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    BACKGROUND PAPER

    WMR 2010The Future of Migration

    Policies in the Asia-Pacific Region

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    The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not

    necessarily reect the views of the Internaonal Organizaon for Migraon

    (IOM). The designaons employed and the presentaon of material

    throughout the report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever

    on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or

    area, or of its authories, or concerning its froners or boundaries.

    IOM is commied to the principle that humane and orderly migraon

    benets migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organizaon, IOM

    acts with its partners in the internaonal community to: assist in meeng

    the operaonal challenges of migraon; advance understanding of migraon

    issues; encourage social and economic development through migraon; and

    uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants.

    Publisher: Internaonal Organizaon for Migraon

    17 route des Morillons 1211 Geneva 19

    Switzerland

    Tel: +41.22.717 91 11

    Fax: +41.22.798 61 50

    E-mail: [email protected]

    Internet: hp://www.iom.int

    _____________________________________________________

    2010 Internaonal Organizaon for Migraon (IOM)

    _____________________________________________________

    All rights reserved. No part of this publicaon may be reproduced, stored in

    a retrieval system, or transmied in any form or by any means, electronic,

    mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior wrien

    permission of the publisher.

    60_10

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    BACKGROUND PAPERWMR 2010

    The Future ofMigration Policies

    in the

    Asia-Pacific Region

    GRAEME HUGONATIONAL CENTRE FOR SOCIALAPPLICATIONS OF GIS,UNIVERSITY OFADELAIDE

    [email protected]

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    FOREWORD

    This paper is one of 19 background papers which have been prepared for the IOM, 2010 World

    MigrationReportwhich isentitled theFutureofMigration:BuildingCapacities forChange.The

    2010reportfocuseson likelyfuturetrends inmigrationandthecapacitiesthatwillberequiredby

    States, regional and international organizations, civil society and the private sector to manage

    migrationsuccessfullyoverthecomingdecades.

    Over the next few decades, international migration is likely to transform in scale, reach and

    complexity, due to growing demographic disparities, the effects of environmental change, new

    globalpoliticalandeconomicdynamics,technologicalrevolutionsandsocialnetworks.

    The2010WorldMigrationReportfocusesoncapacitybuilding,firstbecause it isgoodgovernance

    toplan for the future,especiallyduringaperiodofeconomicdownturnwhen the tendency is to

    focuson

    immediate

    impacts

    and

    the

    short

    term

    period

    of

    recovery.

    Second,

    capacity

    building

    is

    widelyacknowledgedtobeanessentialcomponentofeffectivemigrationmanagement,helpingto

    ensuretheorderlyandhumanemanagementofmigration.

    PartAof theWorldMigrationReport2010 focuseson identifying core capacities in keyareasof

    migrationmanagement.Theaimisnottorecommendonesizefitsallpoliciesandpractices,butto

    suggestobjectivesofmigrationmanagementpoliciesineacharea,tostimulatethinkingandprovide

    examples of what States and other actors can do. Part B of the World Migration Report 2010,

    provides an overview of the latest global and regional trends in migration. In recognition of the

    importanceof the largestglobaleconomic recessionsince the1930s, this sectionhasaparticular

    focusontheeffectsofthiscrisisonmigrants,migrationandremittances.

    FrankLaczko

    HeadoftheResearchandPublicationsDivision

    IOMHeadquarters

    Geneva,Switzerland

    Email:[email protected]

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    5

    INTRODUCTION

    In any discussion of the future of global migration, the AsiaPacific region is important for the

    followingreasons:

    Ithas57.6percentoftheglobalpopulation.

    Economically,it

    is

    the

    worlds

    fastest

    growing

    region

    and

    there

    is

    awidening

    of

    the

    demographicandeconomicdifferentialsbetweennations,whichtheGlobalCommissionon

    International Migration (GCIM, 2005: 6) identifies as the main drivers of international

    migration.

    TheWorldBank(UNESCAP,2008)estimatesthat23.9percentofthepopulationofAsiaand

    thePacific live inpoverty(954millionpersons),whichrepresentssome59.8percentofthe

    globaltotal.

    The World Bank (2008) has shown that the AsiaPacific region has 26.7 per cent of the

    countrieswiththeworldslargestimmigrantcommunitiesbut40percentofthenationswith

    the largestemigrantcommunities, in termsofnumbers; intermsofproportionofthetotal

    population

    of

    immigrants

    and

    emigrants

    in

    each

    country,

    the

    region

    has

    23

    per

    cent

    and

    17

    per cent, respectively. Of the 30 largest corridors of international migration globally, 13

    involveatleastoneAsiaPacificnation.

    Although international migration has a long history in Asia, it has reached unprecedented levels,

    diversityandsignificanceinrecentyears.AttheSecondAsianPopulationConferenceheldinTokyo,

    Japanin1972,internationalmigrationwasnotevenmentionedinthereviewofdemographictrends

    in the region over the previous decade (UNDESA, 1972). Today, however, it exerts a significant

    influence on the economic, social and demographic development of all AsiaPacific nations.

    Internationalmigrationisnowanestablishedstructuralfeatureoftheregionbutsomeintheregion

    argue that international population mobility between AsiaPacific nations remains constrained in

    contrastto

    afreeing

    up

    of

    regulations

    that

    have

    facilitated

    flows

    of

    capital

    and

    goods

    between

    countries (Hugo and Young, 2008). International migration policy in the region remains

    underdevelopedandthisisabarriertothedeliveryofthedevelopmentdividendsthatinternational

    migrationcanfacilitate(UNDESA,2006).

    Thispaperdiscussesthefutureof internationalmigrationpolicy intheAsiaPacificregion.Itbegins

    with a brief examination of emerging trends in international migration in the region and of the

    forces driving them. It then assesses the contemporary development of international migration

    policyintheregionand,finally,considerssomeofthemajorissuesrelatingtomigrationpolicyinthe

    future.

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    TRENDS IN MIGRATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION

    The lastdecadehasseenan increasenotonly in thenumbersofAsianandPacificpeoplemoving

    betweennationsbutalso in the typesofmobility,whichhavebecomemorecomplex,and in the

    movement,whichhasbecome lessselective.Theforcesresponsibleforthis increase inmovement

    are

    associated

    with

    rapid

    economic

    development

    in

    the

    region,

    globalization,

    increased

    levels

    of

    education, proliferation of international media, improved transport systems and the

    internationalizationofbusinessand labourmarkets.Twoelementshavebeenespecially influential

    in facilitating migration within, intoand out of the region. The first is the proliferation of social

    networks.Mostmigrantsmovetoaplacewheretheyhavesocialcapitalintheformofrelativesor

    friendsalreadylivingthere.Thesenetworksnotonlyencourageandfacilitatemobilitybutalsoassist

    themigrant inadjusting to thenew location. Thegrowingnumbers of Asians living outside their

    countryofbirthserveasanchorsinarapidlyspreadingnetworkofconnectionsfacilitatingmigration.

    Thesecondfacilitator isthevastmigration industrycomprisingmigrationagents,recruiters,travel

    providers, immigration officials, etc. who form chains linking Asian communities with overseas

    destinationsandarecrucialelementsinthemigrationsystem.

    TheUnitedNations (UNDESA,2009)estimatesthat30millionofthe191millionpeopleworldwide

    wholiveoutsidetheircountryoforiginarefromAsia.Whilethisisequivalenttoonly0.8percentof

    the total Asian population, it is a significant understatement of the impact of international migration.

    This ispartlybecause itseverelyunderestimatesthemovement,since itexcludesmuchtemporary

    andundocumentedmigrationandmanycountries inthe regiondonotcollect informationonthe

    stocksorflowsofmigrantsinfluencingthem.Moreover,migrantsaredrawnfrom,andconcentrate

    in, particular countries and particular areas within those countries so their impact is

    disproportionatelylargeinthoseparticularAsiancountriesandareas.

    Itisclearthat,overthelasttwodecades,internationalmobilityofonekindoranotherhasbecome

    the choice of a much larger proportion of the population when consider their options and

    opportunities in life. Less obvious, though, is the fact that international movement has become

    muchmorediverse,both intermsoftheformsthatittakesandintermsofthepeoplewhomove.

    TherehasbeenasignificantincreaseinthemovementbetweenAsiaPacificnationsbutalsooutof

    and into the region. Movement is both forced and unforced, documented and undocumented,

    permanentandtemporary,workrelatedandnonworkrelated.

    Whilethedata inFigure1refertoall internationalmovementandnotjustmigrationoutofChina,

    theyare indicativeoftheexponential increase in internationalmobility intheregion.Someofthe

    major elements in the increased international migration include the following (Hugo and Young,

    2008;Jones

    and

    Douglass,

    2008):

    increased southnorth movement to OECD (Association for Economic Cooperation and

    Development)countries, involvingboth settlementand temporarymigration, thebulkof it

    madeupofskilledworkers;

    substantial labourmigration(involving largely lowskilledworkers)betweenthecountriesof

    the region, especially from lowincome economies with labour surpluses to highincome

    countrieswithlabourshortages;

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    substantialmigrationofstudents,particularlytoOECDnationsinEurope,NorthAmericaand

    Oceania,butincreasinglywithintheAsiaPacificregion;

    refugeemigrationwithintheregionbutalsotodestinationsinOECDcountries;

    marriagemigration,asaresultofyoungpeoplemovingbetweencountriesmuchmorethanin

    thepast,andalsoduetoacommodifiedinternationalmarriageindustryfacilitatingmigration,

    predominantly

    of

    women

    from

    poorer

    countries

    to

    nations

    experiencing

    a

    shortage

    of

    women

    duetomalepreferenceselectiveabortion;

    increasinginvolvementofwomeninallflowssothattheyaredominantinseveralflowsand,

    overall,areasmobileasmen;

    increasingundocumentedmigration,withsomeofthelargestundocumentedmigrationflows

    in the worldfor example, migration from Bangladesh to India, which may be the largest

    singlecontemporaryinternationalmigrationflow,involvingupto17millionpeople.

    Eachoftheseelementsisincreasing,notonlyintermsofthenumbersinvolvedbutalsointermsof

    economicandsocialimpact.

    Figure 1: Number of Chinese travelling abroad for business and tourism in 1981

    2003 and total number of outbound trips from China (in millions), 19972008

    Sources: Far Eastern Economic Review, 24 June 2004: 30; Asia Times Online, 9 February 2006;

    Knowledge @W.P. Carey, 21 June 2006, Special Section, Chinas New Consumers,

    http://knowledge.wpcarey.asu.edu/index.cfm?fa=SpecialSection@specialId=46; Public Diplomacy

    Watch,16November2006;EmbassyofthePeoplesRepublicofChina inAustralia,http://au.China

    embassy.org/eng/xw/t354774.htm;YaoXu,2008,ChineseOutboundTourismSoars,USChinaToday.

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    8

    CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

    POLICY IN ASIA AND THE PACIFIC

    Writing a decade ago, Castles (2003:6) identified a number of characteristics that he believed

    typifiedthedominantpolicymodelfordealingwithmigrationandethnicdiversity inAsianmigrant

    destinationcountries,

    which

    can

    be

    summed

    up

    in

    the

    following

    principles:

    immigrantsshouldnotbeallowedtosettle;

    foreignresidentsshouldnotbeofferedcitizenshipexceptinexceptionalcircumstances;

    nationalcultureandidentityshouldnotbemodifiedinresponsetoexternalinfluences.

    Whileitisdifficulttogeneralizeinsuchavastandcomplexregion,anumberofotherelementsthat

    have characterized the traditional approach to dealing with migration in the region should be

    listed.

    Therewaslittleregionalcooperationorevendiscussionaboutmigrationissues.Indeed,inthe

    Associationof

    Southeast

    Asian

    Nations

    (ASEAN),

    despite

    the

    fact

    that

    all

    nations1

    have

    been

    stronglyinfluencedbymigrationsinceitsformation,thesensitivityoftheissueintheStateof

    Singaporepreventeditfromevenbeingdiscussed,untilrecently.

    Governmentsandcommunitiesinbothoriginanddestinationcountriesconsideredmigration

    tobeanunwelcomebutnecessaryfixforshorttermproblemsoflabourexcessandlabour

    shortage.Fewhaveseen itasastructural,necessaryand longtermelement innationaland

    regionaleconomies.

    In sending countries,permanentand temporarymovementwas viewedoverwhelminglyas

    having a negative impact on national development. In the Philippines, for example, in the

    1980s and early 1990s, the growing outflow of labourmigrants was viewed as a national

    shame

    (Aguilar,

    1996).

    Despitethehistorical immigrantoriginsofmanyofthecountriesoftheregion,therewasa

    widespread fear that migration would disturb national, cultural and ethnic homogeneity,

    which resulted in largely negative political, media and press discourse on migration and

    stigmatizationandnegativestereotypingofmigrants.

    Accordingly, migration policy in the Asian region remained underdeveloped and, again, while

    generalizationisdifficult,anumberofgeneralizationscanbemadeaboutpastmigrationpolicyand

    governanceintheregion.

    The issue of migration was marginalized by governments, even in countries suffering

    significant

    labour

    shortages

    due

    to

    low

    fertility,

    ageing

    and

    rapid

    economic

    growth.

    Migration

    wasnotontheradarscreenofmanyadministrations.

    A policing model of stopping or severely controlling migration tended to dominate, rather

    thanamanagementapproachthatrecognizedthesignificanceand inevitabilityofmigration

    andsoughttoregulateandchannelmovement.

    Migrantsrightswereneglectedandevenabused.

    1 Brunei,Burma,Cambodia,Indonesia,Laos,Malaysia,Philippines,Singapore,ThailandandVietNam.

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    A migration industry thrived in theprivate sector, someof itoperatingoutside the legal

    systemandinvolvedinexcessiverenttakingandexploitationofmigrants.

    There was a lack of capacity within government to develop and operationalize effective

    migrationpoliciesandpractice.Indeed,corruptionandinvolvementofgovernmentofficersin

    theexploitationofmigrantswassignificant,insomecountries.

    There

    was

    a

    lack

    of

    coherence

    in

    migration

    policy.

    Migrationpolicywasnotlinkedwithdevelopment,therebydilutingthepotentialformigrants

    todeliverdevelopmentdividends totheircountryoforigin, todestinationcountriesandto

    migrantsthemselves.

    The bulk of Asian and Middle Eastern nations that are destinations for migrants adopted

    policies that attempt to ensure that the stay of migrant workers was temporary. Where

    migrantswereabletoenterundertemporaryimmigrationcriteria,theirrightsweregenerally

    severelycurtailed incomparisontocitizens.Thedestinationcountryput inplacearangeof

    measuresdesignedtoensurethereturnoftheunskilledmigrantworker,suchas:

    disallowingfamilytoaccompanyorvisittheworker

    limitingthetraveloftheworkerwithinthecountry

    tying

    them

    to

    asingle

    employer

    disallowingthemtomarrycitizens

    enforcingotherrestrictionsonrightsandmovement

    However, inrecentyears,oneof thedefiningcharacteristicsof internationalmigration inAsiahas

    beentheincreasinginvolvementofgovernmentsinseekingtoinfluencethepatternofimmigration

    oremigrationaffecting theircountries.TheUnitedNations regularlyconducts surveysofnational

    governments to assess their population policies and Table 1 indicates the responses regarding

    immigration.Itisinterestingtonotethatonly5ofthe40AsiaPacificcountriesrespondingtotheUN

    surveyindicatedthatcurrentimmigrationwastoohighin2007,comparedwith8in1996.Moreover,

    thenumberofnationswithpoliciesaimedat loweringexisting levelsof immigrationfellfrom13 in

    1996to10in2007,andthenumberseekingtoraisemigrationincreasedfrom2to6overtheperiod.

    This isperhaps indicativeofapost9/11realizationofthesignificanceofmigration inseveralAsian

    destinationsandofthefactthatitisneededfornationalprosperity2.ThesurveyalsorecordedAsian

    and Pacific government attitudes toward outmovement and these are presented in Table 2.

    Table 1: Views and policies of Asia-Pacific governments regarding immigration,

    19762007

    Too Low Satisfactory Too High

    Total

    Number of

    Countries Raise

    Maintain or

    No

    Intervention Lower1976 2 26 2 30 2 25 2

    1986 0 30 5 35 0 30 4

    1996 1 31 8 40 2 24 13

    2007 5 30 5 40 6 24 10

    39

    Views on Level of Immigration Goal of Policies on Immigration

    Total Number of

    Countries29

    34

    40

    Source:UNDESA,2008a

    2 It isarguedelsewhere (Hugo2008) that theeventsof9/11 led toa significantchange in theAsiaPacific, resulting in

    countriesintheregioncomingtogethertodiscussthesecuritydimensionsofinternationalmigration.Thishasopenedthe

    doortowiderdiscussionsbetweencountriesonmigrationrelatedissuesotherthansecurity.

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    Table 2: Views and policies of Asia-Pacific governments regarding emigration, 1976

    2007

    Maintain or

    NoIntervention

    1976 2 28 0 30 2 28 0 30

    1986 2 29 4 35 4 26 5 35

    1996 2 30 7 39 2 31 7 40

    2007 6 24 10 40 8 25 7 40

    Views on Level of Emigration Goal of Policies on Emigration

    Raise Lower

    Total

    Number ofCountriesToo Low Satisfactory Too High

    Total

    Number ofCountries

    Source:UNDESA,2008a

    Thisindicatestherehasbeenanincreaseinthenumberofcountrieswhoconsideremigrationtobe

    too high, although the number with policies that attempt to lower outmigration has remained

    stable. This is partly a function of brain drain concerns, which are mainly related to the more

    permanentmigrationtoEurope,NorthAmericaandAustralia.Therearealsosomeconcernsabout

    the

    negative

    effects

    of

    labour

    migration.

    However,

    it

    is

    also

    interesting

    that

    the

    number

    of

    countries

    consideringthe levelofemigrationtobe lowtrebledandthenumberseekingtoraisethe levelof

    emigrationthroughpolicyincreasedfrom2to8.

    Whilethesenumbers indicateasignificantshift inmigrationpolicythinking inAsiaandthePacific

    overthelastdecade,theyrepresentthetipoftheicebergintermsoftheincreasedinvolvementof

    governmentsinmigrationintheregionandagrowingawarenessoftherolethatmigrationcanplay

    in enhancing economic development at national, regional and local levels. Among the changes

    observedoverthelastdecade,thefollowingaremostevident:

    1)Severaldestinationnationsacceptedthatmigrationisanimportantcontinuingstructuralfeature

    oftheireconomiesandbegantoputinplacecomprehensiveimmigrationpoliciesandprograms.As

    was indicatedearlier,thenew immigrationeconomiesofAsiahavetraditionallyadoptedmigration

    policiesthatarefocussedontemporarymigration,restrictingtherightsofmigrantworkersandthe

    lengthoftimetheycanspendinthedestination.Thisattituderemainsinplaceforunskilledworkers

    but some Asian economies are now encouraging the permanent settlement of skilled foreigners.

    Thereisacleardifferenceintheimmigrationavenuesopentohighlyskilledandlowskilledworkers.

    This ismost apparent in Singapore,where lowskilledworkers gain entryon a strictly temporary

    basisandhavelimitedrightswhereashighlyskilledworkershavethesameflexibilityasSingaporeans

    andcanapplyforpermanentresidency.SouthKorea,likeJapan,hastraditionallyhadaverycautious

    approach to international migration based on an emphasis on ethnic homogeneity. Accordingly,

    whendemographicandeconomicfactorsforcedKoreaintolaunchingaforeignworkersprogramme

    in1990,

    there

    were

    very

    strict

    conditions

    to

    ensure

    that

    workers

    left

    the

    country

    at

    the

    end

    of

    their

    contracts. In recent years, however, there have been major changes. The forming of the Korean

    ImmigrationService(KIS),theintroductionofpermanentsettlementvisasforskilledandsemiskilled

    workers(inJanuary2008),thedevelopmentofbilateralagreementswithmorethan10countriesin

    Asia to supply lowskilled workers (making some government jobs open to foreigners), the

    modificationofcitizenshiprequirementsandtheintroductionofamoreflexibleimmigrationsystem

    forethnicKoreans inChina, the formerSovietUnionandelsewherearejustsomeof theways in

    whichtheSouthKoreanGovernmentsattitudetowardsmigrationhasbeentransformed.Thereare

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    overamillionforeignersinSouthKorea(AsianMigrationNews,115November2007),excludingan

    estimated200,000 irregularmigrantsoraround2percentofthetotalpopulation.It isanticipated

    bytheKISthat,by2030,thenumberofforeigners isexpectedto increaseto3.6millionor7.2per

    centofthepopulation(AsianMigrationNews,1530June2007).Moreover,asPark(2007:1)points

    out: Now multiculturalism and multiethnicity have become fashionable buzzwords within

    academiesandgovernment.Park(2007:5)goesontoexplainthattherehasbeenaparadigmshift

    inKorea:

    Until recently, Korean immigrationpolicy has beenmainly a tool to dealwith labour

    market throughforeignworkerprograms.So itviewedthe immigrationadministration

    asamoreorlesstemporarymeasure.

    The trend now is towardsan immigration strategy thatnotonly includes temporary workersbut

    offersemploymentresidencetoabroaderrangeofworkersand includespatternstofacilitatethe

    integrationofmigrants.Itisclearthatthismarkedshiftinpolicyhasbeeninfluencedbythemarked

    increaseininternationalmarriageinKorea.Thenumberofimmigrantsnaturalizedthroughmarriage

    was75,011in2005but109,564in2007(AsianMigrationNews,January2008).AsPark(2007:5)has

    pointedout:

    The change in paradigm has been brought about by the phenomenal increase of

    international marriages, the visual presence of phenotypically different residents in

    neighbourhoodandschools,theeconomicdependenceonforeignworkers,thegrowing

    influenceoftheKoreantransnationalcommunitiesandglobalizationingeneral.

    Even in Japan, where the dominant discourse has been of mono ethnicity that has opposed

    immigration, there isachange (Tai,2009).Somehaveargued that,with2.15million legal foreign

    residentsrepresenting1.7percentofthetotalpopulation,Japanhasdefactomovedtobecoming

    an immigrant country (Tsuda, 2006; Iguchi, 2008).Tai (2009) argues that Japanese immigration

    policyisataturningpoint,withtheinterplaybetweenproponentsofmulticulturalismandinclusion

    offoreigners,

    on

    the

    one

    hand,

    and

    exclusion

    and

    heightened

    control

    of

    foreigners,

    on

    the

    other.

    One category of permanent migrants becoming increasingly important in Japan, Korea, Chinese

    TaipeiandSingaporeisforeignspouses(mostlyfemale).Suchmigrationisoftencommoditizedwith

    the increasing gender imbalance in younger ages, in some cases. In Chinese Taipei, for example,

    383,204foreignspousesimmigratedbetween1990and2006.

    2) There have been changes in some migrantsending countries as well. In the Philippines, the

    national dialogue on migration has been transformed. The high level of emigration of contract

    labour and permanent settlers was described in national discourse in the 1970s and 1980s as a

    nationalshame (Aguilar,1996).Migrationwasseenasatemporaryphenomenonthathadtobe

    endured while the Philippines made the transition to a more developed economy. The fact that

    millionsofFilipinoswereforcedtoseektheirdestinyinothernationswasperceivedasanational

    failure. However, in the last decade, Filipinos overseas have been hailed as national heroes

    (Rosales, 1999) who are making a crucial and important contribution to national prosperity. This

    representsamajorturnaroundandthePhilippines.Withrespecttointernational labourmigration,

    the Philippines has implemented best practice through regulation of migrant worker recruitment

    and protection of migrant workers at home and abroad (Martin etal., 2004; Hugo, 2009a). The

    Philippineshasalsodevelopedcomprehensivepoliciesandprogrammestargetingtemporarylabour

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    such flows but to protect the migrants and maximize the development dividend to India. An

    independentauditofthesuccessoftheMinistryinitsfirstfewyearsofoperationwouldbeofvalue.

    4)Therearevery fewexamples in theAsiaPacific regionofdevelopmentconsiderations inorigin

    countriesbeingfactoredintomigrationpolicyindestinationcountries.Australiahasbeensuccessful

    indevelopingcoherentandeffectivemigrationpoliciesoveralongperiodbutthefirstindicationofa

    change inAustralianmigrationpolicythat includesmigrationanddevelopmentconsiderationswas

    theintroductionin2009ofapilotschemetobringinsmallnumbersofPacificIslandersasseasonal

    agricultural workers. While there have been a number of proposals for Australia to open up to

    temporarymigrant lowskilledworkers from thePacific (Millbank,2006), theywere resisteduntil

    September 2008. The new Australian Labor Government introduced regulations expanding an

    existing visa category (416) to enable Pacific Islanders to come to Australia as seasonal guest

    workers.Thisrepresentedasignificantshiftinpolicy,althoughitwasonlytobeapilotprogramme

    involvingupto2,500seasonalworkersfromKiribati,PapuaNewGuinea,TongaandVanuatutowork

    in thehorticultural industry in regionalAustralia forup tosevenmonthseachyear (Evans,2008).

    Thisdecisionundoubtedlywasinfluencedbythefactthat,in2006,NewZealandintroducedasimilar

    schemethat

    has

    been

    closely

    monitored,

    assessed

    and

    found

    to

    be

    successful

    (Ramasamy

    et

    al.,

    2008).While theNewZealandand theplannedAustralianprogrammesareexpresslydesigned to

    meet perceived labour shortages in the destination economies, they also have a dimension of

    seeking to facilitate development in origin countries. To this end, the design of New Zealands

    RecognisedSeasonalEmployer (RSE)schemehasexpresslyattemptedtomaximizethebenefitsto

    origincommunitiesandhasbuilt inevaluationprocedurestomeasurethe impactondevelopment

    andpovertyinthePacificorigincountries.Theearlyfindingsfromtheevaluation(Ramasamyetal.,

    2008) of 5,079 RSE workers, while indicating some problems, have been cautiously optimistic

    (HammondandConnell,2008;MacLellan,2008).IntheNewZealandcase,everyaspectoftheRSE

    programmehas involvedcooperationbetweentheDepartmentofLabour(whichhasresponsibility

    for international migration) and Development Assistance, Agricultural, Labour and Foreign Affairs

    Ministries(BedfordandHugo,2008).InAustralia,too,adialogue isopeningupbetweenmigration

    anddevelopmentassistancegovernmentagencies.

    5) In the AsiaPacific region, there has been little dialogue on migration between pairs of

    origin/destinationcountriesorataregionalorsubregional level.Regionalgovernanceofmigration

    remainsweakandisinitsearlystages.Infact,adecadeago,therewerevirtuallynoregionalforums

    fordiscussionofmigration issues,letalonedevelopmentofcoherentregionalmigrationpoliciesor

    institutionswithintheAsiaPacificregion. InAsiaandthePacific,theglobaltrendtowardsregional

    organization development and regional cooperation is in evidence in the development of

    organizations suchasAPEC (AsiaPacific EconomicCooperation),ASEAN (Associationof Southeast

    AsianNations)

    and

    the

    Pacific

    Islands

    Forum

    (PIF).

    However,

    little

    has

    been

    achieved

    with

    respect

    to

    regional agreement on international migration issues. Indeed, in ASEAN, despite the fact that all

    membershavebeenstronglyinfluencedbymigrationsinceitsformation,thesensitivitytotheissue

    prevented the issueevenbeingdiscusseduntil relatively recently. Itwouldappear,however, that

    there isan increased readiness inASEANtodiscussmigration issues.The1995ASEANFramework

    Agreement on Services (AFAS) provides, inter alia, for regulatory convergence and regulatory

    harmonization, includingMutualRecognitionAgreements (MRAs).ASEANmembersmayrecognize

    theeducationorexperienceobtained, requirementsmetand licensingorcertificationgrantedby

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    The steepening of demographic and economic gradients

    TheGlobalCommissiononInternationalMigration(2005:12)concludedthat:

    Inthecontemporaryworld,theprincipalforcesthataredriving internationalmigration

    are due to the 3Ds: differences in development, demography and democracy

    becausethe

    differentials

    are

    widening,

    the

    number

    of

    people

    seeking

    to

    migrate

    will

    continuetoincreaseinthefuture.

    Thewideningofthesedifferenceswillexacerbate labourshortages inhighincomenations,as the

    WorldBank(2006:29)haspointedout:

    Akeydriverinthedemandforinternationalmigrationoverthenext20yearswillbethe

    slowingdown,andthenthedecline,ofthelabourforceinhighincomecountries.Theage

    group that supplies thebulkof the labourforce (1565yearsold) isexpected topeak

    near500millionin2010andthenfalltoaround474millionby2025.

    On the one hand, highincome economies are experiencing low (and, in a few cases, negative)

    naturalincreases

    in

    population

    because

    of

    an

    extended

    period

    of

    low

    fertility.

    This

    is

    resulting

    in

    slow natural growth and projected declines of their workforceage population as aging becomes

    morepronounced.Ontheotherhand, in lowincomeeconomiesoftheregion,fertilitydeclinehas

    beenmorerecentalthough,inmostcountries,ithasalsobeendramatic.Indeed,intheAsiaPacific

    region,theTotalFertilityRatefellfrom5.4childrenperwomanin1970to2.3in2007.Theaverage

    lifeexpectancyhas increasedbyaround15years. Theseshiftshavewroughtsignificantchanges in

    agestructure.Table4depictsthechangesthathaveoccurredorareanticipatedtooccuramong15

    34yearoldsintheregionbetween1960and2040.

    Thisdepicts thepassageofwhathasbeencalled theAsianyouthbulge (FullerandHoch,1998;

    WestleyandChoe,2002).AsWestleyandChoe (2002:57)pointout,thisbulgeis the resultofa

    transitionfrom

    high

    to

    low

    fertility

    about

    15

    years

    earlier.

    The

    youth

    bulge

    consists

    of

    large

    numbers

    of adolescents and young adults who were born when fertility was high, followed by declining

    numbersof childrenbornafter fertilitydeclined.Table4 indicates that, in1960, theAsiaPacific

    youthand youngadultpopulationnumbered 521 millionand comprised32per centof the total

    population.However,over thenext twodecades, theygrew very rapidly and,by 1990, theyhad

    almostdoubledinnumberandreachedapeakof21percentofthetotalpopulation.Subsequently,

    thegrowthoftheagegrouphasbeenlowerastheeffectsofthedeclineinfertilityhavebeenfelt.

    Hence, in2000, theAsiaPacific youthand youngadultpopulationhad reached1,230millionbut

    theirproportionofthepopulationhaddroppedto18percent.Theoutlookforthefutureisforthe

    youth and young adult population to increase slowly to 1,313 million in 2040, when they would

    make

    up

    27

    per

    cent

    of

    the

    total

    population.

    This,

    of

    course,

    has

    implications

    for

    migration,

    since

    youngpeoplearethemostmobile.

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    Table 4: Asia-Pacific population aged 1534 (thousands), 19602000 and projections

    for 2020 and 2040

    Number

    (000) Percent

    1960 520,599 31.691980 862,327 34.10 2.56

    1985 995,148 35.79 2.91

    1990 1,093,404 35.81 1.90

    2000 1,230,447 34.77 2.39

    2020 1,379,512 31.62 0.572040 1,318,338 27.30 -0.23

    Year

    Population Aged 15-34

    % Growth Per

    Annum

    Source:UNDESA,2008Projections

    Note:ExcludesWesternAsia

    TheAsianyouthbulgecanproduceademographicdividend (WangandMason,2007;Mason

    andLee,

    2006;

    Mason,

    2007)

    of

    economic

    growth

    when

    the

    workforce

    grows

    faster

    than

    the

    overall

    population especially when it grows faster than the dependent segments of the population

    (children and the elderly). In Asia, the rapid and sustained declines in fertility that followed the

    boom generation have created a special demographic situation: the ratio of the workingage

    populationtothenonworkingagepopulation isthehighest ithaseverbeen.Whilethisdoesnot

    automatically confer a dividend of enhanced economic growth if there is an unfavourable policy

    environment, theexistenceofsuchadividendhasbeenconfirmedbyseveralempiricalstudiesof

    Asiancountries.

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    Table 5: Annual growth of the population aged 1534 in Asia and the Pacific,

    projections for 200510, 201020 and 202030

    20052010 20102020 20202030Declining Japan 4.17 RepublicofKorea 1.56 Macau,China 3.11

    RepublicofKorea 1.18 Iran 1.29 Singapore 2.27

    China

    0.94

    Macau,China

    1.20

    Mongolia

    2.23

    Thailand 0.82 SriLanka 1.04 RepublicofKorea 2.12

    Dem.PeoplesRep.ofKorea 0.23 Kazakhstan 0.96 Bhutan 1.39

    HongKongSAR 0.19 Thailand 0.74 China 1.27

    HongKongSAR 0.73 Dem.PeoplesRep.ofKorea 1.26

    Japan 0.69 SriLanka 1.11

    Mongolia 0.62 Japan 1.02

    China 0.46 Iran 0.86

    Myanmar 0.40 HongKongSAR 0.84

    VietNam 0.07 Myanmar 0.81

    Bhutan 0.04 VietNam 0.73

    Turkmenistan 0.66

    Thailand 0.52

    Kyrgyzstan 0.47

    Uzbekistan 0.42

    Maldives 0.37

    Samoa 0.27

    Kazakhstan 0.25

    FrenchPolynesia 0.21

    Fiji

    0.20

    NewZealand 0.17

    Indonesia 0.16

    Growth Myanmar 0.25 Indonesia 0.01 Micronesia 0.0000.99% Indonesia 0.33 Kyrgyzstan 0.09 NewCaledonia 0.00peryear SriLanka 0.34 Fiji 0.13 Tonga 0.00

    Kazakhstan 0.42 Turkmenistan 0.21 Australia 0.08

    FrenchPolynesia 0.45 Maldives 0.29 Laos 0.10

    Macau,China 0.54 Dem.PeoplesRep.ofKorea 0.32 Tajikistan 0.15

    Tonga 0.55 Australia 0.36 Brunei 0.19

    NewZealand 0.59 Singapore 0.41 Cambodia 0.19

    Australia 0.61 NewZealand 0.43 India 0.24

    Mongolia 0.82 Uzbekistan 0.54 Malaysia 0.27

    FrenchPolynesia 0.64 Guam 0.31

    Tonga 0.78 Pakistan 0.40

    NewCaledonia 0.83 Bangladesh 0.54

    Malaysia 0.93 Nepal 0.99

    Growth Micronesia 1.01 India 1.01 PapuaNewGuinea 1.1511.99% NewCaledonia 1.02 Philippines 1.17 Philippines 1.15peryear Samoa 1.03 Bangladesh 1.19 Vanuatu 1.22

    Fiji 1.10 Brunei 1.24 SolomonIslands 1.35

    Singapore 1.33 Cambodia 1.24

    VietNam 1.35 Pakistan 1.36

    Kyrgyzstan 1.44 Micronesia 1.38

    Guam 1.55 Laos 1.55

    Malaysia 1.66 Guam 1.55

    India 1.71 Tajikistan 1.85

    Bangladesh 1.81 Nepal 1.91

    Iran 1.84

    Philippines 1.88

    Growth Turkmenistan 2.02 SolomonIslands 2.08 Afghanistan 2.8322.99% Uzbekistan 2.09 Samoa 2.26peryear PapuaNewGuinea 2.16 Vanuatu 2.28

    SolomonIslands 2.22 PapuaNewGuinea 2.46

    Maldives 2.40

    Tajikistan 2.62

    Nepal 2.80

    Bhutan 2.83

    Pakistan

    2.91

    Laos 2.98

    Growth Vanuatu 3.01 Afghanistan 3.31 EastTimor 3.333% Brunei 3.37 EastTimor 3.44peryearandup Cambodia 3.37

    EastTimor 3.86

    Afghanistan 4.34

    Source:Hugo,2009b

    Note: Polynesia includes American Samoa, Cook Islands, French Polynesia, Futuna Islands, Niue,

    Pitcairn,Samoa,Tokelau,Tonga,TuvaluandWallis.

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    Oneofthemostuniversalfindingsofmigrationresearch inallcontextshasbeen itsageselectivity.

    Moreover, the current Asian young adult generation is the first to have experienced universal

    educationandexposuretoglobalmassmedia,whichhasenhancedtheirabilityanddesiretomove

    (Hugo,2005).

    IntheAsiaPacificregionasawhole,the factthatthisagegroupcontinuesto increase,albeitata

    slowerrate,willensurethattheregioncontinuestobeamajorsourceofmigrantstoNorthAmerica,

    EuropeandOceania.However, thewidedifferentialsbetweencountries in theAsiaPacific region

    are of particular significance with respect to the future growth of their young adult and youth

    population,as shown in Table 5 (Hugo, 2009b). Thesewideningdifferences are crucial drivers of

    international migration and national governments in both high and lowincome countries are

    increasinglyawareofthem.Therecanbenodoubtthatthisrealizationhasbeencrucialinchanging

    attitudestowardsmigrationincountriessuchasJapan,SingaporeandSouthKorea(Tai,2009).Their

    saliencewill increaseover thenext twodecades, promptinggovernmentsof several countries to

    turntomigration.

    The global security dialogue

    Theterroristattacksof11September2001andthebombinginBaliraisedconsciousnessintheAsia

    Pacificregionofthe importanceofmigration fornationalsecurity,resulting inaseriesof regional

    meetingstoconsidermigration issues,beginningwiththeBaliProcess(BaliMinisterialConference

    onPeopleSmuggling,Trafficking inPersonsandRelatedTransnationalCrime,February2002).The

    involvementofmigrantsinterrorismmadepolicymakersawareofthefollowingissues:

    Migrantscanpresentathreattonationalsecurityandeffectivemanagementofmigration is

    anessentialcomponentofmaintainingnationalsecurity.

    EffectivemanagementofmigrationcannotbeachievedbyasinglenationStatewithoutthe

    cooperationof

    other

    nations.

    Peoplesmuggling,traffickingandillegalmigrationposeathreattonationalsecurity.

    Hence,whiletherewasvirtuallyno internationaldialoguewithinAsiaandthePacificonmigration

    issues inthe1990s, therehasbeena flurryofactivity inthepost9/11environment.Someofthe

    earliest,most inclusiveandsignificant initiativeshavebeenthemeetingsconvenedbytheForeign

    MinistersofIndonesiaandAustraliainBalion2628February2002and2830April2003,andthe

    MinisterialConferencesonPeopleSmuggling,TraffickinginPersonsandRelatedTransnationalCrime

    (MCPSTPRTC).ThishascometobereferredtoastheBaliProcess,whichisintendedtocomplement

    andstrengthenbilateralandregionalcooperation inthisarea.4The initialmeeting involvedalmost

    allcountriesoftheregion,aswellasanumberofobservercountriesandorganizations,5reflecting

    4 Thisprocesshasinvolvedthefollowingcountriesandorganizations,inadditiontoIndonesiaandAustralia:Afghanistan,

    Bangladesh,Bhutan,BruneiDarussalam,Cambodia,China,DemocraticRepublicofKorea,Fiji,France,India,Iran,Japan,

    Jordan,Kiribati,Laos,Malaysia,Mongolia,Myanmar,Nauru,Nepal,NewZealand,Pakistan,Palau,PapuaNewGuinea,

    Philippines,RepublicofKorea,Samoa,Singapore,Solomon Islands,SriLanka,SyrianArabRepublic,Thailand,UNTAET

    TimorLeste,Turkey,Vanuatu,VietNam,IOMandUNHCR.5 Austria,Belgium,Canada,Denmark,Finland,Germany, Italy,Netherlands,Norway,RussianFederation,Spain,Sweden,

    Switzerland,UnitedKingdom,UnitedStates,ASEANSecretariat,PacificIslandsForumSecretariat,EuropeanUnion(EU),

    United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), World Bank, Asian Development Bank, Intergovernmental

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    TheBaliConcord II in2003called forcompletionofMRAs forqualifications inmajorprofessional

    services by 2008, to facilitate free movement of professionals and skilled labour within ASEAN.

    Cooperationisstilllimitedoncoremigrationissues,suchasorderlyrecruitmentofmigrantworkers;

    protection of the rights of migrant workers; facilitating circular migration; facilitating remittance

    flows;andharmonizingthecollectionofmigrationdata.

    Security concerns were crucial in initiating dialogue between AsiaPacific nations on migration

    issues; such concerns remain important but it is apparent that discussions on migration have

    extendedbeyondthe initialsecurityfocus.Whilethesedialogueshavenotyetgonemuchbeyond

    thediscussionstage,theyhavecreatedanenvironmentforconstructiveengagementonmigration

    issues (MartinandLowell,2008).Theprovisionofabasis for intercountrydiscussiononmigration

    issues isan importantbyproductoftheengagement intheAsiaPacificregioncreatedbysecurity

    concerns(Hugo,2004).Bringingkeyimmigrationofficialstogetherinanonthreateningatmosphere

    todiscuss issuesofcommon interestcanbuildupmutual trustandconfidence thatcan form the

    basis formorecomplexanddetailednegotiations inthefuture.Italso iseffective inbuildingtrust

    between individualsand institutions,whichcanset the stage for futurecooperationonmigration

    issues.

    Capacity-building issues

    OneofthemajorconstraintsongovernmentsintheAsiaPacificregion,intermsofcreatingefficient

    andequitablemigrationsystemsthatbenefitdevelopmentincountriesoforiginanddestinationas

    wellasthemigrants, isa lackofcapacityboth in institutionsandhumanresources. Institutional

    capacityinmigrationpolicymakingandmanagementisdissipatedbybeingspreadacrossarangeof

    governmentministries,agenciesandinstrumentalities.InIndonesia,forexample,theDepartmentof

    Labourhas,untilrecently,beenresponsibleformanaging labourmigration,which isthemainform

    of

    international

    migration

    influencing

    development.

    (This

    responsibility

    was

    recently

    transferred

    to

    the Presidents ministry because of dissatisfaction over the way it was being administered.)

    However,othermajormigrationresponsibilitiesareheldbytheImmigrationDirectorate,Customs,

    Police,ForeignAffairsandsecurityorganizations.Moreover,thereisnoarticulationbetweenanyof

    theseagenciesandtheMinistryofDevelopmentandPlanning.Insuchacontext,thereisnotonlya

    lack of coherence in policy, butalso a lack of skilled, experienced public officials todevelop and

    administer migration policy and practice because officials are often transferred into and out of

    immigrationrelated positions. Effective development and management of migration and

    developmentpolicyrequireconsiderablecapacityandinfrastructure,includingthefollowing:

    A welltrained cadre of migration officials who are not general public servants but have a

    specificbackgroundandexperienceacrossthefullrangeofmigrationactivities.Establishing

    such a group is fundamentally important to the settingup and running of an effective

    migration management system as well as the development of migration and development

    policies.

    Integrationandharmonizationofallofthegovernmentactivitiesconcernedwithmigration

    customs,police,labour,borderofficials.

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    Appropriatemigrationmanagementsystems:appropriatehardwareandsoftwarehavebeen

    developedatarapidrate,especiallysince11September2001,and it is importantthatthey

    beadoptedandused.

    Settingupanappropriateinformationsystem:effectivemigrationmanagementisimpossible

    withouttimelyandrelevantmeasurementofthescaleandcompositionofmigrationinto,and

    out

    of,

    the

    country.

    Abodyofpolicyrelevantresearch,whichisessentialnotonlyforthecontinuingsurveillance

    of the impact of migration and to make evidencebased recommendations for migration

    policy and practice, but also for the development of policies to maximize the beneficial

    impactsofmigrationondevelopment.

    Capacityforcompetentnationalresearchtoinformpolicydevelopmentonmigrationaswell

    asmigrationanddevelopmentissues.

    ThecountriesoftheAsiaPacificregionvaryconsiderablyacrosseachofthesecriteriabutmosthave

    shortcomingsineach.CountriessuchasAustralia,Canada,NewZealandandtheUnitedStateshave

    manydecadesofexperienceintheseareasandtheiraccumulatedexpertiseandexperiencecouldbe

    fasttracked

    to

    Asia

    Pacific

    countries,

    for

    the

    following

    reasons:

    Theyhavedevelopedconsiderablecapacityandexperiencewithintheirnationalgovernments

    regarding the development of migration policies that maximize the positive development

    outcomes for the country and they efficiently and equitably manage a diverse range of

    migration programmes. Migration is integrated into their national economies and is an

    acceptedstructuralelement,economicallyandsocially.

    Thecountrieshavelongtraditionsofevidencebasedmigrationpolicydevelopmentandhave

    developedwithintheirgovernmentandresearchsectorsagreatdealofcapacitytoundertake

    andapplypolicybasedresearch.

    Theyhavedevelopedandadoptedglobalbestpracticeswithrespecttothedevelopmentand

    maintenanceof

    migration

    management

    systems.

    They have longstanding and strong migration connections with each of the AsiaPacific

    countriesand substantialcommunitiesofexpatriatesofeachof thesenations livingwithin

    them.

    There have wellestablished training infrastructures within their public service and in their

    universitiestoeffectivelydelivertheappropriateassistanceincapacitybuildingtoAsiaPacific

    nations.

    If migration policyandgovernance are to develop in the AsiaPacific region, it is crucial that the

    transfer of experience regarding institutional mechanisms, management systems, bureaucratic

    processes,

    cross

    ministry

    articulation

    and

    cooperation

    etc.

    be

    transferred

    quickly.

    Training

    of

    personnelwouldbeanimportantpartofthattransfer.

    Marriage migration

    OneofthefactorsincontemporaryinternationalmigrationintheAsiaPacificregionthatisexerting

    an influence on the development of policy on immigration to, and integration in, destination

    countriesistheexponentialincreaseincrossnationalmarriageintheregion. Thiselementisoften

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    ignored inmigrationassessments intheregionbut it isnotonlyoccurringonan increasingly large

    scalebutalsohavinganinfluenceinchangingentrenchedperceptionsofmonoethnicityandethnic

    homogeneityinsomecountries.Crossnationalmarriageisincreasingforthefollowingreasons:

    With the expansion of international visiting, student migration and international labour

    migration,moreyoungpeoplefromtheAsiaPacificarespendingtimeinaforeigncountryat

    thestage

    in

    life

    when

    they

    actively

    socialize

    and

    form

    partnerships.

    There is a burgeoning commodified marriage migration industry in Asia and the Pacific,

    whereby people (usually men) from higherincome countries are introduced to potential

    partners (usuallywomen) in lowerincomecountries.Thishasbeenassistedbyperceptions

    amongsomemen intraditionalpatriarchalsocieties,suchasJapan,SouthKoreaandTaiwan

    Province of China, that local women do not conform to traditional gender roles and also

    because,insomesocieties,sonpreferenceandselectiveabortionhavecombinedtoincrease

    theratioofmaletofemalebirths.

    The evidence is that the increasing presence of foreign spouses and the increasing number of

    children inschoolsofmixedbackground isshiftingattitudesand, indeed,policytowardsmigration

    andmulticulturalism incountriessuchasJapan,SouthKoreaandTaiwanProvinceofChina.These

    trendswillundoubtedlybecomestrongerinthefuture.

    An increasing role for civil society

    Whilethereare importantdifferencesbetweencountries, it isapparentthatcivilsociety isplaying

    an increasingly significant role in internationalmigration in the region, especially with respect to

    protectionofworkersrights.Mostnongovernmental(NGO)activityinthisareaisnationallybased

    butsomeemergingregionalNGOscoverseveralnations. It isparticularly importanttohaveNGOs

    thatareactive inpairsoforiginanddestinationcountries.Thereareseveralexamplesofeffective

    NGOactivity

    in

    improving

    the

    protection

    of

    migrants,

    providing

    support

    for

    migrants

    and

    also

    advocating for therightsofmigrantsand lobbyingtochangepolicy inbothoriginanddestination

    countries. In terms of origin countries, the Philippines has the best developed and most

    comprehensive NGO presence, which has undoubtedly improved the lot of overseas contract

    workersfromthatcountry.Inparticular,thewayinwhichthemigrationofrefugeesisorganizedand

    influenced by NGOs can demonstrate best practice. With respect to destination countries, NGO

    activitieshavebeenespecially important inTaiwanProvince ofChina in improvingprotection for

    bothmigrantworkersandtheforeignbridesofTaiwanesemen.NGOshavethepotentialtoplayan

    importantroleintheprotectionofmigrants,especiallymigrantworkersandbridesofcommodified

    arranged international marriages; while governments are constrained in their ability to help

    nationals

    in

    foreign

    countries

    by

    diplomatic

    convention,

    NGOs

    are

    much

    more

    flexible

    in

    the

    types

    of

    supporttheycanprovide.

    Internationalagencieshavebecomemuchmoreactive inmigration in theAsiaPacific region.The

    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has played an important role with

    mandated refugees since the exodus of IndoChinese refugees, beginning in the mid1970s. It is,

    however,restricted in itsmandatetodealonlywithmandatedrefugeesandnotothermigrants

    internationalor internal. It is limited, forexample, in itsabilitytoprovideassistance for Internally

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    This shifthas seen renewed activity,bothwithin theAsiaPacific region and outsideof it,on the

    potentialpositivebenefitstobegainedfrommigrationforpovertyreductionandbettermentofthe

    lives of people inpoor countries. The arguments are well summarized in the World Banks 2006

    Global Economic Prospects, and in DFIDs 2007 report entitledMovingOut of Poverty Making

    MigrationWorkBetterforPoorPeople.

    Whilethere isconsiderablevariationbetweennations,therehasbeenheightened interestboth in

    originanddestinationcountries inthepotential formigrationtodeliverdevelopmentdividends in

    poor,destinationcountries.Inorigincountries,thisglobaldiscoursehasincreasinglyfocusedonthe

    developmentofpoliciesto facilitatethepositive impactsthatmigrationcanhaveondevelopment

    andameliorate those that impinge negatively. Despite this increase in activity, the achievements

    thusfarhavebeenlimitedandthedevelopmentandoperationofeffectivepolicyandpracticeinthe

    areasofmigrationanddevelopmentisurgentlyneeded.Inorigincountries,thesepolicieswillneed

    torevolvearoundReducingandcompensating forbraindraineffects.Anet lossofskilledpersons

    fromlessdevelopednationsinAsiaandanetgaininthemoredevelopedcountriesoftheOECDwas

    recognized as long ago as the 1960s (Adams, 1968). More recent analyses (e.g. Carrington and

    Detragiache,1998;

    Dumont

    and

    Lemaitre,

    2005)

    have

    confirmed

    that

    emigration

    rates

    in

    less

    developedcountries inAsiaandthePacificarehigherforskilledgroupsandthatmanyAsiaPacific

    countriesexperienceasignificantbraindrain.Moreover,inrecenttimes,OECDnationshaveplaced

    greater emphasis on skill in their selection of immigrants and this, together with the increasing

    globalcompetitionfortalented,skilledworkers(Abella,2005),hasexacerbatedthesetendencies.A

    recent comprehensiveanalysisby theOECD (Dumontand Lemaitre,2005) yieldeddata from 227

    sending nations and 29 OECD receiving nations and calculated the emigration rates of all highly

    qualifiedworkers (thosewithauniversityeducation) fornonOECDnations.The ratesare low for

    large nations such as Indonesia (1.9%), Thailand (1.9%) Bangladesh (2%), India (3.1%) and China

    (3.2%) but much higher for small nations. Hence, of the 10 nonOECD nations with the lowest

    percentage of their highly skilled population who were overseas, seven are Asian. On the other

    hand,amongthe10countrieswiththehighestpercentages,FijiwastheonlycountryfromtheAsia

    Pacificregion.

    Despite thesenumbers, itwouldbe incorrect toassume thatbraindrain doesnothavenegative

    impactsinAsiaandthattherearenetlossesofthehumanresourcesnecessarytofoster longterm

    developmentinAsia.Figure3showsthatAsiancountriesareamongthosewiththelargestnumbers

    of theirdoctorsoutside thecountry.ThePhilippines (withapopulationof84.8million in2005) is

    oneofthenationsmost influencedbyemigrationand it isestimatedthat, in2000,18percentof

    Filipinos with college degrees were in the United States alone (Migration News, July 2004),

    suggestingthatatleastoneinthreeFilipinouniversitygraduatesarelosttothenation.

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    Figure 3: Countries from which physicians have emigrated (in thousands), 2000

    Source:WorldBank,2008

    Moreover,thereisevidencethatitisthemostskilled,mosteducatedandmostentrepreneurialwho

    emigrate from poor Asian countries. As Carrington and Detragiache (1998:24) conclude: These

    numbers suggest that in several countries the outflow of highly skilled individuals is a

    phenomenonthatcannotbeignoredbypolicymakers.Itcannotbedisputedthatthelossofskillsin

    particular areas can negatively affect the wellbeing of origin populations and development

    potential. Particularly significant here is the net loss of doctors, nurses and other healthcare

    personnel from southern countries. With population ageing in OECD nations, there have been

    shortages of medical workers and consequent recruitment of people with these skills from

    developingcountries.

    Enhancing inflowsofremittancesandchannellingremittanceflowstomaximizetheirdevelopment

    impact. The World Bank (2009) estimated global remittances in 2008 to be USD 397billion and

    developingcountriesaccountedfor305billion(76.9%)ofthis.Moreover,remittancestodeveloping

    nationsincreasedby8.8percentin200708andby164.2percentbetween2002and2008(ibid.).

    SomeUSD339billionwere received inAsiaand thePacificover17percentof theglobal total

    (Figure4). As Figure5 shows, official remittances to lessdeveloped countriesarenowmore than

    twiceasgreatasofficialdevelopmentassistanceandalmostaslargeasforeigndirectinvestment.In

    consideringthesefigures,thefollowingmustbeborneinmind:

    Thisamount,

    however,

    reflects

    only

    transfers

    through

    official

    channels.

    Econometricanalysisandavailablehouseholdsurveyssuggestthatunrecorded

    flowsthroughinformalchannelsmayadd50percentormoretorecordedflows.

    (WorldBank,2007:1)

    HenceremittancesarethelargestsourceofexternalfundinginseveralAsianandPacificcountries.

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    Figure 4: Remittance flows by region, 2002-2008: The Rise of Asia

    Source:Fix,2009

    Figure 5: Remittances and capital flows to developing countries (USD billions)

    Source:WorldBank,2007

    Note:Datafor2006areestimates

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    However, the transfercostsassociatedwith remittancesarehigher in theAsiaPacific region than

    elsewhere andneed tobe reduced.Moreover, integrating remittances intonational and regional

    developmentplanningisneedediftheirdevelopmentpotentialistoberealized.

    Enhancing engagement of the diaspora in development activity at home

    Table 6 shows that AsiaPacific countries have some of the worlds largest diaspora, and the

    developmentofpoliciesthatharnesstheirabilitiesandresourcestothebenefitoforigincountries

    could,therefore,havepotentiallysignificantpositiveimpactsinoriginareas. Inparticular,thereisa

    needtoconsiderthefollowing:

    encouragementofforeigndirectinvestmentthroughthediaspora;

    assessment of how the diaspora can be used as a bridgehead for export penetration of

    marketsinhighincomecountries;

    promotion of appropriate knowledge transfer and import training to people in origin

    countries.

    Table 6: National diaspora in relation to resident national populations (% of national

    population)

    Australia: 900,0004.3%

    NewZealand: 850,00021.9%

    Philippines: 7.5million9.0%

    India: 20million1.9%

    Pakistan: 4million2.8%

    China: 30to40million2.9%

    Japan: 873,6410.7%

    SouthKorea:

    6.4

    million

    13.2%

    VietNam: 2.6million3.2%

    Singapore: 100150,0003.5%

    CookIslands: 52,60034%

    Niue: 5,884294.2%

    Tokelau: 2,019138.5%

    Samoa: 78,25344.5%

    Fiji: 128,28415.8%

    Sources: Southern Cross, 2002; Bedford, 2001; Ministry of External Affairs, India,

    http://indiandiaspora.nic.in; Naseem, 1998; Sahoo, 2002; Iguchi, 2004; Philippines Overseas

    EmploymentService;AsianMigrationNews,1531January2006;OECDdatabaseonimmigrantsandexpatriates;NguyenAnh,2005; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/korean_diaspora

    Themainway inwhichnetemigrationcountrieshaveattempted to recoup thehuman capitalof

    skilled emigrants is through return migration programmes. Some of the major attempts to

    encourageexpatriatestoreturnhavebeenmadebyAsiancountries.KoreaandtheTaiwanProvince

    ofChina(Englesberg,1995),forexample,initiatedprogrammestoencourageareversebraindrain

    (Chang,1992;Hugo,1996),withsomesuccess(Yoon,1992),althoughitisnotclearhowmuchofthis

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    wasdue to theprogrammesandhowmuchwasa resultof rapideconomicdevelopment (Lucas,

    2001,41).Saxenian(1999:59)pointsoutthatsomeoftheadvantagesflowingfromtheseactivities

    was an increase in interaction between Taiwanese and Korean scientists and engineers, with

    expatriatecolleagues intheUnitedStatesfacilitatingknowledgetransfer, investmentandbusiness

    cooperation(Lucas,2001:42).TheTaiwanProvinceofChinahashadoneofthemostcomprehensive

    reversebraindrainprogrammesamongAsiancountries. In recent times, ithasbeen realized that

    origin countries encourage nonpermanent returns by their diaspora for example, China has

    becomeveryactiveinusingitsskilleddiasporaasasourceofexpertisetoassistinitsdevelopment

    efforts.

    How should undocumented migration be tackled?

    BattistellaandAsis (2003:5)estimate that, in theSouthEastAsianregionalone,therearearound

    2million irregular migrants. Undocumented and documented systems are not totally separate,

    although they are often portrayed as such. Usually, undocumented flows duplicate documented

    flows, some middlemen and officials are involved in both types of movement, and the networks

    establishedby

    documented

    migrants

    are

    often

    utilized

    by

    subsequent

    undocumented

    migrants.

    UndocumentedlabourmigrationinAsiaandthePacificcanbedifferentiatedalongawidespectrum,

    ranging from totally voluntary movement, whereby the mover controls the migration process,

    through tokidnappingand trafficking.While there isagreatdealofconcern in the regionabout

    trafficking of workers, there is an array of other undocumented migration types and a more

    meaningfuldifferentiationofundocumentedlabourmigrationisdepictedinFigure6.

    Figure 6: A continuum of undocumented international labour migration in Asia

    Individually

    controlled movement

    Movement under the

    auspices of middlemen

    Misleading

    promises

    Bonded

    labour

    Kidnapping

    Voluntary movement Trafficking

    The workers arrange all of their own travel and move along familiar, wellestablished routes.

    However,inmanyundocumentedmoves,middlemenofvarioustypesareinvolvedandtheircontrol

    overthemigrantworkersvariesconsiderably.Insomesituations,thechainofmiddlemen involved

    reachesbacktothehomevillageand theyhavestrongaccountability tothehomecommunity. In

    others,theycontroltheinformationthatpotentialworkersreceiveaboutthemigrationprocessand

    destination,determining

    when

    they

    move,

    how

    much

    it

    costs,

    where

    they

    go

    and

    what

    job

    they

    obtain. These movements grade into trafficking, whereby workers are forced to move and find

    themselves in indenturedsituations inthecountryofdestination.Insomecases,potentialmigrant

    workers are purposely misled about the type of work at the destination, the conditions,

    remuneration etc., and are trapped at the destination. In others, workers (often women and

    children)are sold intobonded situations,oftenby relatives,or theyarekidnappedand trafficked

    across borders against their will. In all cases, their unauthorized status exposes them to the

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    possibility of exploitation and prevents them from seeking the protection of authorities at the

    destination.Thiscanaddtothemarginalizationexperiencedbymanymigrantgroups.

    There issomeevidence that there is increasingactivity indestinationcountries tocrackdownon

    undocumented migrants. More emphasis than ever before is being placed on compliance with

    immigration regulations, including massive investments in policing and compliance measures.

    Sanctions on employers of undocumented migrant workers, incarceration of detected

    undocumentedmigrantworkers,physicalabuseetc.,arebecomingmoreprevalent.Suchactivities

    havenotnecessarilyreducedflowsand,insomecases,haveforcedthemintodifferent,oftenmore

    dangerous,avenues.

    Wherecountrieshaveattemptedtolegalizemigrationsofworkers,illegaloperatorshavebecomeso

    entrenchedthat it isdifficulttopersuadeundocumentedworkerstoreplacetheir illegalstrategies

    with legalones. Indeed, insomecountries, theundocumentedapproachesaretrustedmorethan

    thegovernmentavenuesformigration,whicharemoreexpensiveandmoretimeconsuming.There

    is a tendency to associate all undocumented migration with the insidious practice of trafficking,

    whichis

    doubly

    unfortunate

    because:

    muchundocumentedmigrationisnotcriminal;

    the bulk of policy and research effort is put into trafficking, when there are also highly

    exploitative, corrupt and venal practices occurring in legal migration that need to be the

    targetofpolicy.

    There are clearly no simple solutions to the undocumented migration and its most insidious

    subcomponent, trafficking. What does seem clear in Asia and the Pacific is that undocumented

    migration will continue to occur for as long as there is a manifest demand for migrant labour.

    Policingalone isnotthesolution. It isalsoclearthatthese issuescanrarelybeeffectivelytackled

    unilaterally.The

    process

    occurs

    across

    countries

    and

    cooperation

    between

    origin,

    destination

    and

    transitcountrieswillbenecessary.

    Climate change

    NoregionoftheworldisexpectedtobemoreaffectedbyclimatechangethanAsiaandthePacific

    (Prestonetal.,2006;Hugoetal.,2009).Arecentreport(Hugoetal.,2009)examinedtheavailable

    modellingofclimatechangeinAsiaandthePacificinordertoestablishwhichareasintheregionare

    anticipatedtoexperiencesubstantialimpactsfrom:

    highersealevelsandstormsurges

    increasedintensity

    and

    frequency

    of

    cyclone

    activity

    increasedriparianflooding,especiallyduetoglaciermelt

    reduced intensity, frequency and reliability of rainfall in many areas of low and moderate

    rainfall.

    While therearesome regionsandcountries inAsiaand thePacificwhere theanticipatedclimate

    change impactswillhave favourable impacts (e.g.NewZealand), theareaswhere theeffectsare

    expectedtobenegativearemoreextensiveandhavemuchlargerpopulations.Areaswhereclimate

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    ThisdiffersfromtheviewofBlack(2001:1)who,inalsorecognizingtheweaknessesoftheconcept

    ofenvironmentalrefugees,maintainsthat:

    ... although environmental degradation and catastrophe may be important

    factorsinthedecisiontomigrate,andissuesofconcernintheirownright,their

    conceptualisationas aprimary cause offorced displacement is unhelpfuland

    unsoundintellectually

    and

    unnecessary

    in

    practical

    terms.

    Whichever sideof the argumentholds true in lightof climate change remainsuncertain,but the

    environmentwill,almostcertainly,haveagreaterinfluenceonmigrationpatternsinthefuture.

    The impact of climate change on population movement in Asia and the Pacific is difficult to

    anticipatebutanumberofpointscanbemade(Hugoetal.,2009).

    Most responses to the impactofclimatechangewill involve in situadjustment rather than

    mobility.

    Mobility responses will involve both adaptation responses and, as a last resort, forced

    resettlement.

    Thebulk

    of

    environmentally

    induced

    mobility

    will

    occur

    within

    nations.

    Climate change impacts will become an increasingly significant factor in international

    migration, albeit usually in combination with other push factors. International migration is

    especiallysignificantwhereclimatechange impactsthreatenentirenationalspaces,asthey

    doinsomePacificcountries.

    Theimpactsofclimatechangewillbecomeincreasinglyevidentoverthenextthreeorfourdecades,

    whichmeansthatthere istimetodevelopappropriatepolicies toadapttothem.However,these

    policiesarelikelytorequiresubstantialleadtimetoformulateandoperationalizesincetheyinvolve

    dealingwithentrenchedsensitivitiesandwillrequiresignificantinternationaltransfersoffundingto

    lowincomecountries,aswellasstrongcooperationbetweencountries.Hence,thereisanurgency

    tobeginconsideringthemigrationpolicyimplicationsofclimatechangeimpactsassoonaspossible.

    The global financial crisis

    Theonsetoftheglobalfinancialcrisisin2008hashadasignificantimpactinAsiaandthePacific.The

    ChiefoftheAsianDevelopmentBankhasarguedthattheregionhasbeenespeciallyhardhitdueto

    inadequatesafetynets,with60millionpeoplebeingkeptbelowthepovertylineofUSD1.25perday

    (AsianMigrationNews,130September2009).The impactsofthecrisisonmobility intheregion

    are not entirely clear and have varied considerably from one country to another, but a few

    generalizationscanbemade(Hugo,2009c).

    The flowofmigrants seems tohavebeenmoreaffected than themigrant stock,with little

    evidenceofreturnmovementofmigrantsestablishedatdestinations.

    The impact has varied greatly between different types of migrants. Those involved in

    construction, manufacturing, financial services and travelrelated services have suffered

    becauseofjoblosses,whileothers,suchasdomesticworkers,careworkersandhealthcare

    workers,havenotbeenaffected.

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    While previous research has shown that remittance flows tend to be countercyclical and

    representawayofadjustingtoacrisis,remittancesseemtohavebeen lessaffectedbythe

    crisis inAsiaandthePacificthantheyhavebeen inLatinAmerica(WorldBank,2009).They

    havenotdecreasedbuttheyarenotincreasingatprecrisisrates(WorldBank,2009).

    Withthecontinuationoftheglobalfinancialcrisis,countries intheAsiaPacificregionmayneedto

    considerdevelopingpoliciestocopewiththeimpactofthecrisisonmigration(Fixetal.,2009).Such

    policiesmightincludethefollowing:

    Inorigincountries:- seekingalternativedestinations

    - safetynetprogrammes

    - assistancewithrepatriationandresettlement

    - programmesforabsorbingofreturnmigrants.

    Indestinationcountries:- reducinginflowsofmigrants

    - assistingunemployedmigrants

    - repatriationprogrammes.

    Akeypolicyissuerelatedtothecontinuing impactoftheglobalfinancialcrisis,however,relatesto

    thedampeningeffectsthatthecrisismayhaveonthegreenshootsofmore liberalandrealistic

    migrationpoliciesbeingdevelopedintheAsiaPacificregion.Asdiscussedearlierinthispaper,there

    havebeensomesmallbutsignificantdevelopmentsintheregioninthelastdecade:

    An increased recognition by destination countries that migration is a continuing and

    importantstructuralelementintheireconomies.

    Introductionofprogrammesofmigrantsettlement indestinationcountries,albeitonavery

    selectivebasis.

    Recognitioninorigincountriesthatmigrationcanhaveapositiveinfluenceondevelopment.

    Enhancedregionaldialogueandbilateralcooperationonmigrationissues

    Enhancedinstitutionaldevelopmentwithincountrieswithrespecttomigration.

    There isarealdanger thatthecrisiscouldderail thosedevelopmentsandpromptareturnto the

    highlyprotectionist,antimigrantpoliciesofthetwentiethcenturyintheAsiaPacificregion.

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