We're all kar sevaks now
2
IN/JIAN I 'i1'~1 ., 1M III 111'11 We're all kar sevaks now SWAPANDASGUPTA It is unlikely the American academic who coined the evocative phrase "secession of th,e successful" had Indian society even remotely in mind. After the December 6 happenings in Ayodhya, however, there is no better description for the relentless war being waged by a beleaguered political elite against its own people. In the past three weeks or so, even as a leaderless nation attempted to come to terms with its past, present and future, the upholders of the status quo have launched a vicious counter-offensive aimed at the very core of Indian nationhood. The magnitude and intensity of the assault are understandable. Whatever may have been the calculations of the Sangh parivar on the morning of that fateful Sunday, impatient and angry kar sevaks took matters into their own hands and forced a new agenda on India. Hindu nationalism was always an underlying politiccn concern. On Dec. 6, Hindutva became a state of mind, the unifying ethos of an ancient nation groping for a modem identity. The ramifications of this revolutionary break have not been sufficiently grasped. With characteristic shortsightedness, disoriented secularists persist in viewing the explosion as an ephemeral burst of fanaticism -"the face of lumpenised India" - which is quite alien to the spiritual and metaphysical concerns of Hinduism. The assessment is partially right and horribly wrong. In many places the riots turned out to be the occasion for settling personal scores and expressing latent anti-Hindu or anti-Muslim prejudices. But the breakdown of law and order was momentary, and despite continuing tension in many areas, the country has rapidly returned to normalcy. Change and violence are n?t necessarily co-terminus. All O"...IIIIIW,I lit II ..IIMIII \V 11,11 h,II, 11,,\\1 \'11 .1111'1, d I.. \111111 n', "","11\11"h. Ihl ,..1111I1"1i1"' 1lllIduII, !'lit! I..otrIII'WII-..d'u nul "Itlll.ly dt1nwllPihII "ymhol 01 '1lIt'n rogancc, they si;J,ultaneously 11\"I'lluJ'lwd tht' Ingrained Hindu mindset 61"" defeatism, IIIt'''IUI'fudlng as moral superiority. Gandhiji had initiated the 1'1111('"'' by harnessing Hindu passivity to a satyagraha .IH,tl"'" colonialism which literally guilt-tripped the British into 1t,.lVln~ India. Unfortunately, the transfer of power was not 'tlnlmpanied by a corresponding social resurgence and Jawaharlal Nt'hm's socialistic trust merely succeeded in transposing a set of "modem" values on a people still burdened by mental '1l'I'vitude. ' What is pejoratively labelled "pseudo-secularism" was not merely minority appeasement. That is only a small aspect of the perversion. The central thrust of the Nehruvian consensus lay in consciously dissolving Hindu pride. It purposefully prevented Hindu society from overcoming the burden of centuries of subordination. India's post-independence development was flawed because cultural nationalism was kept out of the purview of nationhood, and Hindu Renaissance detached from the political agenda. Bellicosity: On Dec. 6, Hindu society was confronted with its own audacity. Initial confusion soon gave way to bellicosity once it became painfully clear that the remaining obstacle to national fulfillment was a political establishment completely out of sync with the prevailing mood. The gap between state and civil society has further increased with constant secularist shenanigans aimed at rubbishing India to its own people. The pious platitudes on Doordarshan, the self-flagellation by deracinated intellectuals and left wing McCarthyism have merely reinforced popular unease with a regime which would rather abolish the people and elect a new one, Involuntarily removed from the political arena, even L.K. Advani seems to have underestimated the extent of Hindu disquiet. His depression at the breakdown of the Sangh parivar's discipline and his lament at not being able to abide by the 'assurances given to the Supreme Court suggest an unfortunate reluctance to come to terms with the great leap forward in Hindu consciousness. It is no longer a question of the RSS,BJPor even the Sangh parivar in its entirety. At stake is the future of the Hindu parivar.
description
This a a bit of a legendary piece written by Swapan Dasgupta. In his own words: "The article reflects the mood immediately after the demolition when India appeared totally polarised. Some of the assertions reflect the heady emotionalism of the times. Read it in its historical context."
Transcript of We're all kar sevaks now
IN/JIAN I 'i1'~1 ., 1M III 111'11
We're all kar sevaks nowSWAPANDASGUPTA
It is unlikely the American academic who coined the evocativephrase "secession of th,e successful" had Indian society evenremotely in mind. After the December 6 happenings in Ayodhya,however, there is no better description for the relentless war beingwaged by a beleaguered political elite against its own people. In thepast three weeks or so, even as a leaderless nation attempted to cometo terms with its past, present and future, the upholders of the statusquo have launched a vicious counter-offensive aimed at the very coreof Indian nationhood.
The magnitude and intensity of the assault are understandable.Whatever may have been the calculations of the Sangh parivar on themorning of that fateful Sunday, impatient and angry kar sevaks tookmatters into their own hands and forced a new agenda on India.Hindu nationalism was always an underlying politiccn concern. OnDec. 6, Hindutva became a state of mind, the unifying ethos of anancient nation groping for a modem identity.
The ramifications of this revolutionary break have not beensufficiently grasped. With characteristic shortsightedness,disoriented secularists persist in viewing the explosion as anephemeral burst of fanaticism -"the faceof lumpenised India" -which is quite alien to the spiritual and metaphysical concerns ofHinduism.
The assessment is partially right and horribly wrong. In many placesthe riots turned out to be the occasion for settling personal scoresand expressing latent anti-Hindu or anti-Muslim prejudices. Butthe breakdown of law and order was momentary, and despitecontinuing tension in many areas, the country has rapidly returnedto normalcy. Change and violence are n?t necessarily co-terminus.
All
O"...IIIIIW,I lit II ..IIMIII \V11,11 h,II, 11,,\\1 \'11 .1111'1,d I.. \111111
n', "","11\11"h. Ihl ,..1111I1"1i1"' 1lllIduII, !'lit! I..otrIII'WII-..d'u nul"Itlll.ly dt1nwllPihII"ymhol 01 '1lIt'n rogancc, they si;J,ultaneously11\"I'lluJ'lwd tht' Ingrained Hindu mindset 61"" defeatism,IIIt'''IUI'fudlng as moral superiority. Gandhiji had initiated the1'1111('"'' by harnessing Hindu passivity to a satyagraha.IH,tl"'" colonialism which literally guilt-tripped the British into1t,.lVln~ India. Unfortunately, the transfer of power was not'tlnlmpanied by a corresponding social resurgence and JawaharlalNt'hm's socialistic trust merely succeeded in transposing a setof "modem" values on a people still burdened by mental'1l'I'vitude. '
What is pejoratively labelled "pseudo-secularism" was not merelyminority appeasement. That is only a small aspect of the perversion.The central thrust of the Nehruvian consensus lay in consciouslydissolving Hindu pride. It purposefully prevented Hindu societyfrom overcoming the burden of centuries of subordination. India'spost-independence development was flawed because culturalnationalism was kept out of the purview of nationhood, and HinduRenaissance detached from the political agenda.
Bellicosity: On Dec. 6, Hindu society was confronted with its ownaudacity. Initial confusion soon gave way to bellicosity onceit became painfully clear that the remaining obstacle to nationalfulfillment was a political establishment completely out of sync withthe prevailing mood. The gap between state and civil society hasfurther increased with constant secularist shenanigans aimed atrubbishing India to its own people. The pious platitudes onDoordarshan, the self-flagellation by deracinated intellectuals andleft wing McCarthyism have merely reinforced popular uneasewith a regime which would rather abolish the people and electa new one,
Involuntarily removed from the political arena, even L.K. Advaniseems to have underestimated the extent of Hindu disquiet. Hisdepression at the breakdown of the Sangh parivar's discipline andhis lament at not being able to abide by the 'assurances given to theSupreme Court suggest an unfortunate reluctance to come to termswith the great leap forward in Hindu consciousness. It is no longera question of the RSS,BJPor even the Sangh parivar in its entirety.At stake is the future of the Hindu parivar.
mE 5 HOURS AND AFTER
VI'I'"Savarkar grasped this distinction as early as 1923. "Hindutva',he wrote, "is not a word but a history. Not only the religious orspiritual history of our people as at times it is mistaken to beby being confounded with the other cognate tenn, Hinduism ...
Hinduism isonly aderivative, a fraction, apart ofHindutva ... Failureto distinguish between these two concepts has given rise to muchmisunderstanding" .
History, a RSSleader told me at Ayodhya on that decisive Sunday,"does not merely happen; it is also made to happen". Circumstanceshave forced India to break with itsown degrading lackofself-esteem.It can fritter away the opportunity through lack of leadership andmindless populism.
Alternatively, it can overcome residual squeamishness and prepareto face the future with certitude. After December6, there is little scopefor dithering. Metaphorically, we are all kar sevaks now.
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