WMR2010 Migration Policies Asia-pacific
Transcript of WMR2010 Migration Policies Asia-pacific
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BACKGROUND PAPER
WMR 2010The Future of Migration
Policies in the Asia-Pacific Region
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The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not
necessarily reect the views of the Internaonal Organizaon for Migraon
(IOM). The designaons employed and the presentaon of material
throughout the report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever
on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or
area, or of its authories, or concerning its froners or boundaries.
IOM is commied to the principle that humane and orderly migraon
benets migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organizaon, IOM
acts with its partners in the internaonal community to: assist in meeng
the operaonal challenges of migraon; advance understanding of migraon
issues; encourage social and economic development through migraon; and
uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants.
Publisher: Internaonal Organizaon for Migraon
17 route des Morillons 1211 Geneva 19
Switzerland
Tel: +41.22.717 91 11
Fax: +41.22.798 61 50
E-mail: [email protected]
Internet: hp://www.iom.int
_____________________________________________________
2010 Internaonal Organizaon for Migraon (IOM)
_____________________________________________________
All rights reserved. No part of this publicaon may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmied in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior wrien
permission of the publisher.
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BACKGROUND PAPERWMR 2010
The Future ofMigration Policies
in the
Asia-Pacific Region
GRAEME HUGONATIONAL CENTRE FOR SOCIALAPPLICATIONS OF GIS,UNIVERSITY OFADELAIDE
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FOREWORD
This paper is one of 19 background papers which have been prepared for the IOM, 2010 World
MigrationReportwhich isentitled theFutureofMigration:BuildingCapacities forChange.The
2010reportfocuseson likelyfuturetrends inmigrationandthecapacitiesthatwillberequiredby
States, regional and international organizations, civil society and the private sector to manage
migrationsuccessfullyoverthecomingdecades.
Over the next few decades, international migration is likely to transform in scale, reach and
complexity, due to growing demographic disparities, the effects of environmental change, new
globalpoliticalandeconomicdynamics,technologicalrevolutionsandsocialnetworks.
The2010WorldMigrationReportfocusesoncapacitybuilding,firstbecause it isgoodgovernance
toplan for the future,especiallyduringaperiodofeconomicdownturnwhen the tendency is to
focuson
immediate
impacts
and
the
short
term
period
of
recovery.
Second,
capacity
building
is
widelyacknowledgedtobeanessentialcomponentofeffectivemigrationmanagement,helpingto
ensuretheorderlyandhumanemanagementofmigration.
PartAof theWorldMigrationReport2010 focuseson identifying core capacities in keyareasof
migrationmanagement.Theaimisnottorecommendonesizefitsallpoliciesandpractices,butto
suggestobjectivesofmigrationmanagementpoliciesineacharea,tostimulatethinkingandprovide
examples of what States and other actors can do. Part B of the World Migration Report 2010,
provides an overview of the latest global and regional trends in migration. In recognition of the
importanceof the largestglobaleconomic recessionsince the1930s, this sectionhasaparticular
focusontheeffectsofthiscrisisonmigrants,migrationandremittances.
FrankLaczko
HeadoftheResearchandPublicationsDivision
IOMHeadquarters
Geneva,Switzerland
Email:[email protected]
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INTRODUCTION
In any discussion of the future of global migration, the AsiaPacific region is important for the
followingreasons:
Ithas57.6percentoftheglobalpopulation.
Economically,it
is
the
worlds
fastest
growing
region
and
there
is
awidening
of
the
demographicandeconomicdifferentialsbetweennations,whichtheGlobalCommissionon
International Migration (GCIM, 2005: 6) identifies as the main drivers of international
migration.
TheWorldBank(UNESCAP,2008)estimatesthat23.9percentofthepopulationofAsiaand
thePacific live inpoverty(954millionpersons),whichrepresentssome59.8percentofthe
globaltotal.
The World Bank (2008) has shown that the AsiaPacific region has 26.7 per cent of the
countrieswiththeworldslargestimmigrantcommunitiesbut40percentofthenationswith
the largestemigrantcommunities, in termsofnumbers; intermsofproportionofthetotal
population
of
immigrants
and
emigrants
in
each
country,
the
region
has
23
per
cent
and
17
per cent, respectively. Of the 30 largest corridors of international migration globally, 13
involveatleastoneAsiaPacificnation.
Although international migration has a long history in Asia, it has reached unprecedented levels,
diversityandsignificanceinrecentyears.AttheSecondAsianPopulationConferenceheldinTokyo,
Japanin1972,internationalmigrationwasnotevenmentionedinthereviewofdemographictrends
in the region over the previous decade (UNDESA, 1972). Today, however, it exerts a significant
influence on the economic, social and demographic development of all AsiaPacific nations.
Internationalmigrationisnowanestablishedstructuralfeatureoftheregionbutsomeintheregion
argue that international population mobility between AsiaPacific nations remains constrained in
contrastto
afreeing
up
of
regulations
that
have
facilitated
flows
of
capital
and
goods
between
countries (Hugo and Young, 2008). International migration policy in the region remains
underdevelopedandthisisabarriertothedeliveryofthedevelopmentdividendsthatinternational
migrationcanfacilitate(UNDESA,2006).
Thispaperdiscussesthefutureof internationalmigrationpolicy intheAsiaPacificregion.Itbegins
with a brief examination of emerging trends in international migration in the region and of the
forces driving them. It then assesses the contemporary development of international migration
policyintheregionand,finally,considerssomeofthemajorissuesrelatingtomigrationpolicyinthe
future.
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TRENDS IN MIGRATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION
The lastdecadehasseenan increasenotonly in thenumbersofAsianandPacificpeoplemoving
betweennationsbutalso in the typesofmobility,whichhavebecomemorecomplex,and in the
movement,whichhasbecome lessselective.Theforcesresponsibleforthis increase inmovement
are
associated
with
rapid
economic
development
in
the
region,
globalization,
increased
levels
of
education, proliferation of international media, improved transport systems and the
internationalizationofbusinessand labourmarkets.Twoelementshavebeenespecially influential
in facilitating migration within, intoand out of the region. The first is the proliferation of social
networks.Mostmigrantsmovetoaplacewheretheyhavesocialcapitalintheformofrelativesor
friendsalreadylivingthere.Thesenetworksnotonlyencourageandfacilitatemobilitybutalsoassist
themigrant inadjusting to thenew location. Thegrowingnumbers of Asians living outside their
countryofbirthserveasanchorsinarapidlyspreadingnetworkofconnectionsfacilitatingmigration.
Thesecondfacilitator isthevastmigration industrycomprisingmigrationagents,recruiters,travel
providers, immigration officials, etc. who form chains linking Asian communities with overseas
destinationsandarecrucialelementsinthemigrationsystem.
TheUnitedNations (UNDESA,2009)estimatesthat30millionofthe191millionpeopleworldwide
wholiveoutsidetheircountryoforiginarefromAsia.Whilethisisequivalenttoonly0.8percentof
the total Asian population, it is a significant understatement of the impact of international migration.
This ispartlybecause itseverelyunderestimatesthemovement,since itexcludesmuchtemporary
andundocumentedmigrationandmanycountries inthe regiondonotcollect informationonthe
stocksorflowsofmigrantsinfluencingthem.Moreover,migrantsaredrawnfrom,andconcentrate
in, particular countries and particular areas within those countries so their impact is
disproportionatelylargeinthoseparticularAsiancountriesandareas.
Itisclearthat,overthelasttwodecades,internationalmobilityofonekindoranotherhasbecome
the choice of a much larger proportion of the population when consider their options and
opportunities in life. Less obvious, though, is the fact that international movement has become
muchmorediverse,both intermsoftheformsthatittakesandintermsofthepeoplewhomove.
TherehasbeenasignificantincreaseinthemovementbetweenAsiaPacificnationsbutalsooutof
and into the region. Movement is both forced and unforced, documented and undocumented,
permanentandtemporary,workrelatedandnonworkrelated.
Whilethedata inFigure1refertoall internationalmovementandnotjustmigrationoutofChina,
theyare indicativeoftheexponential increase in internationalmobility intheregion.Someofthe
major elements in the increased international migration include the following (Hugo and Young,
2008;Jones
and
Douglass,
2008):
increased southnorth movement to OECD (Association for Economic Cooperation and
Development)countries, involvingboth settlementand temporarymigration, thebulkof it
madeupofskilledworkers;
substantial labourmigration(involving largely lowskilledworkers)betweenthecountriesof
the region, especially from lowincome economies with labour surpluses to highincome
countrieswithlabourshortages;
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substantialmigrationofstudents,particularlytoOECDnationsinEurope,NorthAmericaand
Oceania,butincreasinglywithintheAsiaPacificregion;
refugeemigrationwithintheregionbutalsotodestinationsinOECDcountries;
marriagemigration,asaresultofyoungpeoplemovingbetweencountriesmuchmorethanin
thepast,andalsoduetoacommodifiedinternationalmarriageindustryfacilitatingmigration,
predominantly
of
women
from
poorer
countries
to
nations
experiencing
a
shortage
of
women
duetomalepreferenceselectiveabortion;
increasinginvolvementofwomeninallflowssothattheyaredominantinseveralflowsand,
overall,areasmobileasmen;
increasingundocumentedmigration,withsomeofthelargestundocumentedmigrationflows
in the worldfor example, migration from Bangladesh to India, which may be the largest
singlecontemporaryinternationalmigrationflow,involvingupto17millionpeople.
Eachoftheseelementsisincreasing,notonlyintermsofthenumbersinvolvedbutalsointermsof
economicandsocialimpact.
Figure 1: Number of Chinese travelling abroad for business and tourism in 1981
2003 and total number of outbound trips from China (in millions), 19972008
Sources: Far Eastern Economic Review, 24 June 2004: 30; Asia Times Online, 9 February 2006;
Knowledge @W.P. Carey, 21 June 2006, Special Section, Chinas New Consumers,
http://knowledge.wpcarey.asu.edu/index.cfm?fa=SpecialSection@specialId=46; Public Diplomacy
Watch,16November2006;EmbassyofthePeoplesRepublicofChina inAustralia,http://au.China
embassy.org/eng/xw/t354774.htm;YaoXu,2008,ChineseOutboundTourismSoars,USChinaToday.
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CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION
POLICY IN ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
Writing a decade ago, Castles (2003:6) identified a number of characteristics that he believed
typifiedthedominantpolicymodelfordealingwithmigrationandethnicdiversity inAsianmigrant
destinationcountries,
which
can
be
summed
up
in
the
following
principles:
immigrantsshouldnotbeallowedtosettle;
foreignresidentsshouldnotbeofferedcitizenshipexceptinexceptionalcircumstances;
nationalcultureandidentityshouldnotbemodifiedinresponsetoexternalinfluences.
Whileitisdifficulttogeneralizeinsuchavastandcomplexregion,anumberofotherelementsthat
have characterized the traditional approach to dealing with migration in the region should be
listed.
Therewaslittleregionalcooperationorevendiscussionaboutmigrationissues.Indeed,inthe
Associationof
Southeast
Asian
Nations
(ASEAN),
despite
the
fact
that
all
nations1
have
been
stronglyinfluencedbymigrationsinceitsformation,thesensitivityoftheissueintheStateof
Singaporepreventeditfromevenbeingdiscussed,untilrecently.
Governmentsandcommunitiesinbothoriginanddestinationcountriesconsideredmigration
tobeanunwelcomebutnecessaryfixforshorttermproblemsoflabourexcessandlabour
shortage.Fewhaveseen itasastructural,necessaryand longtermelement innationaland
regionaleconomies.
In sending countries,permanentand temporarymovementwas viewedoverwhelminglyas
having a negative impact on national development. In the Philippines, for example, in the
1980s and early 1990s, the growing outflow of labourmigrants was viewed as a national
shame
(Aguilar,
1996).
Despitethehistorical immigrantoriginsofmanyofthecountriesoftheregion,therewasa
widespread fear that migration would disturb national, cultural and ethnic homogeneity,
which resulted in largely negative political, media and press discourse on migration and
stigmatizationandnegativestereotypingofmigrants.
Accordingly, migration policy in the Asian region remained underdeveloped and, again, while
generalizationisdifficult,anumberofgeneralizationscanbemadeaboutpastmigrationpolicyand
governanceintheregion.
The issue of migration was marginalized by governments, even in countries suffering
significant
labour
shortages
due
to
low
fertility,
ageing
and
rapid
economic
growth.
Migration
wasnotontheradarscreenofmanyadministrations.
A policing model of stopping or severely controlling migration tended to dominate, rather
thanamanagementapproachthatrecognizedthesignificanceand inevitabilityofmigration
andsoughttoregulateandchannelmovement.
Migrantsrightswereneglectedandevenabused.
1 Brunei,Burma,Cambodia,Indonesia,Laos,Malaysia,Philippines,Singapore,ThailandandVietNam.
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A migration industry thrived in theprivate sector, someof itoperatingoutside the legal
systemandinvolvedinexcessiverenttakingandexploitationofmigrants.
There was a lack of capacity within government to develop and operationalize effective
migrationpoliciesandpractice.Indeed,corruptionandinvolvementofgovernmentofficersin
theexploitationofmigrantswassignificant,insomecountries.
There
was
a
lack
of
coherence
in
migration
policy.
Migrationpolicywasnotlinkedwithdevelopment,therebydilutingthepotentialformigrants
todeliverdevelopmentdividends totheircountryoforigin, todestinationcountriesandto
migrantsthemselves.
The bulk of Asian and Middle Eastern nations that are destinations for migrants adopted
policies that attempt to ensure that the stay of migrant workers was temporary. Where
migrantswereabletoenterundertemporaryimmigrationcriteria,theirrightsweregenerally
severelycurtailed incomparisontocitizens.Thedestinationcountryput inplacearangeof
measuresdesignedtoensurethereturnoftheunskilledmigrantworker,suchas:
disallowingfamilytoaccompanyorvisittheworker
limitingthetraveloftheworkerwithinthecountry
tying
them
to
asingle
employer
disallowingthemtomarrycitizens
enforcingotherrestrictionsonrightsandmovement
However, inrecentyears,oneof thedefiningcharacteristicsof internationalmigration inAsiahas
beentheincreasinginvolvementofgovernmentsinseekingtoinfluencethepatternofimmigration
oremigrationaffecting theircountries.TheUnitedNations regularlyconducts surveysofnational
governments to assess their population policies and Table 1 indicates the responses regarding
immigration.Itisinterestingtonotethatonly5ofthe40AsiaPacificcountriesrespondingtotheUN
surveyindicatedthatcurrentimmigrationwastoohighin2007,comparedwith8in1996.Moreover,
thenumberofnationswithpoliciesaimedat loweringexisting levelsof immigrationfellfrom13 in
1996to10in2007,andthenumberseekingtoraisemigrationincreasedfrom2to6overtheperiod.
This isperhaps indicativeofapost9/11realizationofthesignificanceofmigration inseveralAsian
destinationsandofthefactthatitisneededfornationalprosperity2.ThesurveyalsorecordedAsian
and Pacific government attitudes toward outmovement and these are presented in Table 2.
Table 1: Views and policies of Asia-Pacific governments regarding immigration,
19762007
Too Low Satisfactory Too High
Total
Number of
Countries Raise
Maintain or
No
Intervention Lower1976 2 26 2 30 2 25 2
1986 0 30 5 35 0 30 4
1996 1 31 8 40 2 24 13
2007 5 30 5 40 6 24 10
39
Views on Level of Immigration Goal of Policies on Immigration
Total Number of
Countries29
34
40
Source:UNDESA,2008a
2 It isarguedelsewhere (Hugo2008) that theeventsof9/11 led toa significantchange in theAsiaPacific, resulting in
countriesintheregioncomingtogethertodiscussthesecuritydimensionsofinternationalmigration.Thishasopenedthe
doortowiderdiscussionsbetweencountriesonmigrationrelatedissuesotherthansecurity.
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Table 2: Views and policies of Asia-Pacific governments regarding emigration, 1976
2007
Maintain or
NoIntervention
1976 2 28 0 30 2 28 0 30
1986 2 29 4 35 4 26 5 35
1996 2 30 7 39 2 31 7 40
2007 6 24 10 40 8 25 7 40
Views on Level of Emigration Goal of Policies on Emigration
Raise Lower
Total
Number ofCountriesToo Low Satisfactory Too High
Total
Number ofCountries
Source:UNDESA,2008a
Thisindicatestherehasbeenanincreaseinthenumberofcountrieswhoconsideremigrationtobe
too high, although the number with policies that attempt to lower outmigration has remained
stable. This is partly a function of brain drain concerns, which are mainly related to the more
permanentmigrationtoEurope,NorthAmericaandAustralia.Therearealsosomeconcernsabout
the
negative
effects
of
labour
migration.
However,
it
is
also
interesting
that
the
number
of
countries
consideringthe levelofemigrationtobe lowtrebledandthenumberseekingtoraisethe levelof
emigrationthroughpolicyincreasedfrom2to8.
Whilethesenumbers indicateasignificantshift inmigrationpolicythinking inAsiaandthePacific
overthelastdecade,theyrepresentthetipoftheicebergintermsoftheincreasedinvolvementof
governmentsinmigrationintheregionandagrowingawarenessoftherolethatmigrationcanplay
in enhancing economic development at national, regional and local levels. Among the changes
observedoverthelastdecade,thefollowingaremostevident:
1)Severaldestinationnationsacceptedthatmigrationisanimportantcontinuingstructuralfeature
oftheireconomiesandbegantoputinplacecomprehensiveimmigrationpoliciesandprograms.As
was indicatedearlier,thenew immigrationeconomiesofAsiahavetraditionallyadoptedmigration
policiesthatarefocussedontemporarymigration,restrictingtherightsofmigrantworkersandthe
lengthoftimetheycanspendinthedestination.Thisattituderemainsinplaceforunskilledworkers
but some Asian economies are now encouraging the permanent settlement of skilled foreigners.
Thereisacleardifferenceintheimmigrationavenuesopentohighlyskilledandlowskilledworkers.
This ismost apparent in Singapore,where lowskilledworkers gain entryon a strictly temporary
basisandhavelimitedrightswhereashighlyskilledworkershavethesameflexibilityasSingaporeans
andcanapplyforpermanentresidency.SouthKorea,likeJapan,hastraditionallyhadaverycautious
approach to international migration based on an emphasis on ethnic homogeneity. Accordingly,
whendemographicandeconomicfactorsforcedKoreaintolaunchingaforeignworkersprogramme
in1990,
there
were
very
strict
conditions
to
ensure
that
workers
left
the
country
at
the
end
of
their
contracts. In recent years, however, there have been major changes. The forming of the Korean
ImmigrationService(KIS),theintroductionofpermanentsettlementvisasforskilledandsemiskilled
workers(inJanuary2008),thedevelopmentofbilateralagreementswithmorethan10countriesin
Asia to supply lowskilled workers (making some government jobs open to foreigners), the
modificationofcitizenshiprequirementsandtheintroductionofamoreflexibleimmigrationsystem
forethnicKoreans inChina, the formerSovietUnionandelsewherearejustsomeof theways in
whichtheSouthKoreanGovernmentsattitudetowardsmigrationhasbeentransformed.Thereare
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overamillionforeignersinSouthKorea(AsianMigrationNews,115November2007),excludingan
estimated200,000 irregularmigrantsoraround2percentofthetotalpopulation.It isanticipated
bytheKISthat,by2030,thenumberofforeigners isexpectedto increaseto3.6millionor7.2per
centofthepopulation(AsianMigrationNews,1530June2007).Moreover,asPark(2007:1)points
out: Now multiculturalism and multiethnicity have become fashionable buzzwords within
academiesandgovernment.Park(2007:5)goesontoexplainthattherehasbeenaparadigmshift
inKorea:
Until recently, Korean immigrationpolicy has beenmainly a tool to dealwith labour
market throughforeignworkerprograms.So itviewedthe immigrationadministration
asamoreorlesstemporarymeasure.
The trend now is towardsan immigration strategy thatnotonly includes temporary workersbut
offersemploymentresidencetoabroaderrangeofworkersand includespatternstofacilitatethe
integrationofmigrants.Itisclearthatthismarkedshiftinpolicyhasbeeninfluencedbythemarked
increaseininternationalmarriageinKorea.Thenumberofimmigrantsnaturalizedthroughmarriage
was75,011in2005but109,564in2007(AsianMigrationNews,January2008).AsPark(2007:5)has
pointedout:
The change in paradigm has been brought about by the phenomenal increase of
international marriages, the visual presence of phenotypically different residents in
neighbourhoodandschools,theeconomicdependenceonforeignworkers,thegrowing
influenceoftheKoreantransnationalcommunitiesandglobalizationingeneral.
Even in Japan, where the dominant discourse has been of mono ethnicity that has opposed
immigration, there isachange (Tai,2009).Somehaveargued that,with2.15million legal foreign
residentsrepresenting1.7percentofthetotalpopulation,Japanhasdefactomovedtobecoming
an immigrant country (Tsuda, 2006; Iguchi, 2008).Tai (2009) argues that Japanese immigration
policyisataturningpoint,withtheinterplaybetweenproponentsofmulticulturalismandinclusion
offoreigners,
on
the
one
hand,
and
exclusion
and
heightened
control
of
foreigners,
on
the
other.
One category of permanent migrants becoming increasingly important in Japan, Korea, Chinese
TaipeiandSingaporeisforeignspouses(mostlyfemale).Suchmigrationisoftencommoditizedwith
the increasing gender imbalance in younger ages, in some cases. In Chinese Taipei, for example,
383,204foreignspousesimmigratedbetween1990and2006.
2) There have been changes in some migrantsending countries as well. In the Philippines, the
national dialogue on migration has been transformed. The high level of emigration of contract
labour and permanent settlers was described in national discourse in the 1970s and 1980s as a
nationalshame (Aguilar,1996).Migrationwasseenasatemporaryphenomenonthathadtobe
endured while the Philippines made the transition to a more developed economy. The fact that
millionsofFilipinoswereforcedtoseektheirdestinyinothernationswasperceivedasanational
failure. However, in the last decade, Filipinos overseas have been hailed as national heroes
(Rosales, 1999) who are making a crucial and important contribution to national prosperity. This
representsamajorturnaroundandthePhilippines.Withrespecttointernational labourmigration,
the Philippines has implemented best practice through regulation of migrant worker recruitment
and protection of migrant workers at home and abroad (Martin etal., 2004; Hugo, 2009a). The
Philippineshasalsodevelopedcomprehensivepoliciesandprogrammestargetingtemporarylabour
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such flows but to protect the migrants and maximize the development dividend to India. An
independentauditofthesuccessoftheMinistryinitsfirstfewyearsofoperationwouldbeofvalue.
4)Therearevery fewexamples in theAsiaPacific regionofdevelopmentconsiderations inorigin
countriesbeingfactoredintomigrationpolicyindestinationcountries.Australiahasbeensuccessful
indevelopingcoherentandeffectivemigrationpoliciesoveralongperiodbutthefirstindicationofa
change inAustralianmigrationpolicythat includesmigrationanddevelopmentconsiderationswas
theintroductionin2009ofapilotschemetobringinsmallnumbersofPacificIslandersasseasonal
agricultural workers. While there have been a number of proposals for Australia to open up to
temporarymigrant lowskilledworkers from thePacific (Millbank,2006), theywere resisteduntil
September 2008. The new Australian Labor Government introduced regulations expanding an
existing visa category (416) to enable Pacific Islanders to come to Australia as seasonal guest
workers.Thisrepresentedasignificantshiftinpolicy,althoughitwasonlytobeapilotprogramme
involvingupto2,500seasonalworkersfromKiribati,PapuaNewGuinea,TongaandVanuatutowork
in thehorticultural industry in regionalAustralia forup tosevenmonthseachyear (Evans,2008).
Thisdecisionundoubtedlywasinfluencedbythefactthat,in2006,NewZealandintroducedasimilar
schemethat
has
been
closely
monitored,
assessed
and
found
to
be
successful
(Ramasamy
et
al.,
2008).While theNewZealandand theplannedAustralianprogrammesareexpresslydesigned to
meet perceived labour shortages in the destination economies, they also have a dimension of
seeking to facilitate development in origin countries. To this end, the design of New Zealands
RecognisedSeasonalEmployer (RSE)schemehasexpresslyattemptedtomaximizethebenefitsto
origincommunitiesandhasbuilt inevaluationprocedurestomeasurethe impactondevelopment
andpovertyinthePacificorigincountries.Theearlyfindingsfromtheevaluation(Ramasamyetal.,
2008) of 5,079 RSE workers, while indicating some problems, have been cautiously optimistic
(HammondandConnell,2008;MacLellan,2008).IntheNewZealandcase,everyaspectoftheRSE
programmehas involvedcooperationbetweentheDepartmentofLabour(whichhasresponsibility
for international migration) and Development Assistance, Agricultural, Labour and Foreign Affairs
Ministries(BedfordandHugo,2008).InAustralia,too,adialogue isopeningupbetweenmigration
anddevelopmentassistancegovernmentagencies.
5) In the AsiaPacific region, there has been little dialogue on migration between pairs of
origin/destinationcountriesorataregionalorsubregional level.Regionalgovernanceofmigration
remainsweakandisinitsearlystages.Infact,adecadeago,therewerevirtuallynoregionalforums
fordiscussionofmigration issues,letalonedevelopmentofcoherentregionalmigrationpoliciesor
institutionswithintheAsiaPacificregion. InAsiaandthePacific,theglobaltrendtowardsregional
organization development and regional cooperation is in evidence in the development of
organizations suchasAPEC (AsiaPacific EconomicCooperation),ASEAN (Associationof Southeast
AsianNations)
and
the
Pacific
Islands
Forum
(PIF).
However,
little
has
been
achieved
with
respect
to
regional agreement on international migration issues. Indeed, in ASEAN, despite the fact that all
membershavebeenstronglyinfluencedbymigrationsinceitsformation,thesensitivitytotheissue
prevented the issueevenbeingdiscusseduntil relatively recently. Itwouldappear,however, that
there isan increased readiness inASEANtodiscussmigration issues.The1995ASEANFramework
Agreement on Services (AFAS) provides, inter alia, for regulatory convergence and regulatory
harmonization, includingMutualRecognitionAgreements (MRAs).ASEANmembersmayrecognize
theeducationorexperienceobtained, requirementsmetand licensingorcertificationgrantedby
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The steepening of demographic and economic gradients
TheGlobalCommissiononInternationalMigration(2005:12)concludedthat:
Inthecontemporaryworld,theprincipalforcesthataredriving internationalmigration
are due to the 3Ds: differences in development, demography and democracy
becausethe
differentials
are
widening,
the
number
of
people
seeking
to
migrate
will
continuetoincreaseinthefuture.
Thewideningofthesedifferenceswillexacerbate labourshortages inhighincomenations,as the
WorldBank(2006:29)haspointedout:
Akeydriverinthedemandforinternationalmigrationoverthenext20yearswillbethe
slowingdown,andthenthedecline,ofthelabourforceinhighincomecountries.Theage
group that supplies thebulkof the labourforce (1565yearsold) isexpected topeak
near500millionin2010andthenfalltoaround474millionby2025.
On the one hand, highincome economies are experiencing low (and, in a few cases, negative)
naturalincreases
in
population
because
of
an
extended
period
of
low
fertility.
This
is
resulting
in
slow natural growth and projected declines of their workforceage population as aging becomes
morepronounced.Ontheotherhand, in lowincomeeconomiesoftheregion,fertilitydeclinehas
beenmorerecentalthough,inmostcountries,ithasalsobeendramatic.Indeed,intheAsiaPacific
region,theTotalFertilityRatefellfrom5.4childrenperwomanin1970to2.3in2007.Theaverage
lifeexpectancyhas increasedbyaround15years. Theseshiftshavewroughtsignificantchanges in
agestructure.Table4depictsthechangesthathaveoccurredorareanticipatedtooccuramong15
34yearoldsintheregionbetween1960and2040.
Thisdepicts thepassageofwhathasbeencalled theAsianyouthbulge (FullerandHoch,1998;
WestleyandChoe,2002).AsWestleyandChoe (2002:57)pointout,thisbulgeis the resultofa
transitionfrom
high
to
low
fertility
about
15
years
earlier.
The
youth
bulge
consists
of
large
numbers
of adolescents and young adults who were born when fertility was high, followed by declining
numbersof childrenbornafter fertilitydeclined.Table4 indicates that, in1960, theAsiaPacific
youthand youngadultpopulationnumbered 521 millionand comprised32per centof the total
population.However,over thenext twodecades, theygrew very rapidly and,by 1990, theyhad
almostdoubledinnumberandreachedapeakof21percentofthetotalpopulation.Subsequently,
thegrowthoftheagegrouphasbeenlowerastheeffectsofthedeclineinfertilityhavebeenfelt.
Hence, in2000, theAsiaPacific youthand youngadultpopulationhad reached1,230millionbut
theirproportionofthepopulationhaddroppedto18percent.Theoutlookforthefutureisforthe
youth and young adult population to increase slowly to 1,313 million in 2040, when they would
make
up
27
per
cent
of
the
total
population.
This,
of
course,
has
implications
for
migration,
since
youngpeoplearethemostmobile.
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Table 4: Asia-Pacific population aged 1534 (thousands), 19602000 and projections
for 2020 and 2040
Number
(000) Percent
1960 520,599 31.691980 862,327 34.10 2.56
1985 995,148 35.79 2.91
1990 1,093,404 35.81 1.90
2000 1,230,447 34.77 2.39
2020 1,379,512 31.62 0.572040 1,318,338 27.30 -0.23
Year
Population Aged 15-34
% Growth Per
Annum
Source:UNDESA,2008Projections
Note:ExcludesWesternAsia
TheAsianyouthbulgecanproduceademographicdividend (WangandMason,2007;Mason
andLee,
2006;
Mason,
2007)
of
economic
growth
when
the
workforce
grows
faster
than
the
overall
population especially when it grows faster than the dependent segments of the population
(children and the elderly). In Asia, the rapid and sustained declines in fertility that followed the
boom generation have created a special demographic situation: the ratio of the workingage
populationtothenonworkingagepopulation isthehighest ithaseverbeen.Whilethisdoesnot
automatically confer a dividend of enhanced economic growth if there is an unfavourable policy
environment, theexistenceofsuchadividendhasbeenconfirmedbyseveralempiricalstudiesof
Asiancountries.
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Table 5: Annual growth of the population aged 1534 in Asia and the Pacific,
projections for 200510, 201020 and 202030
20052010 20102020 20202030Declining Japan 4.17 RepublicofKorea 1.56 Macau,China 3.11
RepublicofKorea 1.18 Iran 1.29 Singapore 2.27
China
0.94
Macau,China
1.20
Mongolia
2.23
Thailand 0.82 SriLanka 1.04 RepublicofKorea 2.12
Dem.PeoplesRep.ofKorea 0.23 Kazakhstan 0.96 Bhutan 1.39
HongKongSAR 0.19 Thailand 0.74 China 1.27
HongKongSAR 0.73 Dem.PeoplesRep.ofKorea 1.26
Japan 0.69 SriLanka 1.11
Mongolia 0.62 Japan 1.02
China 0.46 Iran 0.86
Myanmar 0.40 HongKongSAR 0.84
VietNam 0.07 Myanmar 0.81
Bhutan 0.04 VietNam 0.73
Turkmenistan 0.66
Thailand 0.52
Kyrgyzstan 0.47
Uzbekistan 0.42
Maldives 0.37
Samoa 0.27
Kazakhstan 0.25
FrenchPolynesia 0.21
Fiji
0.20
NewZealand 0.17
Indonesia 0.16
Growth Myanmar 0.25 Indonesia 0.01 Micronesia 0.0000.99% Indonesia 0.33 Kyrgyzstan 0.09 NewCaledonia 0.00peryear SriLanka 0.34 Fiji 0.13 Tonga 0.00
Kazakhstan 0.42 Turkmenistan 0.21 Australia 0.08
FrenchPolynesia 0.45 Maldives 0.29 Laos 0.10
Macau,China 0.54 Dem.PeoplesRep.ofKorea 0.32 Tajikistan 0.15
Tonga 0.55 Australia 0.36 Brunei 0.19
NewZealand 0.59 Singapore 0.41 Cambodia 0.19
Australia 0.61 NewZealand 0.43 India 0.24
Mongolia 0.82 Uzbekistan 0.54 Malaysia 0.27
FrenchPolynesia 0.64 Guam 0.31
Tonga 0.78 Pakistan 0.40
NewCaledonia 0.83 Bangladesh 0.54
Malaysia 0.93 Nepal 0.99
Growth Micronesia 1.01 India 1.01 PapuaNewGuinea 1.1511.99% NewCaledonia 1.02 Philippines 1.17 Philippines 1.15peryear Samoa 1.03 Bangladesh 1.19 Vanuatu 1.22
Fiji 1.10 Brunei 1.24 SolomonIslands 1.35
Singapore 1.33 Cambodia 1.24
VietNam 1.35 Pakistan 1.36
Kyrgyzstan 1.44 Micronesia 1.38
Guam 1.55 Laos 1.55
Malaysia 1.66 Guam 1.55
India 1.71 Tajikistan 1.85
Bangladesh 1.81 Nepal 1.91
Iran 1.84
Philippines 1.88
Growth Turkmenistan 2.02 SolomonIslands 2.08 Afghanistan 2.8322.99% Uzbekistan 2.09 Samoa 2.26peryear PapuaNewGuinea 2.16 Vanuatu 2.28
SolomonIslands 2.22 PapuaNewGuinea 2.46
Maldives 2.40
Tajikistan 2.62
Nepal 2.80
Bhutan 2.83
Pakistan
2.91
Laos 2.98
Growth Vanuatu 3.01 Afghanistan 3.31 EastTimor 3.333% Brunei 3.37 EastTimor 3.44peryearandup Cambodia 3.37
EastTimor 3.86
Afghanistan 4.34
Source:Hugo,2009b
Note: Polynesia includes American Samoa, Cook Islands, French Polynesia, Futuna Islands, Niue,
Pitcairn,Samoa,Tokelau,Tonga,TuvaluandWallis.
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Oneofthemostuniversalfindingsofmigrationresearch inallcontextshasbeen itsageselectivity.
Moreover, the current Asian young adult generation is the first to have experienced universal
educationandexposuretoglobalmassmedia,whichhasenhancedtheirabilityanddesiretomove
(Hugo,2005).
IntheAsiaPacificregionasawhole,the factthatthisagegroupcontinuesto increase,albeitata
slowerrate,willensurethattheregioncontinuestobeamajorsourceofmigrantstoNorthAmerica,
EuropeandOceania.However, thewidedifferentialsbetweencountries in theAsiaPacific region
are of particular significance with respect to the future growth of their young adult and youth
population,as shown in Table 5 (Hugo, 2009b). Thesewideningdifferences are crucial drivers of
international migration and national governments in both high and lowincome countries are
increasinglyawareofthem.Therecanbenodoubtthatthisrealizationhasbeencrucialinchanging
attitudestowardsmigrationincountriessuchasJapan,SingaporeandSouthKorea(Tai,2009).Their
saliencewill increaseover thenext twodecades, promptinggovernmentsof several countries to
turntomigration.
The global security dialogue
Theterroristattacksof11September2001andthebombinginBaliraisedconsciousnessintheAsia
Pacificregionofthe importanceofmigration fornationalsecurity,resulting inaseriesof regional
meetingstoconsidermigration issues,beginningwiththeBaliProcess(BaliMinisterialConference
onPeopleSmuggling,Trafficking inPersonsandRelatedTransnationalCrime,February2002).The
involvementofmigrantsinterrorismmadepolicymakersawareofthefollowingissues:
Migrantscanpresentathreattonationalsecurityandeffectivemanagementofmigration is
anessentialcomponentofmaintainingnationalsecurity.
EffectivemanagementofmigrationcannotbeachievedbyasinglenationStatewithoutthe
cooperationof
other
nations.
Peoplesmuggling,traffickingandillegalmigrationposeathreattonationalsecurity.
Hence,whiletherewasvirtuallyno internationaldialoguewithinAsiaandthePacificonmigration
issues inthe1990s, therehasbeena flurryofactivity inthepost9/11environment.Someofthe
earliest,most inclusiveandsignificant initiativeshavebeenthemeetingsconvenedbytheForeign
MinistersofIndonesiaandAustraliainBalion2628February2002and2830April2003,andthe
MinisterialConferencesonPeopleSmuggling,TraffickinginPersonsandRelatedTransnationalCrime
(MCPSTPRTC).ThishascometobereferredtoastheBaliProcess,whichisintendedtocomplement
andstrengthenbilateralandregionalcooperation inthisarea.4The initialmeeting involvedalmost
allcountriesoftheregion,aswellasanumberofobservercountriesandorganizations,5reflecting
4 Thisprocesshasinvolvedthefollowingcountriesandorganizations,inadditiontoIndonesiaandAustralia:Afghanistan,
Bangladesh,Bhutan,BruneiDarussalam,Cambodia,China,DemocraticRepublicofKorea,Fiji,France,India,Iran,Japan,
Jordan,Kiribati,Laos,Malaysia,Mongolia,Myanmar,Nauru,Nepal,NewZealand,Pakistan,Palau,PapuaNewGuinea,
Philippines,RepublicofKorea,Samoa,Singapore,Solomon Islands,SriLanka,SyrianArabRepublic,Thailand,UNTAET
TimorLeste,Turkey,Vanuatu,VietNam,IOMandUNHCR.5 Austria,Belgium,Canada,Denmark,Finland,Germany, Italy,Netherlands,Norway,RussianFederation,Spain,Sweden,
Switzerland,UnitedKingdom,UnitedStates,ASEANSecretariat,PacificIslandsForumSecretariat,EuropeanUnion(EU),
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), World Bank, Asian Development Bank, Intergovernmental
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TheBaliConcord II in2003called forcompletionofMRAs forqualifications inmajorprofessional
services by 2008, to facilitate free movement of professionals and skilled labour within ASEAN.
Cooperationisstilllimitedoncoremigrationissues,suchasorderlyrecruitmentofmigrantworkers;
protection of the rights of migrant workers; facilitating circular migration; facilitating remittance
flows;andharmonizingthecollectionofmigrationdata.
Security concerns were crucial in initiating dialogue between AsiaPacific nations on migration
issues; such concerns remain important but it is apparent that discussions on migration have
extendedbeyondthe initialsecurityfocus.Whilethesedialogueshavenotyetgonemuchbeyond
thediscussionstage,theyhavecreatedanenvironmentforconstructiveengagementonmigration
issues (MartinandLowell,2008).Theprovisionofabasis for intercountrydiscussiononmigration
issues isan importantbyproductoftheengagement intheAsiaPacificregioncreatedbysecurity
concerns(Hugo,2004).Bringingkeyimmigrationofficialstogetherinanonthreateningatmosphere
todiscuss issuesofcommon interestcanbuildupmutual trustandconfidence thatcan form the
basis formorecomplexanddetailednegotiations inthefuture.Italso iseffective inbuildingtrust
between individualsand institutions,whichcanset the stage for futurecooperationonmigration
issues.
Capacity-building issues
OneofthemajorconstraintsongovernmentsintheAsiaPacificregion,intermsofcreatingefficient
andequitablemigrationsystemsthatbenefitdevelopmentincountriesoforiginanddestinationas
wellasthemigrants, isa lackofcapacityboth in institutionsandhumanresources. Institutional
capacityinmigrationpolicymakingandmanagementisdissipatedbybeingspreadacrossarangeof
governmentministries,agenciesandinstrumentalities.InIndonesia,forexample,theDepartmentof
Labourhas,untilrecently,beenresponsibleformanaging labourmigration,which isthemainform
of
international
migration
influencing
development.
(This
responsibility
was
recently
transferred
to
the Presidents ministry because of dissatisfaction over the way it was being administered.)
However,othermajormigrationresponsibilitiesareheldbytheImmigrationDirectorate,Customs,
Police,ForeignAffairsandsecurityorganizations.Moreover,thereisnoarticulationbetweenanyof
theseagenciesandtheMinistryofDevelopmentandPlanning.Insuchacontext,thereisnotonlya
lack of coherence in policy, butalso a lack of skilled, experienced public officials todevelop and
administer migration policy and practice because officials are often transferred into and out of
immigrationrelated positions. Effective development and management of migration and
developmentpolicyrequireconsiderablecapacityandinfrastructure,includingthefollowing:
A welltrained cadre of migration officials who are not general public servants but have a
specificbackgroundandexperienceacrossthefullrangeofmigrationactivities.Establishing
such a group is fundamentally important to the settingup and running of an effective
migration management system as well as the development of migration and development
policies.
Integrationandharmonizationofallofthegovernmentactivitiesconcernedwithmigration
customs,police,labour,borderofficials.
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Appropriatemigrationmanagementsystems:appropriatehardwareandsoftwarehavebeen
developedatarapidrate,especiallysince11September2001,and it is importantthatthey
beadoptedandused.
Settingupanappropriateinformationsystem:effectivemigrationmanagementisimpossible
withouttimelyandrelevantmeasurementofthescaleandcompositionofmigrationinto,and
out
of,
the
country.
Abodyofpolicyrelevantresearch,whichisessentialnotonlyforthecontinuingsurveillance
of the impact of migration and to make evidencebased recommendations for migration
policy and practice, but also for the development of policies to maximize the beneficial
impactsofmigrationondevelopment.
Capacityforcompetentnationalresearchtoinformpolicydevelopmentonmigrationaswell
asmigrationanddevelopmentissues.
ThecountriesoftheAsiaPacificregionvaryconsiderablyacrosseachofthesecriteriabutmosthave
shortcomingsineach.CountriessuchasAustralia,Canada,NewZealandandtheUnitedStateshave
manydecadesofexperienceintheseareasandtheiraccumulatedexpertiseandexperiencecouldbe
fasttracked
to
Asia
Pacific
countries,
for
the
following
reasons:
Theyhavedevelopedconsiderablecapacityandexperiencewithintheirnationalgovernments
regarding the development of migration policies that maximize the positive development
outcomes for the country and they efficiently and equitably manage a diverse range of
migration programmes. Migration is integrated into their national economies and is an
acceptedstructuralelement,economicallyandsocially.
Thecountrieshavelongtraditionsofevidencebasedmigrationpolicydevelopmentandhave
developedwithintheirgovernmentandresearchsectorsagreatdealofcapacitytoundertake
andapplypolicybasedresearch.
Theyhavedevelopedandadoptedglobalbestpracticeswithrespecttothedevelopmentand
maintenanceof
migration
management
systems.
They have longstanding and strong migration connections with each of the AsiaPacific
countriesand substantialcommunitiesofexpatriatesofeachof thesenations livingwithin
them.
There have wellestablished training infrastructures within their public service and in their
universitiestoeffectivelydelivertheappropriateassistanceincapacitybuildingtoAsiaPacific
nations.
If migration policyandgovernance are to develop in the AsiaPacific region, it is crucial that the
transfer of experience regarding institutional mechanisms, management systems, bureaucratic
processes,
cross
ministry
articulation
and
cooperation
etc.
be
transferred
quickly.
Training
of
personnelwouldbeanimportantpartofthattransfer.
Marriage migration
OneofthefactorsincontemporaryinternationalmigrationintheAsiaPacificregionthatisexerting
an influence on the development of policy on immigration to, and integration in, destination
countriesistheexponentialincreaseincrossnationalmarriageintheregion. Thiselementisoften
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ignored inmigrationassessments intheregionbut it isnotonlyoccurringonan increasingly large
scalebutalsohavinganinfluenceinchangingentrenchedperceptionsofmonoethnicityandethnic
homogeneityinsomecountries.Crossnationalmarriageisincreasingforthefollowingreasons:
With the expansion of international visiting, student migration and international labour
migration,moreyoungpeoplefromtheAsiaPacificarespendingtimeinaforeigncountryat
thestage
in
life
when
they
actively
socialize
and
form
partnerships.
There is a burgeoning commodified marriage migration industry in Asia and the Pacific,
whereby people (usually men) from higherincome countries are introduced to potential
partners (usuallywomen) in lowerincomecountries.Thishasbeenassistedbyperceptions
amongsomemen intraditionalpatriarchalsocieties,suchasJapan,SouthKoreaandTaiwan
Province of China, that local women do not conform to traditional gender roles and also
because,insomesocieties,sonpreferenceandselectiveabortionhavecombinedtoincrease
theratioofmaletofemalebirths.
The evidence is that the increasing presence of foreign spouses and the increasing number of
children inschoolsofmixedbackground isshiftingattitudesand, indeed,policytowardsmigration
andmulticulturalism incountriessuchasJapan,SouthKoreaandTaiwanProvinceofChina.These
trendswillundoubtedlybecomestrongerinthefuture.
An increasing role for civil society
Whilethereare importantdifferencesbetweencountries, it isapparentthatcivilsociety isplaying
an increasingly significant role in internationalmigration in the region, especially with respect to
protectionofworkersrights.Mostnongovernmental(NGO)activityinthisareaisnationallybased
butsomeemergingregionalNGOscoverseveralnations. It isparticularly importanttohaveNGOs
thatareactive inpairsoforiginanddestinationcountries.Thereareseveralexamplesofeffective
NGOactivity
in
improving
the
protection
of
migrants,
providing
support
for
migrants
and
also
advocating for therightsofmigrantsand lobbyingtochangepolicy inbothoriginanddestination
countries. In terms of origin countries, the Philippines has the best developed and most
comprehensive NGO presence, which has undoubtedly improved the lot of overseas contract
workersfromthatcountry.Inparticular,thewayinwhichthemigrationofrefugeesisorganizedand
influenced by NGOs can demonstrate best practice. With respect to destination countries, NGO
activitieshavebeenespecially important inTaiwanProvince ofChina in improvingprotection for
bothmigrantworkersandtheforeignbridesofTaiwanesemen.NGOshavethepotentialtoplayan
importantroleintheprotectionofmigrants,especiallymigrantworkersandbridesofcommodified
arranged international marriages; while governments are constrained in their ability to help
nationals
in
foreign
countries
by
diplomatic
convention,
NGOs
are
much
more
flexible
in
the
types
of
supporttheycanprovide.
Internationalagencieshavebecomemuchmoreactive inmigration in theAsiaPacific region.The
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has played an important role with
mandated refugees since the exodus of IndoChinese refugees, beginning in the mid1970s. It is,
however,restricted in itsmandatetodealonlywithmandatedrefugeesandnotothermigrants
internationalor internal. It is limited, forexample, in itsabilitytoprovideassistance for Internally
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This shifthas seen renewed activity,bothwithin theAsiaPacific region and outsideof it,on the
potentialpositivebenefitstobegainedfrommigrationforpovertyreductionandbettermentofthe
lives of people inpoor countries. The arguments are well summarized in the World Banks 2006
Global Economic Prospects, and in DFIDs 2007 report entitledMovingOut of Poverty Making
MigrationWorkBetterforPoorPeople.
Whilethere isconsiderablevariationbetweennations,therehasbeenheightened interestboth in
originanddestinationcountries inthepotential formigrationtodeliverdevelopmentdividends in
poor,destinationcountries.Inorigincountries,thisglobaldiscoursehasincreasinglyfocusedonthe
developmentofpoliciesto facilitatethepositive impactsthatmigrationcanhaveondevelopment
andameliorate those that impinge negatively. Despite this increase in activity, the achievements
thusfarhavebeenlimitedandthedevelopmentandoperationofeffectivepolicyandpracticeinthe
areasofmigrationanddevelopmentisurgentlyneeded.Inorigincountries,thesepolicieswillneed
torevolvearoundReducingandcompensating forbraindraineffects.Anet lossofskilledpersons
fromlessdevelopednationsinAsiaandanetgaininthemoredevelopedcountriesoftheOECDwas
recognized as long ago as the 1960s (Adams, 1968). More recent analyses (e.g. Carrington and
Detragiache,1998;
Dumont
and
Lemaitre,
2005)
have
confirmed
that
emigration
rates
in
less
developedcountries inAsiaandthePacificarehigherforskilledgroupsandthatmanyAsiaPacific
countriesexperienceasignificantbraindrain.Moreover,inrecenttimes,OECDnationshaveplaced
greater emphasis on skill in their selection of immigrants and this, together with the increasing
globalcompetitionfortalented,skilledworkers(Abella,2005),hasexacerbatedthesetendencies.A
recent comprehensiveanalysisby theOECD (Dumontand Lemaitre,2005) yieldeddata from 227
sending nations and 29 OECD receiving nations and calculated the emigration rates of all highly
qualifiedworkers (thosewithauniversityeducation) fornonOECDnations.The ratesare low for
large nations such as Indonesia (1.9%), Thailand (1.9%) Bangladesh (2%), India (3.1%) and China
(3.2%) but much higher for small nations. Hence, of the 10 nonOECD nations with the lowest
percentage of their highly skilled population who were overseas, seven are Asian. On the other
hand,amongthe10countrieswiththehighestpercentages,FijiwastheonlycountryfromtheAsia
Pacificregion.
Despite thesenumbers, itwouldbe incorrect toassume thatbraindrain doesnothavenegative
impactsinAsiaandthattherearenetlossesofthehumanresourcesnecessarytofoster longterm
developmentinAsia.Figure3showsthatAsiancountriesareamongthosewiththelargestnumbers
of theirdoctorsoutside thecountry.ThePhilippines (withapopulationof84.8million in2005) is
oneofthenationsmost influencedbyemigrationand it isestimatedthat, in2000,18percentof
Filipinos with college degrees were in the United States alone (Migration News, July 2004),
suggestingthatatleastoneinthreeFilipinouniversitygraduatesarelosttothenation.
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Figure 3: Countries from which physicians have emigrated (in thousands), 2000
Source:WorldBank,2008
Moreover,thereisevidencethatitisthemostskilled,mosteducatedandmostentrepreneurialwho
emigrate from poor Asian countries. As Carrington and Detragiache (1998:24) conclude: These
numbers suggest that in several countries the outflow of highly skilled individuals is a
phenomenonthatcannotbeignoredbypolicymakers.Itcannotbedisputedthatthelossofskillsin
particular areas can negatively affect the wellbeing of origin populations and development
potential. Particularly significant here is the net loss of doctors, nurses and other healthcare
personnel from southern countries. With population ageing in OECD nations, there have been
shortages of medical workers and consequent recruitment of people with these skills from
developingcountries.
Enhancing inflowsofremittancesandchannellingremittanceflowstomaximizetheirdevelopment
impact. The World Bank (2009) estimated global remittances in 2008 to be USD 397billion and
developingcountriesaccountedfor305billion(76.9%)ofthis.Moreover,remittancestodeveloping
nationsincreasedby8.8percentin200708andby164.2percentbetween2002and2008(ibid.).
SomeUSD339billionwere received inAsiaand thePacificover17percentof theglobal total
(Figure4). As Figure5 shows, official remittances to lessdeveloped countriesarenowmore than
twiceasgreatasofficialdevelopmentassistanceandalmostaslargeasforeigndirectinvestment.In
consideringthesefigures,thefollowingmustbeborneinmind:
Thisamount,
however,
reflects
only
transfers
through
official
channels.
Econometricanalysisandavailablehouseholdsurveyssuggestthatunrecorded
flowsthroughinformalchannelsmayadd50percentormoretorecordedflows.
(WorldBank,2007:1)
HenceremittancesarethelargestsourceofexternalfundinginseveralAsianandPacificcountries.
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Figure 4: Remittance flows by region, 2002-2008: The Rise of Asia
Source:Fix,2009
Figure 5: Remittances and capital flows to developing countries (USD billions)
Source:WorldBank,2007
Note:Datafor2006areestimates
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However, the transfercostsassociatedwith remittancesarehigher in theAsiaPacific region than
elsewhere andneed tobe reduced.Moreover, integrating remittances intonational and regional
developmentplanningisneedediftheirdevelopmentpotentialistoberealized.
Enhancing engagement of the diaspora in development activity at home
Table 6 shows that AsiaPacific countries have some of the worlds largest diaspora, and the
developmentofpoliciesthatharnesstheirabilitiesandresourcestothebenefitoforigincountries
could,therefore,havepotentiallysignificantpositiveimpactsinoriginareas. Inparticular,thereisa
needtoconsiderthefollowing:
encouragementofforeigndirectinvestmentthroughthediaspora;
assessment of how the diaspora can be used as a bridgehead for export penetration of
marketsinhighincomecountries;
promotion of appropriate knowledge transfer and import training to people in origin
countries.
Table 6: National diaspora in relation to resident national populations (% of national
population)
Australia: 900,0004.3%
NewZealand: 850,00021.9%
Philippines: 7.5million9.0%
India: 20million1.9%
Pakistan: 4million2.8%
China: 30to40million2.9%
Japan: 873,6410.7%
SouthKorea:
6.4
million
13.2%
VietNam: 2.6million3.2%
Singapore: 100150,0003.5%
CookIslands: 52,60034%
Niue: 5,884294.2%
Tokelau: 2,019138.5%
Samoa: 78,25344.5%
Fiji: 128,28415.8%
Sources: Southern Cross, 2002; Bedford, 2001; Ministry of External Affairs, India,
http://indiandiaspora.nic.in; Naseem, 1998; Sahoo, 2002; Iguchi, 2004; Philippines Overseas
EmploymentService;AsianMigrationNews,1531January2006;OECDdatabaseonimmigrantsandexpatriates;NguyenAnh,2005; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/korean_diaspora
Themainway inwhichnetemigrationcountrieshaveattempted to recoup thehuman capitalof
skilled emigrants is through return migration programmes. Some of the major attempts to
encourageexpatriatestoreturnhavebeenmadebyAsiancountries.KoreaandtheTaiwanProvince
ofChina(Englesberg,1995),forexample,initiatedprogrammestoencourageareversebraindrain
(Chang,1992;Hugo,1996),withsomesuccess(Yoon,1992),althoughitisnotclearhowmuchofthis
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wasdue to theprogrammesandhowmuchwasa resultof rapideconomicdevelopment (Lucas,
2001,41).Saxenian(1999:59)pointsoutthatsomeoftheadvantagesflowingfromtheseactivities
was an increase in interaction between Taiwanese and Korean scientists and engineers, with
expatriatecolleagues intheUnitedStatesfacilitatingknowledgetransfer, investmentandbusiness
cooperation(Lucas,2001:42).TheTaiwanProvinceofChinahashadoneofthemostcomprehensive
reversebraindrainprogrammesamongAsiancountries. In recent times, ithasbeen realized that
origin countries encourage nonpermanent returns by their diaspora for example, China has
becomeveryactiveinusingitsskilleddiasporaasasourceofexpertisetoassistinitsdevelopment
efforts.
How should undocumented migration be tackled?
BattistellaandAsis (2003:5)estimate that, in theSouthEastAsianregionalone,therearearound
2million irregular migrants. Undocumented and documented systems are not totally separate,
although they are often portrayed as such. Usually, undocumented flows duplicate documented
flows, some middlemen and officials are involved in both types of movement, and the networks
establishedby
documented
migrants
are
often
utilized
by
subsequent
undocumented
migrants.
UndocumentedlabourmigrationinAsiaandthePacificcanbedifferentiatedalongawidespectrum,
ranging from totally voluntary movement, whereby the mover controls the migration process,
through tokidnappingand trafficking.While there isagreatdealofconcern in the regionabout
trafficking of workers, there is an array of other undocumented migration types and a more
meaningfuldifferentiationofundocumentedlabourmigrationisdepictedinFigure6.
Figure 6: A continuum of undocumented international labour migration in Asia
Individually
controlled movement
Movement under the
auspices of middlemen
Misleading
promises
Bonded
labour
Kidnapping
Voluntary movement Trafficking
The workers arrange all of their own travel and move along familiar, wellestablished routes.
However,inmanyundocumentedmoves,middlemenofvarioustypesareinvolvedandtheircontrol
overthemigrantworkersvariesconsiderably.Insomesituations,thechainofmiddlemen involved
reachesbacktothehomevillageand theyhavestrongaccountability tothehomecommunity. In
others,theycontroltheinformationthatpotentialworkersreceiveaboutthemigrationprocessand
destination,determining
when
they
move,
how
much
it
costs,
where
they
go
and
what
job
they
obtain. These movements grade into trafficking, whereby workers are forced to move and find
themselves in indenturedsituations inthecountryofdestination.Insomecases,potentialmigrant
workers are purposely misled about the type of work at the destination, the conditions,
remuneration etc., and are trapped at the destination. In others, workers (often women and
children)are sold intobonded situations,oftenby relatives,or theyarekidnappedand trafficked
across borders against their will. In all cases, their unauthorized status exposes them to the
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30
possibility of exploitation and prevents them from seeking the protection of authorities at the
destination.Thiscanaddtothemarginalizationexperiencedbymanymigrantgroups.
There issomeevidence that there is increasingactivity indestinationcountries tocrackdownon
undocumented migrants. More emphasis than ever before is being placed on compliance with
immigration regulations, including massive investments in policing and compliance measures.
Sanctions on employers of undocumented migrant workers, incarceration of detected
undocumentedmigrantworkers,physicalabuseetc.,arebecomingmoreprevalent.Suchactivities
havenotnecessarilyreducedflowsand,insomecases,haveforcedthemintodifferent,oftenmore
dangerous,avenues.
Wherecountrieshaveattemptedtolegalizemigrationsofworkers,illegaloperatorshavebecomeso
entrenchedthat it isdifficulttopersuadeundocumentedworkerstoreplacetheir illegalstrategies
with legalones. Indeed, insomecountries, theundocumentedapproachesaretrustedmorethan
thegovernmentavenuesformigration,whicharemoreexpensiveandmoretimeconsuming.There
is a tendency to associate all undocumented migration with the insidious practice of trafficking,
whichis
doubly
unfortunate
because:
muchundocumentedmigrationisnotcriminal;
the bulk of policy and research effort is put into trafficking, when there are also highly
exploitative, corrupt and venal practices occurring in legal migration that need to be the
targetofpolicy.
There are clearly no simple solutions to the undocumented migration and its most insidious
subcomponent, trafficking. What does seem clear in Asia and the Pacific is that undocumented
migration will continue to occur for as long as there is a manifest demand for migrant labour.
Policingalone isnotthesolution. It isalsoclearthatthese issuescanrarelybeeffectivelytackled
unilaterally.The
process
occurs
across
countries
and
cooperation
between
origin,
destination
and
transitcountrieswillbenecessary.
Climate change
NoregionoftheworldisexpectedtobemoreaffectedbyclimatechangethanAsiaandthePacific
(Prestonetal.,2006;Hugoetal.,2009).Arecentreport(Hugoetal.,2009)examinedtheavailable
modellingofclimatechangeinAsiaandthePacificinordertoestablishwhichareasintheregionare
anticipatedtoexperiencesubstantialimpactsfrom:
highersealevelsandstormsurges
increasedintensity
and
frequency
of
cyclone
activity
increasedriparianflooding,especiallyduetoglaciermelt
reduced intensity, frequency and reliability of rainfall in many areas of low and moderate
rainfall.
While therearesome regionsandcountries inAsiaand thePacificwhere theanticipatedclimate
change impactswillhave favourable impacts (e.g.NewZealand), theareaswhere theeffectsare
expectedtobenegativearemoreextensiveandhavemuchlargerpopulations.Areaswhereclimate
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ThisdiffersfromtheviewofBlack(2001:1)who,inalsorecognizingtheweaknessesoftheconcept
ofenvironmentalrefugees,maintainsthat:
... although environmental degradation and catastrophe may be important
factorsinthedecisiontomigrate,andissuesofconcernintheirownright,their
conceptualisationas aprimary cause offorced displacement is unhelpfuland
unsoundintellectually
and
unnecessary
in
practical
terms.
Whichever sideof the argumentholds true in lightof climate change remainsuncertain,but the
environmentwill,almostcertainly,haveagreaterinfluenceonmigrationpatternsinthefuture.
The impact of climate change on population movement in Asia and the Pacific is difficult to
anticipatebutanumberofpointscanbemade(Hugoetal.,2009).
Most responses to the impactofclimatechangewill involve in situadjustment rather than
mobility.
Mobility responses will involve both adaptation responses and, as a last resort, forced
resettlement.
Thebulk
of
environmentally
induced
mobility
will
occur
within
nations.
Climate change impacts will become an increasingly significant factor in international
migration, albeit usually in combination with other push factors. International migration is
especiallysignificantwhereclimatechange impactsthreatenentirenationalspaces,asthey
doinsomePacificcountries.
Theimpactsofclimatechangewillbecomeincreasinglyevidentoverthenextthreeorfourdecades,
whichmeansthatthere istimetodevelopappropriatepolicies toadapttothem.However,these
policiesarelikelytorequiresubstantialleadtimetoformulateandoperationalizesincetheyinvolve
dealingwithentrenchedsensitivitiesandwillrequiresignificantinternationaltransfersoffundingto
lowincomecountries,aswellasstrongcooperationbetweencountries.Hence,thereisanurgency
tobeginconsideringthemigrationpolicyimplicationsofclimatechangeimpactsassoonaspossible.
The global financial crisis
Theonsetoftheglobalfinancialcrisisin2008hashadasignificantimpactinAsiaandthePacific.The
ChiefoftheAsianDevelopmentBankhasarguedthattheregionhasbeenespeciallyhardhitdueto
inadequatesafetynets,with60millionpeoplebeingkeptbelowthepovertylineofUSD1.25perday
(AsianMigrationNews,130September2009).The impactsofthecrisisonmobility intheregion
are not entirely clear and have varied considerably from one country to another, but a few
generalizationscanbemade(Hugo,2009c).
The flowofmigrants seems tohavebeenmoreaffected than themigrant stock,with little
evidenceofreturnmovementofmigrantsestablishedatdestinations.
The impact has varied greatly between different types of migrants. Those involved in
construction, manufacturing, financial services and travelrelated services have suffered
becauseofjoblosses,whileothers,suchasdomesticworkers,careworkersandhealthcare
workers,havenotbeenaffected.
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33
While previous research has shown that remittance flows tend to be countercyclical and
representawayofadjustingtoacrisis,remittancesseemtohavebeen lessaffectedbythe
crisis inAsiaandthePacificthantheyhavebeen inLatinAmerica(WorldBank,2009).They
havenotdecreasedbuttheyarenotincreasingatprecrisisrates(WorldBank,2009).
Withthecontinuationoftheglobalfinancialcrisis,countries intheAsiaPacificregionmayneedto
considerdevelopingpoliciestocopewiththeimpactofthecrisisonmigration(Fixetal.,2009).Such
policiesmightincludethefollowing:
Inorigincountries:- seekingalternativedestinations
- safetynetprogrammes
- assistancewithrepatriationandresettlement
- programmesforabsorbingofreturnmigrants.
Indestinationcountries:- reducinginflowsofmigrants
- assistingunemployedmigrants
- repatriationprogrammes.
Akeypolicyissuerelatedtothecontinuing impactoftheglobalfinancialcrisis,however,relatesto
thedampeningeffectsthatthecrisismayhaveonthegreenshootsofmore liberalandrealistic
migrationpoliciesbeingdevelopedintheAsiaPacificregion.Asdiscussedearlierinthispaper,there
havebeensomesmallbutsignificantdevelopmentsintheregioninthelastdecade:
An increased recognition by destination countries that migration is a continuing and
importantstructuralelementintheireconomies.
Introductionofprogrammesofmigrantsettlement indestinationcountries,albeitonavery
selectivebasis.
Recognitioninorigincountriesthatmigrationcanhaveapositiveinfluenceondevelopment.
Enhancedregionaldialogueandbilateralcooperationonmigrationissues
Enhancedinstitutionaldevelopmentwithincountrieswithrespecttomigration.
There isarealdanger thatthecrisiscouldderail thosedevelopmentsandpromptareturnto the
highlyprotectionist,antimigrantpoliciesofthetwentiethcenturyintheAsiaPacificregion.
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