development Program. These two
awards brought Irosin to the Galing-Pook Hall of
Fame.
Good governance continues under the Balmesadministration. The town had been a recipient of two
more prestigious national awards. The Consistent
Regional Outstanding Winner on Nutrition Award or
Crown Award for sustained program on nutrition and
the Most Child-friendly Municipality. Agrarian reform
coverage of the municipality have generated over
2,100 hectares of land transfers and extended various
support services to farmer cooperators. The local
government had completed the Comprehensive Land
Use Plan that would serve as framework for more
detailed planning in land utilization.The localgovernment further strengthened its partnerships with
the various stakeholders in the civil society through
the Expanded Municipal Development Council, which
were instrumental in the implementation of various
but integrated programs, projects and activities.25
But critical developments also cropped up that
started to affect public perception that do not speak
well on the Balmes leadership. Guerilla Jueteng
became active in Irosin and illegal logging persisted.
Household water that has become a pesky electoral
issue remained unresolved. Since 1999, communist
insurgents have intensified their activities through
killings and barring development workers in working
in their areas of operations. While there were farmers
who became beneficiaries of the agrarian reform land
transfers, others are getting impatient for not
benefitting especially those working in lands owned
by big landowners. A case here is the landholding of
a former politician who has resisted the agrarian
reform program. The NPA have taken stock of thisissue against the local DAR office and the local
government. In December 2000, the rebels killed
one of the aides of the landlord and subsequently
ambushed a police team sent to the killing site.
Despite awards in nutrition programs, tuberculosis
and other preventive diseases came back especially
in the farming communities.
Rise of New Politicians
EXCEPT FOR THEIR physical built, Robredo and
Dorotan could be easily perceived as brothers.Robredo has bigger built than Dorotans lean
physique. They have chinito eyes, straight hair, thin
moustache, fair complexion and almost the same
height, maybe a couple of inches below six feet.
The rise of Mayors Robredo and Dorotan broke
the traditional mold of politics in Naga City and Irosin.
They came from professions outside of the traditional
professional backgrounds of politicians lawyering.
Robredo is an engineer and Dorotan a doctor. They
have a track record in public service and had worked
with civil society organizations before they becamemayors. Robredo and Dorotan were fresh bloods in
the political arena. The change in the government
leadership in Naga City and Irosin was not dependent
on wealth and so they came to govern independent
on the state influence. The innovation and strong
25 Report to the People, February 17, 2000
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disposition of Robredo and Dorotan enabled them
not to rely on ties from political patrons that would
bind them but on their own and that of their
communitys social capital.
Majority of the councilors under the Robredo and
Dorotan administrations came from middle class
background with no kinship or, at least, political ties
with the old political elite. Most of them were even
political neophytes, who did not have previous
background on government service or electoral
politics, when they joined the electoral race. Some
of them had an established link with social movement
groups and worked with development organizations.
Local NGOs and POs considered some of the
entrants as close allies capable of lobbying for theirconstituents interests.
It has been observed that there was a changing
pattern of political recruitment in Bicol. Since the
1988 local elections, Bicol saw the entry of a number
of new political elites contesting the old ones in the
political field.26 The tight competition between the
old and the new suggested a diversified source of
power, thus, widening the range of political choices
in the market. It also showed the capacity of the
new political elites to bring their old rivals to a heel
as early as their first or initial electoral battle. This
proposition, however, does not preclude the idea ofthese new clans playing the same old rules of the
game. Neither it is plausible to say that their entry
marked the decline of the old political clans.
There were supportive social and political context
that enhanced the entry of Robredo and Dorotan in
politics and meaningful change in the public
administration of Naga and Irosin.
There was the rise of new democratic and reform
forces. The Aquino assassination in 1983, the
intensified anti-dictatorship struggle and the 1986
EDSA uprising effected the surge of church-basedcommunity service programs, NGO activity, civic
initiatives and active citizenship that opened up new
social spaces for building democratic and reform
forces both at the national and local level. Since the
early 80s, progressive groups like the national
democrats and social democrats have been active in
Naga and Irosin organizing communities along issues
and movement building. The Social Action Center
of the Catholic Church have also been active in
organizing and development of micro-economic
projects. These political forces and religious groups
in one way contributed to leading the democratic
movements in Naga and Irosin that surged after the
Aquino assassination.
After EDSA, the new democratic forces
continued to engaged in various issues and
mobilizations to widen the democratic space under
the Aquino dispensation. In the subsequent elections
after EDSA, these forces along with progressive
groups advocated new politics and vigorouslycampaigned against traditional politics where a new
movement was born the movement for new politics.
There were significant events in Naga and Irosin
that could largely be attributed to the new democratic
forces. In Naga City, a broad multisectoral alliance
was able to push its advocacy of declaring Naga
City as a Peace Zone. In Irosin, a local alliance was
able to stop the Philippine National Oil Company in
its plan for geothermal exploration in Irosin.
The major change in the political leadership of
Naga and Irosin can be attributed to if not ensued
from a series of conscious efforts by the newdemocratic forces in the shaping of significant events
in these areas.
Robredo and Dorotan had background in the
public service before being elected mayors. They
had developed their capability in governance to
become political leaders. They have unquestionable
integrity and wide reputation for being approachable.
These are the basic qualities that the constituents
endear upon their leaders in government.
Mang Honesto related his observations of
Robredo: Whenever he goes around thecommunities, Jess dresses casually. When he is not
on official function, Jess wears shorts and shirts.
Sometimes you see him play basketball in the plaza
with the youth. Natural na sa kanya ito. 27 Adds
Shirley, a city hall employee, of Robredo: He comes
26 1996 Regional Political Mapping, Institute for Popular Democracy27 Perez Jr., Honesto: President, Naga City Urban Poor Federation, taped interview, Nov. 28, 1999
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to his office early in the morning. Parang mahihiya
kayo tuloy na mga empleyado kung mali-late ka o
wala kang ginagawa sa opisina. Kasi si Mayor, parang
ang dami laging ginagawa. Wala pa siyang bisyo.28
Most of the time you can see Doc Ed in maong
pants and leather sandals, shares Joy of Irosin.29
Mang Ed adds, He is not used to wearing barong.
Once in Juban town as an invited guest to crown the
winner in a beauty contest, Doc Ed went upstage
with only his shirt because he forgot to bring his
barong. Doc Ed is very approachable. He also
doesnt easily take the word of the person
complaining of another.
These are symbols that matter in politics,
Robredo relates. It is important for people toactually see things than what they hear. I may have
less contribution than those people who regularly
clean the streets. But in those moments people see
me sweep the street, they can see that we (officials)
implement what we say On the part of Doc Ed,
When people see a person in higher status, there is
a wall that sets them apart from a politician. People
are easily intimidated. But when you lessen that
symbol of authority, it immediately bridges the gap in
class status and social standing.
Mayor Jesse30
JESSE ROBREDO, WAS then the youngest city
mayor at 29 when elected in 1988.
During the 1988 local elections, Luis Villafuerte
Jr. has anointed his nephew, Jesse Robredo, to run
for mayoralty position against administration
candidate, Senator Raul Rocos brother and Land
Transportation regional director Ramon Roco. Then
Mayor Carlos del Castillo, a Villafuerte henchman,
stepped down from the race to support Robredo.
When election result came out, Robredo defeated
his five rivals. But he won over Roco by a very
small margin. Of the total votes cast, he obtained
27.43 percent against Rocos 25.58 percent.31 The
two other mayoralty candidates who come from old
political clans, and former mayors themselves,
Mariano Sibulo and Virginia Felipe-Perez, only
obtained a very small number of votes. Lourdes
Asence, Robredos running mate, managed to win
the vice-mayoralty post but they lost 80 percent of
the slots in the city council to the Roco slate.32
Upon assumption of office, the Robredo
administration proceeded to lay down the groundwork
for the improvement of the depressed areas of the
city. The city government institutionalizedorganizations of residents by sectors, and incorporate
them into the public services and city governance.33
As one example, Mayor Robredo worked with
COPE Foundation34 to address concerns of the urban
poor residents by providing assistance, especially
regarding land acquisition. Robredo established
access to more resources to provide livelihood
projects and infrastructure building, cleaned the city
by initiating a programmed garbage collection, paved
the streets, lighted the streets and provided basic
needs facilities. The administration was able to do
this by improving the tax collection, increasing thecity investment and opened venues for participation
of NGOs and POs in governance affairs. Robredos
leadership made an impact in the peace and order
by organizing vice squads to quell jueteng operations
and other vices in the city.
For the first time in the history of Naga City,
Robredos ticket won straight in the 1992 and 1995
elections. In his reelection bid since 1992, Robredo
earned the support of POs and NGOs that actively
campaigned for his slate. Church and civic
28 Shirley, city hall employee, note interview, Naga City, Oct. 19, 200029 Joy, a copier operator, conversation notes, Irosin, Sept. 18, 200030 Mayor Robredo as he is popularly called by the people31 Kawanaka: The Robredo Style: Phil. Local Politics in Transition; Kasarinlan, Third World Studies, 199832 Ibid.33 Ibid.34 Community Organization of Phil. Enterprises (COPE), a non-government organization involved in advocacy and
direct organizing of the urban poor sector in the cities of Naga, Legaspi and Iriga.
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organizations including local business associations cast
their full support to Robredo. These support were
almost non-existent during his bid in 1988. Robredos
performance and leadership during his first term in
office convinced these organizations to support him.
In 1991, Robredo became the recipient of the
prestigious Ten Outstanding Young Men (TOYM)
of the Philippines and in 1994 was awarded with Ten
Outstanding Young Persons (TOYP) of the World.
Both awards were in recognition for his government
service. In 1995-1998, he was the president of the
League of Cities of the Philippines, an organization
of cities united and committed to effective local
autonomy and development as provided for by the
LGC of the Philippines. He was also the chair ofthe Bicol Regional Development Council, composed
of local government officials, regional heads of
department and other government offices and
representatives from NGOs within the region.
In 2000, Robredo was honored with the
prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award for
Government Service in recognition of the way he
showed that effective city management is
compatible with yielding power to the people.
Before he was elected mayor, Robredo was the
program director for one year of the Bicol River
Basin Development Program. The BRBDP,supervised by the National Council for Integrated
Area Development, was tasked to implement priority
high-impact projects for the Bicol River Basin Area,
covering Albay and Camarines Sur.
Robredo started as a professor at the College of
Engineering of the University of Nueva Caceres.
After completing Mechanical Engineering and
Industrial Management Engineering courses at the
De La Salle University, he joined the San Miguel
Corporation as head of the logistics division. Before
assuming the directorship of the BRBDP he earnedhis masters degree in Business Administration from
the Univesity of the Philippines. Robredo comes from
a family of naturalized Chinese businessmen engaged
in lumber and trading in Naga City. He was born
Jesse Manalastas Robredo in Naga City on May 27,
1958 to Marcelina Manalastas and Jose Robredo Sr.
His wife is lawyer Maria Leonor G. Robredo. The
couple has three daughters.
Doc Ed35
DR. EDDIE DOROTAN hailed from a landed elite
family long-active in local politics in Irosin. His father
was a physician although the family is also involved
in the trading business. Doc Eds eldest brother,
Roque Dorotan, had been mayor of Irosin from 1981
to 1986. After the EDSA uprising, the government
of President Corazon Aquino replaced RoqueDorotan with OIC Mayor Enrique del Monte. Roque
did not run again in the 1988 local elections.
After he graduated medicine at the University
of the Philippines School of Medicine, Doc Ed went
back to Irosin to practice his profession. Irosin was
a typical underdeveloped rural municipality. Most of
the people were under the cloud of grinding poverty
and government service was almost non-existent.
Malnutrition afflicted 71% of children in 1992.
Because of this, Irosin was the hotbed of insurgency
in the province of Sorsogon at the same time famous
for its jueteng operations.After four years as a private doctor, Doc Ed
shifted to public doctor in 1985 where he worked
with the Irosin District Hospital from which he
became its Chief Director from 1989 to 1992. The
Public Hospital is not accessible to the barrio folks
so Doc Ed organized volunteer students and medical
professionals to organize communities along health
related activities. Village residents were trained as
para-medics or barefoot doctors. Doc Ed later
founded the Kilusan ng Bayan para sa Kalusugan
(Kabapa), an organization of barefoot doctors comingfrom peasant families.
Doc Ed also founded the Lingap para sa
Kalusugan ng Sambayanan (LIKAS), a local NGO
35 Mayor Dorotan as he is popularly called by the people
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that organized barrio-based support groups for
tuberculosis victims while continuing to train barefoot
doctors in the rural communities. Although initially
limited to Irosin, by 1983, the LIKAS program had
expanded into three other municipalities. Because
most of its beneficiaries were poor peasant families,
LIKAS expanded its mandate to development
program organizing peasants along agrarian related
issues and livelihood projects. In 1985, LIKAS was
the key initiator in the holding of consultations among
peasant organizations that led to the birth of the
Sandigan ng Magsasaka, which covered the
municipalities of Bulan, Bulusan, Irosin and Matnog.
Sandigan is currently one of the biggest peasant
organization in Sorsogan.Doc Ed had just graduated from Boston
Universitys Masteral Program in Public Health
when the people of Irosin convinced him to run for
mayor.
In the 1992 elections, Doc Ed won by a close
margin vote against Mayor Jose tio Peping
Michelena. Michelena was a former lawyer, a
Spanish of Filipino citizenship and a typical landowner
who became Irosin mayor in four different terms
from 1960 to 1992, and provincial vice-governor from
1980 to 1986.
There were several factors that contributed tothe victory of Doc Ed. One important factor, relates
Doc Ed, was that people of Irosin wanted new face
and change. Mayor Michelena has been mayor for
almost two decades but nothing substantial happened
to Irosin. According to Noli, peoples organizations,
church and civic organizations and non-government
organizations actively campaign for Doc Ed because
they know him and his track record. There were
also other contributing factors. The opponents of
Michelena in the past elections together with the
supporter of former mayor Roque Dorotan all gavetheir support to Doc Ed. Even the so-called swing
votes of the Iglesia ni Kristo also casted their votes
to Doc Ed.
At the time that the municipal council was
debating whether to come out or not with an ordinance
declaring Irosin as Jueteng-free zone, Doc Ed was
offered money by the jueteng operators. Mang Ed
related to the Mayor that the operators were offering
P300,000 monthly contribution to the municipal
government on the condition that it was okay for the
municipal government to arrest bettors as long as
the police dont interfere. At that instance, Doc
simply replied to Mang Ed, the amount is too
enticing. Why are you telling me this? Are you
bothered by your conscience.
Doc Ed was reelected in 1995 with 8,460 votes
with his slate sweeping the polls except for one
councilor. Once again, he defeated Michelena.
In six years from 1992 to 1998, Doc Eds
administration transformed the depressed,insurgency-ridden, fifth-class municipality into a
progressive, peaceful, 4th class municipality. Doc
Ed was conferred the Outstanding Young Filipino
Award for Community Development in 1995.
Doc Ed was born Eddie Dorotan to Dr. Vicente
Dorotan and Beata Dorotan. His wife is Florencia
Cassanova-Dorotan who is the present Executive
Director of LIKAS. Doc Ed and Oyen have twin
sons and twin daughters.
Winning Elections: Combining Traditional and
New Politics
THE OLDEST RECORDED name of Bicol region
is Ibalon, which translates into the land of plenty.
Ironically, in recent times, the name Bicol aptly applies
to its twisted situation as a result of centuries-old
problems compounded by misfortunes. The name
Bicol derived from Bico, meaning twisted that in
old days referred to the winding river that runs through
the province of Camarines Sur and Albay.
The Bicol region is the ninth largest of the
countrys 15 regions but it gets the least attentionfrom the national government. In 1995, the proposed
national budget allocated only 6.4% of the entire
regions budget for the peninsula, equivalent to only
P8.8 billion. While neighboring Southern Tagalog
Region received 12.2%.36
36 POLITIK, a publication of the Ateneo Center for Social Policy, February 1995
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Bicol Region is one of the poorest regions in the
country. As of 1995, 61.3 percent of its population
lived below the poverty line. In 1995, its annual per
capita poverty threshold of P6,476.00 is the lowestnationwide, even worse than that of Eastern Visayas.
Unemployment was 5.8 % while underemployment
was 34%.37 There are insufficient farm-to-market
roads for the transportation of goods; nor are there
enough public utility vehicles. Investors are
intimidated by the sheer distance and difficulty of
transporting goods to the region from Manila.38 The
region registered a literacy rate of 95.3 percent,
relatively at par with the more economically
developed regions. But this figure mainly constitutes
those who have finished or, at least reached, theelementary education. In terms of educational
attainment level, 61.4 percent are in the elementary,
22.2 percent in the secondary, 5.2 percent in college.
Only 4.2 percent have college degrees.39 Much
worse is that many college students opt to leave after
graduation. Fr. Eugene Morgan, former Ateneo de
Naga president shares, Bicol universities like the
Ateneo are conduits for people wanting to escape.40
Despite its natural wealth potentials, performance
of the Bicol economy has been erratic. The main
produce of the region is coconut, but unfortunately
in recent times, coconut products do not demand avery high market price. Even the countrys revenues
from the export of coconut oil continue to drop. Its
abaca production is also continually affected by
numerous typhoons hitting the region.
Perhaps because of poverty and gross
underdevelopment, Bicol is gaining the stature of the
countrys main supplier of women service workers
in entertainment clubs. The region also ranks highest
in the recruitment of soldiers and priests. In the mid
80s, Bicol was considered by the AFP to be a major
base of NPA operations.
Part of the problem can be traced to the problem
of culture and Bicolanos propensity to depend on
others for their needs. We are too content with our
resource, we dont bother developing themourselves, says Robredo.
Former Albay congressman Edcel Lagman said
of Bicol politics: The depressed economic situation
of the region ensures continuity of patronage politics.
Well-entrenched landed families dominate Bicol
politics, remain traditional, turf-conscious and parochial
jeopardizing the overall development path of the region.
Lagman added, Bicolanos are so poor, that election
day is always payday, since bribe-taking is a way of
life. Political parties are practically irrelevant, since
people are not politically mature, personal charisma,patronage loyalties and political machine determines
the character of electoral politics.
This applies to Naga City and Irosin, where local
politics, is traditionally the turf of landed political elite
and political actors from the outside. In Camarines
Sur, there are the Villafuertes, Rocos, Fuentebella
and Alfelors. In Sorsogon, the Escuderos, Gillegos,
Frivaldos and Lees. Before Robredo, the Villafuertes
and Rocos compete who the local henchman in Naga
City will be. In Irosin, the Escuderos, Gillegos and
Frivaldos are influentials in local politics. In recent
years, Sorsogon Governor Raul Lee and youthfulRepresentative Francis Escudero are the emerging
political blocs that would likely influence the political
configuration of the province. The political players
of the province continue to come into play in the local
politics and threaten the political transformation of
Naga City and Irosin.
On the other hand, the foundations established
by the reform-minded politicians and civil society
organizations in Naga and Irosin serve as defense
from the intervention of outside political blocs. The
transparent, participatory and service-oriented
37 Factbook on the Philippine Regions, 199538 POLITIK, February 199539 Factbook on the Philippine Regions, 199540 POLITIK, February 1995
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governance in Naga and Irosin contributed to the
change in the socio-economic-political environment
of these areas such that change in the nature of
relationship between government leaders andconstituency happens. From political ties that are
determined largely by traditional patterns of deference
to established authorities, loyalties are increasingly
transformed into a horizontal and functional
relationship. The implication for this among political
leaders is that appeals for political support are likely
to stress policy concerns.
The active engagement of civil society
organizations in governance and electoral politics also
contribute to the change in the character of political
organization from machine politics to program/partypolitics. But much work has yet to be done by
representative organizations of civil society
particularly the progressive ones especially in the
electoral arena. It is in the attempts of progressive
and social development organizations to participate
in elections that the distance between the language
of reform and everyday politics is most stark.41
Progressive and development organizations have yet
to effectively engage the day-to-day language and
narrative of the local, that is bridging the language of
reform to the everyday politics of the people.
Taking elections seriously, progressive and socialdevelopment groups, must also learn elections
tediously. Its a transformation in orientation. From
basic organizing along issues and movement building,
developing micro-economic projects, area
development work, building more POs vertically and
horizontally to trying to win local power is a move
towards taking the local seriously. Rocamora stresses
the language of everyday politics that accumulating
local power will require the culture of the local.
The Naga Campaign
LUIS VILLAFUERTE EMERGED as a political
kingpin not only in Naga but also of the entire Bicol
region during Martial Law. Villafuertes rise was
facilitated by President Marcos who took notice of
the then corporate lawyer. With the support of the
late strongman, Villafuerte won a seat in the Interim
Batasan Pambansa in 1978. In 1979 he was
appointed Minister of Trade. Villafuerte tried to buildhis political clout in local politics, especially in Naga
City and Camarines Sur province. In the 1980 local
elections, Villafuerte supported his henchman, Carlos
del Castillo to the position of Naga mayor. It was widely
recognized that the victory of del Castillos ticket with
the support of Villafuerte was through massive
disenfranchisement and other forms of electoral fraud
that were allegedly committed in the elections.
In 1981, Luis Villafuerte was displaced from the
post of Trade Minister as believed by many that he
lost his place in the inner circle of Marcos. Beforethe 1984 Batasan Pambansa elections, Villafuerte
defected to the United Democratic Opposition
(UNIDO). His defection strengthened his political
position. Winning the congressional post, Villafuerte
gained further prominence when the Marcos regime
was toppled and Corazon Aquino took over the
presidency in 1986. Villafuerte was already a key
person at that time. President Aquino appointed him
as Chairman of Presidential Commission on
Government Reorganization and then Officer-in-
Charge of Camarines Sur.
Villafuerte saw his nephew Jesse as a futureMayor of Naga City. The kingmaker Villafuerte
backed Robredo in 1988 to run for Mayor under the
ticket of Lakas ng Bansa, which would later merge
with other parties to form the LDP. Then Mayor
Carlos del Castillo supported Robredo. Robredos
opponent then was lawyer Ramon Roco, Sen. Rocos
younger brother. Roco was a member of an anti-
Villafuerte coalition in Camarines Sur and Naga City.
The Robredo-Roco battle for Naga Citys highest
office was another Luis Villafuerte-Raul Roco
confrontation that started in 1987. In 1987, Raul a
former delegate to the 1971 Constitutional
Convention contested the congressional seat in the
2nd
district of Camarines Sur. Villafuerte supported
Rocos opponent former Vice Mayor Virginia Felipe-
Perez while former Naga City Mayor Vicente Sibulo
41 Rocamora, Joel.Introduction:Boss: Five Cases of Local Politics in the Philippines.Philippine Center for Investigative
Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 1995
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and Villafuertes opponent since Martial Law period
supported Raul Roco. Roco won the district race.
Robredo secured the mayoral seat with a small
margin of 947 votes. Robredos vice-mayor candidateDr. Lourdes Asence was elected but eight among
10 seats in the city council were occupied by the
Roco group. Villafuerte was elected as governor of
Camarines Sur. Though the congressional seat was
held by Roco, Villafuerte not Robredo, possessed
greater influence in Naga City.
According to Robredo, the deciding factor in his
victory against Roco was his well-prepared
development scheme, which he earlier presented
during the Public Forum for mayoral candidates
before the elections. But others say that it wasVillafuertes well-entrenched political machine in
Naga City that won for Robredo.
The political ties between Robredo and Villafuerte
broke when Villafuerte tried to override Robredos
own style of management and administration of the
city. It all started with Robredos plan to stop the
jueteng operations in the city. Robredo relates,
Everyone knew who decides and obeyed in Naga
City. It all started when Villafuerte wanted the Chief
of Police be maintained in the City, which I didnt
like. He talked with Gen. Montano to maintain the
official. I talked with the Bishop who in turn talkedto President Cory Aquino. The Chief of Police was
replaced. In hindsight, what happened was positive
for us because if he prevailed, we could have not
done what we wanted. When the Robredo prevailed,
he organized vice squads to arrest the jueteng bettors.
That time, Luis Villafuertes son Bong Villafuerte,
was highly suspected involved in jueteng operations
in the city.
In the 1992 elections, Gov. Villafuerte fielded his
elder sister, Pura Luisa Magtuto, to challenge Robredo
in the mayoralty race. Magtuto ran under the LDP
ticket. Because of his collision with Villafuerte,
Robredo was ousted from the LDP and joined future
President Fidel Ramos Lakas-NUCD as a founding
member. Robredo needed a strong political ally
because he was confronted by a strong local alliance
the Villafuerte-Roco coalition. Villafuerte sought
re-election for governorship while Roco ran for
Senate position.
The 1992 elections saw Naga City caught in afamily war. Calling his nephew an ingrate,
Villafuerte launched a cash and smear campaign
against Robredo. The Villafuerte camp set up an
incorporeal organization Bunyog Banuaan (unity
of town), which provided loans on the condition that
if Magtuto won, the recipients need not honor their
debts.42 Aside from this, massive vote buying was
carried out. They hurled what many considered were
trumped up charges against Robredo, including
reports that he had raped a girl.
Against the formidable Villafuerte-Roco allianceand whose pockets were not as deep as Villafuertes,
Robredo built his own organizations, mobilized his
grassroots network, and relied on the support of civil
society organizations. The result was a landslide
victory for Robredo and his whole ticket swept the
1992 polls. It also spelled Villafuertes doom. Ramon
Mitra, standard-bearer of the LDP of which
Villafuerte acted as campaign manager, lost his
presidential bid won by Robredos candidate, Fidel
Ramos. Villafuerte himself lost his re-election bid to
a completely unknown Nationalist Peoples Coalition
candidate Jose Bulaong.Robredo places importance on organization,
although we do perform well, without a good
organization I can not win a straight ticket.43
The mayor organized his local leaders under the
Barangay Peoples Foundation, which started as the
Barangay Precinct Organization, an organization of
election precinct watchers during his 1988 campaign.
His wife, Maria Leonor, organized the womens
organization Lakas ng Kababaihan. The Barangay
Peoples Foundation and the Lakas ng Kababaihan
had livelihood projects among their activities. In 1992,
the Office of the Mayor created the Lingkod
Barangay to provide assistance to these organizations.
The NGO and PO community, although most of
them took non-partisan position in the local elections
but whose members were active campaigners of
42 Kawanaka: Robredo Style: Philippine Local Politics in Transition, Kasarinlan 1998; Third World Studies43 Kawanaka
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Robredo, provided the deepening aspect of the
campaign in terms of issues and platform of
government and campaign network. The NGOs,
POs, and other civic organizations launched expansivevoters education campaign and pollwatchers training.
Recognizing the needs of the urban poor
population of Naga City, which comprises 25 percent
of the population, the Robredo administration
established the Urban Poor Affairs Office to respond
to the needs of the urban poor dwellers. During the
Robredo administration, the number of urban poor
organizations increased. These organizations and
their communities provided solid foundation for the
Robredo campaigns during elections.
Robredo also formed a propaganda group. Thegroup manages the public perception on the mayor
and the city government. The group prepared articles
about the awards the city government was getting
and the projects of the city administration. It also
provides information to the media and the non-
government sector about the plans and policies of
the administration. These were sent both to the local
and national media. The group also played important
role during elections. They handled the propaganda
campaign of Robredo and drew strategies to counter
the opponents black propaganda and misinformation
campaign.The approachability of Robredo works well with
him. In some way, his approachability, organizes
people. On the rally stage, his speeches focused on
issues and programs. But when he toured the
communities, he played with children and exchange
banter with people. Robredo admits that he loves
talking to anybody. Community meetings and house
visits are more on small talks and exchange of stories.
People can easily approach him and can tell him
anything. Ed relates, But he does not leave the
people without having an agenda or plan agreed upon.
When he leaves, the people were organized around
his campaign.44
In political reality, shares Robredo, you can not
do away with the mix of platform, message and the
person. In election, voting is not a simple decision
that is thought of, it also includes feeling. People votea person not just because one is capable or good.
People vote because they like the person. Liking the
person usually prevails in voting than voting because
they believe in him. Robredo adds, I think, a good
politician is one who has the mix of standpoint and
how he carries himself. Many politicians are good
and honest but they lost to those who are not capable
or corrupt because the latter are what the voters like.
In 1995, Robredo ran uncontested and his ticket
soundly defeated Villafuertes bets. Robredo says he
does not feel beholden to anyone for his successivevictories, except the Naga City residents. Says former
Rep. Edcel Lagman: Robredos strength comes from
mass support. He could run again for mayor with
another party and still win, he is that popular.
The Irosin Campaign
WHEN EDDIE DOROTAN ran for mayor of Irosin
in 1992, he was seen as the David trying to challenge
Goliath. He was a political neophyte while the
incumbent Mayor Jose Michelena had been mayor
of Irosin for more than a decade, a former vicegovernor, and a big landowner. Michelenas son,
Jose Marie, became the town vice mayor from 1980
to 1986.
Dorotan did not have much financial resources
against Michelena but he had social and political
capital. He became popular as Doc Ed because of
his attendant service to the poor. He was a popular
NGO and community leader. He was the recognized
leader of LIKAS, which through the years had
established expansive network among the different
sectors and groups in Irosin. Dorotan also became
popular among the rural poor because of his
identification
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