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IntonationalphonologyinBengaliandEnglishinfant-directedspeech

KristineM.Yu,UniversityofMassachusettsAmherstSameerudDowlaKhan,ReedCollegeMeghaSundara,UniversityofCaliforniaLosAngelesSpeechProsody7,TrinityCollegeDublinFriday23May2014

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Hypothesis:affectandgrammar

¡  Howdowebuildtheintonationalcontourofanutterance?l  Grammaticalstructure?l  Socialcontext/affect?

¡  Prosodicchoicesareconditionedonboth¡  Howdoweknow?¡  Casestudy:Infant-directedspeechin

BengaliandEnglish

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Infant-directedspeech(IDS):English

Adult-directedspeech

Infant-directedspeech

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Infant-directedspeech(IDS):Bengali

Infant-directedspeech

Adult-directedspeech

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Background

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Infant-directedspeech(IDS)

¡  IDSprosodyistraditionallyanalyzedfromanacoustic-phoneticapproach1

l  Expansionoff0rangeviaraisingoff0maxl  Increaseinf0variability,e.g.sinusoidal,bell-shapedcontours

l  Exaggerationofcontours

¡  Thesemanipulationsmaintaininfantattention,elicitpositiveemotionalrapport2

1Jacobsonetal.1983,Sternetal.1983,Fernald&Simon1984,Fernaldetal.1989,Fernald&Mazzie1991,Greiser&Kuhl1998,Masataka19992Sternetal.1982 6

Grammaticalstructureinintonation

¡  Intonationisalsogrammaticallystructuredl  Finiteinventoryofdiscretetonalelementsl  Hierarchicalprosodicstructurel  Predictablevariationintones(allotones)l  Phonotacticgrammaroflicittonalsequencesl  Semantic/pragmaticmotivationforchoiceoftonalelements

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Hierarchicalprosodicstructure

MainstreamAmericanEnglish

Hypothesis

¡  Attentional/emotionalcontextandgrammarjointlyconstrainf0modulationl  Prosodicchoiceswithinintonationalgrammarmotivatedbyattentional/emotionalcontext

l  Prosodicchoiceswithinattentional/emotionalcontextconstrainedbyintonationalgrammar

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Attentional/emotionalmotivation

IncreaseintonalcategorieswithhighertargetsandmultipleturningpointsConstrainedbylg-specificgrammar

BengaliEnglish

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Semantic/pragmaticmotivation

¡  Increaseintonalcategorieshighlightinginformationstructure

¡  Constrainedbylg-specificgrammarl  Bengali:5pitchaccents

L*(low) H*(high) fH*(super-H+compression)L*+H(rising) L*+fH(super-Hrising+cmp)

l  Bengali:5boundarytonesL%(lowfall) H%(highrise)LH%(lowrise) HL%(highfall) HLH%(highfall-rise)

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Thesemarkfocus





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Thesemarktopics





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Thesearecontinuationrises 14

Experimentaldesign

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Design:subjects

¡  20subjectsl  10speakersofEnglish(5M,5F)l  10speakersofBengali(5M,5F)

¡  Allwereparentsl  English:parentsof4.5-mo-oldsl  Bengali:parentsofyoungchildren

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Design:materials

¡  Recorded“NorthWindandSun”fablel  SuitableforadultspeechandIDSl  Similarsemantics/pragmaticsacrosslanguagesl  Consistentsemantics,morphosyntax,segmentalphonologyacrossstyles

l  Usedinstudiesofspeechrhythm&prosody

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Design:styles

¡  Twostylesl  Defaultreading(non-IDS):“Readatacomfortablepace.”

l  Simulatedinfant-directedreading(IDS):“Readasifspeakingtoyour4-mo-oldchild.”

¡  Sametext,illustratedwithchildlikedrawings¡  Stuffedanimalsarrangedaroundspeaker

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Experiment:annotation

¡  EnglishMAE_ToBI1annotationl  2transcriberswithoutknowledgeofstudy

¡  BengaliB-ToBI2annotationl  1transcribersofar(2ndauthor)

1Beckmanetal.20052Khan2008,2014 19

Analysis

¡  Acoustic-phoneticmeasurementsl  f0min,max,range,standarddeviation

¡  Phonologicaldatacollectionl  Inventoryoftonesl  Numberofpitchaccentsandboundarytonesl  Frequencyofdifferenttonalcategories

¡  Statisticsl  Mixedeffectslogisticandpoissonregression

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Results

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Previewofresults

¡  What’sthesameacrossstyles:1)  Foreachlg.,IDSandnon-IDScanbothbe

analyzedusingthesameprosodicmodel

¡  Whatdiffersacrossstyles:2)  IDShaswiderpitchrange(highermax)3)  IDShasahigherproportionofcertaintones4)  IDShasmoreIPs5)  IDShasmorecomplextones

expected

we’llcomebacktothisinthediscussion

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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05

m01 m02 m03 m04 m05

4.5

5.0

5.5

6.0

4.5

5.0

5.5

6.0

non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS idsstyle

log(

fund

amen

tal f

requ

ency

) (H

z)

stylenon−IDSids

2)Pitchrange

¡  AllBengalispeakersraisedthef0maxinIDS

¡  Higherf0variabilityinIDS

¡  SamepatternseeninEnglish

¡  Replicatespreviousstudies

¡  ValidationofsimulatedIDS

IDSnon-IDS

meanf095%f0range

5%f0range

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PreviewofEnglish-specificresults

¡  EnglishIDSinvolves:l  IncreaseinL+H*pitchaccentl  IncreaseinIPs

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3)English:pitchaccents

¡  NochangeinnumberofPAsbetweenstyles¡  Speakersincreasedthenumberand

proportionofL+H*inIDSl  non-IDS20.8%vs.IDS30.1%

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f10 f11 f3 f8 f9

m1 m10 m4 m5 m6

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non−ids ids non−ids ids non−ids ids non−ids ids non−ids idsStyle

Raw

freq

uenc

y

Pitch accents * H* H+!H* L* L*+H L+H*

Frequency of tones conditioned on speaker and style, T1

byspkr.

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4)English:IPs

¡  Onaverage,Englishspeakersproduced33.3%(=3.44)moreIPsinIDS

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byspkr.f10 f11 f3 f8 f9

m1 m10 m4 m5 m6

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T1 T2 T1 T2 T1 T2 T1 T2 T1 T2Transcriber

Num

ber o

f IP

tone

s

Style non−ids ids

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4)English:IPs

L-H% L-L% L-L%

L-L%

] ] ]

]

AndsotheNWwasobligedtoconfessthattheSunwasthestrongerofthetwo

AndsotheNWwasobligedtoconfessthattheSunwasthestrongerofthetwo

L-L%

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PreviewofBengali-specificresults

¡  BengaliIDSinvolves:l  Decreaseinpitchaccentsoveralll  Increasein2PAtypes:fH*,L+fH*l  IncreaseinIPsl  IncreaseinHL%andHLH%boundarytones

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non−IDS idsStyle

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subj●

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f01f02f03f04f05m01m02m03m04m05

3)Bengali:pitchaccents

¡  f-markedpitchaccentuseishigherinIDSforallbutonespeakerl  fH*l  L*+fH

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3)Bengali:pitchaccents

fH*

thatmuchtravelertheirshawlheldtightly(IDS)

thatmuchtravelerhis/hershawlheldtightly(non-IDS)

L*

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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05

m01 m02 m03 m04 m05

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non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids

non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS idsStyle

Frequency

Pitch accent L* H* L*+H * L*+fH fH*

byspkr.

fH*,L*+fHinnon-IDS

fH*,L*+fHinIDS

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4)Bengali:IPs

¡  Onaverage,Bengalispeakersproduced49.0%(=8.97)moreIPsinIDS

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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05

m01 m02 m03 m04 m05

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Frequency

byspkr.

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4)Bengali:IPs

LH% H% L%

L%

] ] ]

]Atthatmomentatravelerwearingaheavyshawlcamewalkingtowardsthem

Atthatmomentatravelerwearingaheavyshawlcamewalkingtowardsthem

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3)Bengali:boundarytones

¡  TheincreaseinIPscanbelargelyattributedtoincreasesinthoseendingin:l HL%(highfalling)l HLH%(highfalling-rising)

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f01 f02 f03 f04 f05

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non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids non−IDS ids


Frequency

IP tone L% H% LH% HL% HLH% M% ambig

byspkr.

HL%,HLH%inIDS

HL%,HLH%innon-IDS

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3)Bengali:boundarytones

Hainnon-IDSDefault

HLH%inIDSContinuation

HL%inIDSTopicalization

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Summaryofresults

¡  TrueforIDSinbothlanguages:l  NoincreaseinnumberofPAsoveralll  IncreaseinnumberwithinsubsetofPAs

¡  L+fH*andfH*inBengali¡  L+H*inEnglish

l  IncreaseinnumberofIPs¡ Certainboundarytonesweremorecommon

¡  So,whydoweseethesemodifications?

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Discussion

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Why:PAsengageinfant

¡ WhydoesIDSinvolveanincreaseinnon-defaultaccents?l  EnglishbitonalPAs,esp.L+H*l  BengaliH*,fH*,andL*+fH

¡ Morepitchvariation,toengagetheinfant’sinterest1

¡ Moretonesinvolvingexpandedpitchrangeasinfantspreferhigherpitch2

1Fernald1991,Werker&McLeod19892Kearsley1973,Fernald&Kuhl1981 42

Why:PAsmarkinfostructure

¡  Sowhydon’tallpitchaccentsinIDSbecomehigh/rising?

¡  Changeindistributionisrestricted¡  Theseparticularhigh/risingtonesmark

focusedelements1

1Pierrehumbert&Hirschberg(1990)forEnglish,Khan(2008,2014)forBengali 43

Why:PAsmarkinfostructure

¡  UseoffH*,L*+fHinBengaliincreasesfor:l  Wh-words,wordswithfocusencliticsl  Modifiers,e.g.warm,immediately

¡  UseofL+H*inEnglishincreasesfor:l  Turningpointsonsubjectarguments:

¡ “…theNorthWindgaveuptheattempt.ThentheSunshinedoutwarmly.”

l  Alternativesonascale,e.g.more,stronger,first

èGreateruseoffocusprosodyinIDS1

1IDSalsoinvolvesgreateruseoffocusmovementinthesyntax(Fernald&Mazzie1991).44

Why:phrasingengagesinfant

¡ WhydoesIDSinvolveanincreaseinIPs?¡ MoreIPboundarytonesmeansmoretones

involvingexpandedpitchrange…¡ …andmorepitchvariation

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Why:phrasingmarksinfostructure

¡ WhyelsedoesIDSinvolvemoreIPs?¡  IPbreakshelpdemarcatesyntactic

structure¡  IPboundarytonesconveyinformation

structure

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Why:phrasingmarksinfostructure

¡  NotallIPboundarytonesareincreasedinuseinIDS(atleastinBengali)l  L%islesscommoninIDS

¡  Thosewhoseuseisincreasedinclude:l  LH%,HLH%:continuationrisesl  H%,HL%:backgrounding/topicalization

èMoreexplicitmarkingofinformationstructureinIDS

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Conclusions

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Conclusions

¡ WecomparedIDSvs.non-IDS:l  IDShasmoretoneswithgreaterpitchrangeandmodulation,whichcanelicit/maintainattentionandbuildrapport

l  IDShasmoreexplicitmarkingofinfostructure

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Conclusions

¡ WecomparedBengalivs.English:l  Bengaliusesmoreboundarytoneswithmoreinflectionpoints

l  Bengaliusesmoretopic-markingtonesl  EnglishhasmoreIPsinIDS,butdistributionofdifferentboundarytonesremainsconstant

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Conclusions

¡  GrowingliteratureonroleofgrammarinconstrainingIDSinlexicaltone/LPAlgs(Mandarin1,Thai2,Japanese3)

¡  Firstsuchstudyonlanguageswithoutlexicaltonalcontrasts

Intonationisconditionedbybothattentional/emotionalmotivationsandgrammaticalstructure

1Liuetal(2007),2Kitamuraetal.(2002),3Igarashietal(2013) 51

Acknowledgments

Manythankstoourtranscribers,ourspeakers,andeveryoneintheaudience!

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