beatleyweb.simmons.edu€¦ · Web viewA Qualitative Examination of a New York State. Higher...

A Qualitative Examination of a New York State Higher Education Opportunity Program:

Providing Access and Opportunity to First-Generation College Students

Adrianna AlvarezSimmons College

Masters Program 2017Gender and Cultural Studies

A Qualitative Examination

Table of Contents

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3

Literature Review.......................................................................................................................................................5

Engle and Tinto: Why First-generation, Low-Income Students are at a Greater Risk of Failing Postsecondary Education......................................................................................................................................5

Commission on Independent Colleges and Universities (CICU) A Review of Best Practices....9

Steele, Moll and Greenberg, Siddle Walker: Stereotypes, Cultural Capital and Critical Mass. 11

Perry, Steele, Hilliard; Baker and Steiner: Counternarratives and Metamessages.........................18

Catherine Bell: Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice...........................................................................................20

Methodology.............................................................................................................................................................. 21

Analysis of Findings................................................................................................................................................22

Discussion:.................................................................................................................................................................. 30

Understanding the Structure of the Higher Education Opportunity Program..................................31

The Need for a Critical Mass............................................................................................................................33

Counternarratives and Excellence...................................................................................................................34

Rituals and The Higher Education Opportunity Program.......................................................................35

Conclusion...................................................................................................................................................................37

Exhibit A……………………………………………………………………………………………………………39

References…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….40

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Introduction

In this research study, I will identify the systemic and non-formal support services

that facilitated the graduation of first-generation Black and Latinx students, who

participated in the Higher Education Opportunity Program (HEOP) at a four-year private

university in New York City. I will also evaluate the meaning of rituals within the HEOP

program culture and their importance to the aforementioned racial and ethnic social

groups. I will examine whether and how the support services potentially act also as rituals

that allow first-generation, “inadmissible” students to successfully integrate into the

larger campus culture. I will identify and discuss the specific support services and/or

rituals that have had the most impact on students, in order to make recommendations for

the type of support services first-generation Black and Latinx students need while

advancing to graduate and doctoral studies.

The Higher Education Opportunity Program was approved in 1969 to offer

college access to students in New York State considered “educationally or economically

disadvantaged.” (HEOP brochure, 2013, p.5). The program has been tailored to help meet

the needs of students who would otherwise have been considered inadmissible to the

college/university. The Higher Education Opportunity Program is required to offer a pre-

freshman summer program (dependent upon yearly funding), tutoring, counseling,

financial assistance, and continual assistance with coursework. Students accepted through

HEOP are generally low income, first-generation, Black and/or Latinx, and have yet to

obtain adequate academic preparation and the skills necessary to be accepted through the

regular college admissions process. Notwithstanding, HEOP repeatedly stresses that the

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admitted students are individuals who are deemed to have “high potential for [a]

successful collegiate experience.” (HEOP brochure, 2013, p.5)

In my research, I will argue that the success of the Higher Education Opportunity

Program is dependent on a range of services (such as a summer program, tutoring,

mentoring and rituals) that together have resulted in the program’s high retention rate.

Indeed, the services provided in a range of summer and yearlong programs such as

Mellon-Mayes Undergraduate Research Program, Summer Research Opportunity

Program and The Leadership Alliance, which are designed to prepare underrepresented

minority students for doctoral study mirror some of the supports available in the Higher

Education Opportunity Programs. Consequently, the success of HEOP can provide

evidence for the types of support services first-generation Black and Latinx students need

in all universities, at both the undergraduate and graduate levels.

Spurred on by the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Campus Movement1 and the

President Johnson’s War on Poverty, the US Congress passed the Higher Education Act

of 1965. The law aimed to strengthen federal resources and provide assistance to students

in post-secondary institutions. The Federal Higher Education Act of 1965 was a

watershed policy2 which changed the conversation about who should be able to attend

college and universities and brought attention to the academic and counseling services

first-generation and low-income students needed and required in order to be successful in

college.

12 See Rogers, I. H. (2012). The Black Campus Movement: Black Students and the Racial Reconstitution of Higher Education, 1965–1972. NY: Palgrave MacMillan. See also Biondi, M. (2012). The Black Revolution on Campus. Berkeley: U C Press.2 See Higher Education Act of 1965. Retrieved from http://www.tgslc.org/pdf/HEA_Title_IV_Oct02.pdf

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http://www.tgslc.org/pdf/HEA_Title_IV_Oct02.pdf


In 1969, the state of New York established the Higher Education Opportunity

Program, designed to fight against the alienation of minority and first-generation college

students. According to social psychologist Claude Steele, alienation is often one of the

main determinants of college retention, particularly on predominantly white college

campuses. Programs like HEOP were established not only to assist the entry of

educationally and/or economically disadvantaged students into higher education, but also

to provide those students with a support system to travel through an unfamiliar terrain.

Literature Review

Engle and Tinto: Why First-generation, Low-Income Students are at a Greater Risk of Failing Postsecondary Education

Higher Education Opportunity Programs vary in terms of the types of supports

that are in place for their students. A report, released by Dr. Jennifer Engle and Dr.

Vincent Tinto of the Pell Institute, examines the postsecondary experiences that first-

generation and low-income college students encounter. Within established theory on

first-generation students and their needs on campus, Engle and Tinto conducted a study

that sought to explain why students who are dually disadvantaged3 are at greater risk to

fail in postsecondary education. The data in this report were taken from the U.S

Department of Education’s National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). Three

different studies were examined to develop the argument: The National Postsecondary

Student Aid Study (NPSAS), Beginning Postsecondary Students Study (BPS), and

Baccalaureate and Beyond Study (B&B). Engle and Tinto found that for low-income and

3 Dually disadvantaged means low-income and first-generation. Engle and Tinto speak of race, but I will specifically use the race of Black and Latinx as a factor in my research: First-generation, low-income, Black and Latinx students.

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first-generation college students, the journey towards obtaining a bachelor’s degree has a

high potential of being uncertain. Low-income, first-generation students are nearly four

times more likely to quit school after their first year (Engle & Tinto, 2003).

The researchers believe that the low retention rate for first-generation, low-

income students is due to the constraints they face that predominantly middle- or upper-

class white students do not face. Students entering postsecondary education who come

from backgrounds that traditionally have not had many opportunities for advancement,

also tend to receive little to no financial support from their families and could have

obligations such as family and work that inhibit them from actively participating on a

college campus (Engle & Tinto, 2003). The research states that low-income and first-

generation students are less likely to engage with coursework, staff, and the campus

culture. These students primarily live off campus and usually work full time. First-

generation and low-income students have many financial needs that are left unmet.4

According to NCES, these non-traditional students face seven risk factors that increase

their chances of leaving their postsecondary education before earning their degree:

1) Delaying admission

2) Attending part-time

3) Working full time while going to school

4) Having to provide for one’s self without assistance from parents

5) Having children or siblings to take care of

6) Being a single parent

7) Having a GED

4 First-generation, low-income student needs are not being met by educational institutions, nor by their families.

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The more risk factors a student has, the less likely they are to obtain a degree (Engle &

Tinto, 2003).

Engle and Tinto compared the findings from the Best Practices in Student Support

Services Study to their own studies and to other success stories. They outline what they

believe are the “best practices for retaining low-income, first-generation students” (Engle

& Tinto, 2003). First, postsecondary institutions with a structured freshman year

experience allow dually disadvantaged students to have a feeling of a “home base” that

will guide them throughout the adjustment and integration process. Second, schools with

the most retention among low-income, first-generation students have a variety of

academic support services. These services work to build students’ confidence through

assistance in study and course preparation, workshops, and the encouragement of peer

tutoring and study groups that can have a major impact on student success. Third,

continuous advisement can track student performance so that issues with classes can be

addressed right away. This case management approach allows the student to feel

supported and comfortable in asking for help. Fourth, requiring that students participate

not only in class, but on campus too, can show them how and why they should take

advantage of some of the available services and activities on campus. Finally, these

programs are often directed by an individual who has been there long term and is well

known on campus.5 The longevity of directors is very important because it allows them to

obtain the knowledge, reputation and respect on campus that can connect first-generation,

low-income students with the needed supports they require to finish their degrees (Engle

& Tinto, 2003).

5 For example, the director of the Higher Education Opportunity Program at this particular university in New York, just celebrated his 25th year as the director of the program.

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Although this study does not explicitly focus on Black and Latinx students, it does

help support the reasoning why programs like HEOP are crucial for the success of these

first-generation, low-income students. In order to develop a HEOP center on campus, a

school must submit a request, and abide by the rules and regulations that the program has

laid out in order to ensure success of the students that enter the program.6 For example,

the New York State Higher Education Opportunity Program requires that participating

universities develop remedial courses that help students learn the basics of studying,

English, math and social sciences before they enter their college level courses (State

Education Department, 2014). There is also an “essential” summer camp program that

first-year HEOP freshmen are required to attend. This allows the students to become

familiar with the campus, refresh their academic skills, and experience postsecondary

level classes before the start of the fall semester (State Education Department, 2014).

These are the characteristics that Engle and Tinto found present in their evaluations of

successful programs that increased the retention rates of first-generation, low-income

students. The Higher Education Opportunity Program proposal request packet also

stresses the importance of five other HEOP program instructions that Engle and Tinto

both identified as elements that impact high retention:

The program clearly states what it means to be a HEOP student;

The program will offer full needs packaging;

HEOP must position its self to be an integral part of the campus community;

6 As stated previously, HEOP is only a New York State program. However, many variations of the program exist throughout the United States that have a similar foundation and hold students to the same standards. It is important to note that the U.S. Department of Education Trio Funding supports similar services through its College based Student Support Service Programs for eligible low-income, first-generation and disabled students enrolled in post-secondary institutions.

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The role of the director is pivotal; and

HEOP students must receive a wide variety of support services to address any

needs/issue they may experience (State Education Department, 2014).

Commission on Independent Colleges and Universities (CICU): A Review of Best Practices

In 2013 the state of New York released a handbook that outlined over 100

different high schools, transitional and postsecondary education programs that aided the

underrepresented, non-traditional7 students in college preparation and success. The

CICU’s handbook highlights the types of services that Engle and Tinto discussed in their

study. However, the CICU also discusses the importance of doing two additional areas of

programming that can help non-traditional students succeed.

First, early college awareness and preparation can help students and their families

develop a smooth transition onto a college campus (CAS, 2008). Since 1978, CICU8 has

circulated publications for high school students and postsecondary institutions that

highlight over 100 transitional college programs that will not only help financially, but

also supply the needed support system to ensure graduation. Secondly, most of the

programs described emphasize the importance of communication among parents, staff

and students, with prominence on the importance of involving the family (CAS, 2008).

Similar to what Engle, Tinto and the New York State Education Department suggested,

multiple programs listed in the CICU have a summer program and support systems in

7 The CICU defines a non-traditional student as: economically disadvantaged, historically underrepresented, a high school graduate or GED recipient who did not go on to college immediately, a part-time student, older adult students and veterans of military service. (CAS, 2008)8 The CICU is a New York based network. All materials are circulated within the state of New York.

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place before school actually starts, thread high expectations into the foundation of their

programs, and offer underrepresented students a counternarrative.

The CICU handbook has showcased the underlying need to make sure that

students not only complete these programs successfully, but that they and their parents

get over the fear of stigmatization and reach a place of trust. Since my research will be

looking at the experiences of Black and Latinx first-generation, low-income students, it is

important to understand what the research literature tells us about how stereotypes impact

the collegiate success of students of color for whom there are stereotypes about their

intellectual capacity.

Psychologists Geoffrey Cohen and Claude Steele discuss why minority students

may be wary of educators who do not belong to their ethnic group (Cohen & Steele,

2002). These “non-traditional” students may fear a college campus in which they do not

fit the hegemonic culture and consciously or subconsciously mistrust staff because of

personal experiences and history (Cohen & Steele, 2002). Mistrust can decrease

motivation and performance, leaving students continually fearful of being stereotyped.

Consequently, they may suffer from low self-confidence. Cohen and Steele suggest

implementing a wise9 strategy – one that assures stigmatized students that they will not be

judged or treated stereotypically and that their abilities are not doubted, but assumed.

Wise allows minority students to trust staff, feel less anxious about being stereotyped, and

feel safe enough to invest in their education (Cohen & Steele, 2002).

9 The term wise originates from gay subculture of the 1950s. The original use of the term referred to straight individuals who were noticed for their ability to see the humanity in gay women and men. Sociologist Erving Goffman borrowed the term in 1963 to describe ideal student-teacher relations around stigmatization.

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CICU, Cohen and Steele exemplify the importance of creating environments that

can generate honest discussions and guidance about students’ ability and status and can

guide them through the multiple transitions they will face going through postsecondary

education. Many of the programs offered by CICU showcase support groups, weekly

meetings and reviews with counselors, and student reports. They also provide services

that are specially tailored to help with successful transitions within academia. Cohen and

Steele (2002) suggest that the best way to achieve success is to offer students honest

feedback that also lets them know how they can do better. Overpraising can create

difficult transitions into more challenging coursework and/or moving up through the

educational system. The practices of CICU and the theories of Cohen and Steele are great

examples of why the ability of teachers to connect with their students’ lives, not just in

the classroom but outside as well, is crucial to the success of academic support programs

like HEOP (Cohen & Steele, 2002).

Steele, Moll and Greenberg, Siddle Walker: Stereotypes, Cultural Capital, and Critical Mass

Social psychologist Claude Steele’s book Whistling Vivaldi, explores the

achievement gap created by race. Steele’s book consists of multiple social psychological

experiments between 1986 and 2010. In his book, Steele outlines identity contingencies10

and how they are tied to our social identities and how they impact the people we interact

with, the way we perform certain tasks and how we handle situations (Steele, 2010).

Steele’s work is important to this research because it highlights issues that could impact

the success of first-generation, low-income, Black and Latinx students. For instance,

10 Identity Contingencies are cues in a setting that can draw attention to stereotypes attached to one’s identity and the negative effects it can have on an individual.

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Steele’s “stereotype threat” is defined as being at risk for confirming negative stereotypes

about one’s self or the group to which one belongs. Stereotype threat is the continual fear

that one will be judged based on stereotype instead of personal value. Stereotype threat

can stem off into many other issues.11 For example, it can decrease test scores, prevent an

individual from pursuing school and career paths, and its impact can be captured by

measuring biological processes, such as high blood pressure and increased heart rate.

Thus we can see the potential impact of stereotype threat on the education and the health

of Black and Latinx college students.

One issue that is a result of stereotype threat is “predicament of identity,” which is

when someone is aware of their group identity and how society views it. In other words, a

person is aware that their performance could confirm a negative stereotype of them and

the group to which they belong (Steele, 2010). These experiences can prevent potential

students from really applying themselves out of fear of how they will be perceived. This

also puts such students in a position that makes them vulnerable, feeling as though they

will not perform up to expectations and do not belong. For example, in one of Steele’s

studies, a successful high school graduate was interviewed about his collegiate

experience. He revealed that according to his postsecondary teacher’s standards, he did

not perform well, and should consider leaving the program. This student took the

teacher’s advice, and never again felt as though he belonged in academia. Another result

of stereotype threat is the opposite of giving up, which is “over-efforting.” In this case,

students will put in intense effort, or refuse to do something like drop a challenging class

11 It is important to understand that stereotype threat does not just impact one or the most underrepresented racial group. Stereotype threat is something that everyone struggles with, some more than others, and can be dependent on the type of social situation one is in.

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because they do not want to confirm the stereotype that others have of them, which in

return, hurts them (Steele, 2010). Stereotype threat is so deeply rooted inside us, that it is

not something that one can claim doesn’t bother them. Steele shared the results of Anne

Krendl, Jennifer Richeson, William Kelley, and Todd Heatherton, who used MRI

imaging to look at how stereotype threat impacted the brain. They asked women to

complete math problems while in the MRI machine. Before the test began, they told some

of the women that, “research has shown gender differences in math and performance”

(Steele, 2010, p. 123). Research showed that the stereotype threat these women were

experiencing impacted the side of the brain associated with social and emotional

processing,12 and decreased activity in the area of the brain used to do mathematics.

According to Steele, although stereotype threat can never go away, self-

affirmation can reduce the sting of stereotype threat, especially within the classroom.

When students participated in affirmation exercises, they did better in their classes and

even lowered the amount of time they spent on worrying about racial stereotypes (Steele,

2010). Steele’s work is very influential in analyzing the HEOP program because many of

the issues he brings up about stereotype threat can be, and are, triggered in first-

generation, low-income, Black and Latinx students entering predominantly white spaces

(like a college campus).

The organization and programming endemic to New York Higher Education

Programs and the Federal Student Support Programs are designed to mitigate the impact

of stereotype threat. These Programs institutionalize the feedback loop that stereotype

threat research indicates supports improved performance. They tell students that they

12 The ventral anterior cingulate cortex is the area of the brain that is connected to social and emotional processing.

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have high expectations for them, that they can meet the expectations, and then show them

how to do this via work with experienced tutors and counseling. Thus students are

shielded from over-efforting and the tendency to leave majors, courses and programs they

feel that they are not supposed to succeed in. Upon review of the Higher Education

Opportunity Program brochure, it is evident that many of the HEOP requirements have

embedded tactics to help reduce stereotype threat and over-efforting, while continuously

generating a counternarrative and self-affirmation. This is evident in HEOP’s summer

program, remedial and developmental courses, tutorial services, and their counseling,

academic, personal and career services (HEOP Brochure, 2013).

The importance of funds of knowledge in Black and Latinx communities.

Along with constantly having to battle stereotype threat within a hegemonic space such

as a college campus, non-traditional students also struggle with having to verify and

validate the knowledge and skills they have obtained in the world around them.

Researchers Luis Moll and James Greenberg conducted a study that looked at the social

histories, labor, language, and opportunities to derive instructional innovations within

Mexican-American households. The researchers wanted to better understand productive

(labor-related) and learning (school-related) activities that are often overlooked in an

academic setting, but hold lots of knowledge and learning opportunities that could steer

curriculum within a classroom (Moll, 1990). Moll and Greenberg are arguing to redefine

cultural capital in a way that incorporates more experiences of individuals outside the

normative group. They define cultural capital as “funds of knowledge” that are

manifested through events and activities (Moll, 1990). They hypothesize that educators

are undervaluing the funds of knowledge that non-normative households instill in their

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children. According to Moll and Greenberg, academic spaces do not recognize non-

traditional funds of knowledge as educational, typically because they are not the

traditional piano lesson or family trip to an exotic place. The knowledge and its forms of

transmission hardly ever make it to classrooms and sadly remain an untapped resource

that has the potential to be used for academic instruction (Moll, 1990).

An example of the power of funds of knowledge is captured in the documentary

Underwater Dreams, and articles about a group of undocumented immigrants from

Arizona who entered a national underwater robotics competition, with a robot made with

found and Home Depot materials, and beat MIT for first place. Nettrice Gaskins13, one of

the creators of the field of technovernacular Steam has argued that they were able to be

successful not only due to the support and education from their teachers in an afterschool

program but also because they were able to draw on their funds of knowledge,

technological knowledge embedded in their work on low-rider cars (Mazzio, 2014).

Their Highest Potential by Vanessa Siddle Walker describes the struggles of the

Caswell County Training School (CCTS) in the segregated South and the obstacles that

the school faced in its attempt to provide the best education possible for their African

American students. The school was run by Principal N. Longworth Dillard, who was

dedicated to creating the most productive school environment he could, one that would

successfully prepare his students for postsecondary education or a professional career.

Dillard’s school saw much success throughout a racially intense time in history because:

1) The community played a major role in the development and sustaining of the

school;

13 Nettrice Gaskins is the founder and director of the maker space at the Boston Arts Academy. In order to learn about her work and scholarship, go to www.nettrice.us

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2) An understanding between students and staff regarding high expectations was

evident to all;

3) Dillard exposed his students to as much cultural capital as he could;

4) Dillard was able to develop a productive and promising counternarrative and

critical mass.

CCTS was successful because of everything the community donated to ensure their

children received an education that they, themselves, never even had the option of

obtaining. Friends, families and community leaders donated time, resources, labor and

money to help not only build the school, but give children rides, and allowed them to

have options about what they wanted to study or what clubs they wanted to be a part of

(Walker, 1996). CCTS received little help from the all-white school board and mostly

relied on their own community14 to produce and mold the success of their students.

Early on, Dillard instilled high expectations for all students and staff that were a

part of the CCTS community. Dillard wanted his students to meet a high degree of

character and maintain scholarship expectations. Students were expected to comply

cheerfully and after graduation, they were expected to give back to their African-

American community (Walker, 1996). Cohen and Steele discussed the importance of

setting high expectations early on for the entire class and how that can impact each

student. High expectations allow students to feel as though they can trust their educator,

pushes them to live up to the belief that everyone can do what is asked, and allows them

to feel less threatened (in regards to stereotype) when they are confronted with

14 CCTS had the support of a remarkable PTA. Since the school received little help from the all-white school board, they were left to fundraise and pay for most of the school’s costs through the community. The PTA would also talk to parents about the importance of their role in teaching and encouraging their children so that the success of the school would continue (Walker, 1996).

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underperformance. Along with this, the CCTS community also wanted to make sure that

their students had plenty of opportunity to learn and grow in areas that they were curious

about. The school board was attempting to make CCTS a vocational school, but the

leaders of the school wanted CCTS to offer a curriculum that was just as promising as, or

better than, white schools (Walker, 1996). Dillard allowed staff and students the freedom

to develop curriculum and clubs that matched their interests. His staff was encouraged to

be innovative versus traditionally following mandated course outlines. Students were also

told to develop their interests and had many different clubs and extracurricular activities

from which they could choose (drill team, orchestra, dramatics, future farmers, student

government, etc.) (Walker, 1996).

Lastly, CCTS was able to teach their students within a “critical mass” and

incorporate strongly rooted counternarratives. “The term critical mass refers to the point

at which there are enough minorities in a setting, like a school or a workplace, that

individual minorities no longer feel uncomfortable there because they are minorities”

(Steele, 2010, p. 135) There was a lot of racial tension between the 1930s and 1960s

while CCTS was operating and their students had a space where they did not have to feel

a continuous interfering level of identity threat for a brief duration of their day. CCTS

students were surrounded by people with backgrounds similar to theirs, who had

successfully struggled to reach high accomplishments, thus providing a mirror for what

the students could also accomplish.

Dillard was able to develop a critical mass, encourage his faculty to develop and

showcase a counternarrative (Steele, 2010). HEOP also develops a critical mass that is

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needed for first-generation, low-income, Black and Latinx students to function and learn

on a traditionally white campus.

Perry, Steele, Hilliard; Baker and Steiner: Counternarratives and Metamessages

A “counternarrative” is the opposite of the normative belief and stereotype about

an oppressed group, also known as an alternative narrative (Perry, Steele & Hillard,

2003). Counternarratives are crucial to the development of students who come from non-

hegemonic backgrounds, because it contests the societal beliefs that these students are

inferior academically, socially, culturally and intellectually.

A child’s belief in the power and importance of schooling and intellectual work

can be interrupted by teachers and others who explicitly or subtly convey a

disbelief in the child’s ability for high academic achievement, and the child

having a rightful place in the larger society—unless a counternarrative about the

child’s identity as an intellectual being is intentionally passed on to him or her.

(Perry, Steele & Hillard, 2003, p. 79)

The students who are members of non-dominant groups are consistently receiving

negative messages about themselves, the lifestyle they live and the communities they are

a part of. Counternarratives are lacking from a traditional school curriculum because

education was intended for the wealthy, for the smart, for the dominant group in society.

Counternarratives not only offer “proof” of what non-white, low-income students can

become, but also influence them to be active in demanding what they want, need and

expect out of their own education in order to feel and be accomplished. Having evidence

that non-dominant people in previous years, from often worse circumstances, have

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obtained an education, fought through adversity, or made a contribution that changed

society is such an impactful visual that it is astonishing that more educational institutions

don’t see this as an easy solution to increasing the low interest of students and decreasing

high drop out rates.

When the material in the classroom is not diverse and students are only learning

about one demographic, or one side’s perspective on a war, or are shown comparisons

regarding dark/light, male/female success rates, these students are being flooded with

conscious and unconscious stereotype threats. These fears are powerful and lasting in the

minds of students, “trying to defeat a stereotype leaves little mental capacity free for

anything else we’re doing” (Steele, 2010, p. 123). Mary Baker and Joseph Steiner have

researched how “metamessages”15 can impact students.16 Baker and Steiner explain that

negative metamessages need to be fought off through programs like HEOP because

In person-to-person transactions, it is the individual expression of group rejection;

a personalized injustice that attacks the individual without his group supports and

the individual takes it personally. Each act of this institutionalized behavior

deprives the black person of the feelings of self-worth and esteem he has derived

from his attempts to achieve acceptance through adhering to values, norms and

beliefs prescribed by society. (Baker & Steiner, 1995, p 2. )17

Along with stereotype threat and counternarratives, metamessages can be used to instill a

sense of opportunity, vision, and community in disadvantaged students that will require

15 Metamessage: An underlying meaning or implicit message.16 Baker and Steiner are not specifically referring to the Higher Education Opportunity Program in New York, as I am. Instead, they are referring to the varied programs nationally that fall under the same umbrella.17 Although the quote refers to “him/his” and black students, I would argue that it applies to all people from the non-dominant group.

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them to believe in themselves and in school achievement and will boost their self-esteem.

Professors, supporting staff and students need to be consciously aware of metamessages

and work towards enforcing constant reaffirmation so that these non-hegemonic students

have an equal opportunity to identify with the school, feel like contributing members, and

be seen as promising prospects (Baker & Steiner, 1995). However, one must be careful

when assisting children in understanding and fighting against metamessages, not to lose

focus on the specific struggles of the student. Properly addressing metamessages will

allow students to deal with difficult situations, appreciate how far they’ve come in the

face of adversity, and boost their confidence (Baker & Steiner, 1995).

Catherine Bell: Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice

Catherine Bell, a religious studies scholar, redefined the function of ritual in her

book, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. Bell looks at two ways in which ritual is defined as

an action as well as considered a practice:

By building on specific aspects of practice theory, I will lay out an approach to

ritual activities that stresses the primacy of the social act itself, how its strategies

are lodged in the very doing of the act, and how ‘ritualization’ is a strategic way

of acting in specific social situations. (Bell, 2009, p. 170)

Catherine Bell’s theoretical work on the role and function of rituals in creating cultures

and community and in making meaning will help identify the importance of rituals within

a school system and specifically within HEOP. Bell discusses how the body internalizes

these rituals. One’s body is not just used to perform such rituals, but connects to them on

a spiritual level, in a sense, becoming a part of the body and the environment around it.

Some have argued that rituals are merely put in place for social control within particular

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communities. However, Bell believes that rituals are put in place to help empower certain

social groups and develop special symbols that help strengthen beliefs (Bell, 2009). Bell

asserts that ritual and power are linked, but it is much more complicated than just making

a group more powerful due to the rituals that are practiced together. Rituals develop

because there is a social group that is experiencing societal constraints, resistance and/or

domination. Ritualization created as the result of these detriments can create

empowerment (Bell, 2009).

Bell’s theory can shine light on how the rituals of the HEOP program instill

privilege and develop impressions that are exhibited through one’s body. Building on

this, Bell’s idea about how rituals can be influential will help others understand how

influence is so strongly rooted within the HEOP culture. Bell’s work will be used to

examine how the program’s support services function as rituals and allow first-

generation “inadmissible” students to integrate and function effectively in the wider

campus culture.

Methodology

The data in this study comes from an open discussion in a focus group, with four

Higher Education Opportunity Program graduates and one student who was qualified to

attend the program, but did not. These young adults (2 men, 3 women) ranged in age

from 24-28. Two of the participants identified as Latinx (Dominican and Peruvian) while

the other three identified as Black (African-American and African). Participants were

asked to meet and discuss their experiences on a predominately white campus as first-

generation Black and/or Latinx students. The participants were asked to share

information about how they racially identified and offer a brief history about their family

21


and their role within it. This information is crucial in understanding the types of stressors

that some Black/Latinx students may be under while attempting to complete a

baccalaureate degree. Further into the focus group, the participants answered questions

about their overall experience within the HEOP program. They identified the services

they felt to be the most beneficial and those services that they felt were missing.

All interviews were transcribed, followed by a content analysis. I looked for

significant sentences or phrases that made crucial points about their overall experience

within the program. I looked at all the interviews combined to find common themes

throughout in order to identify important factors about the Higher Education Opportunity

Program and first-generation Black and Latinx students.

Analysis of Findings

Application Process

After going through the interviews, several themes emerged. The first theme is

that none of the students who participated in this study learned about the HEOP program

through their high school guidance counselor, the individual who should have been

helping these young students get into college. Four out of the five students found out

about the program on their own or through word-of-mouth. One student learned about the

program from working with a caseworker. By the time another student found out about

the program, she had already applied to a university through general admission. This

particular student was growing up poor, in the Bronx, while caring for her grandmother

and two younger siblings. This individual would have qualified for HEOP but was

overlooked. She spoke about having a guidance counselor who she did not feel had her

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best interest at heart. The other participants also spoke about not having a school

counselor or any other person to help them during the application process.

HEOP is Home

When the participants were asked to share what their HEOP experience was like,

there were several mentions of “home” and “family.” Some of the participants discussed

how HEOP became their safe haven, a place they always knew they could go and talk to

someone or work out problems. Due to the requirements that HEOP puts in place for

students and the community that surrounds them, each class holds a special bond and

becomes close. Four out of the five participants referred to their cohort as a family.18

According to Engle and Tinto, these are students who are coming from racial

backgrounds where family is tightly embedded within their culture. Family represents

safety, reliability, community and love. The HEOP program does such a good job at

building this family community because it has implemented what Engle and Tinto

gathered as evidence for retaining low-income, first-generation students:

1) A structured freshmen year experience

2) An emphasis on academic support

3) An active and intrusive approach to advising

4) A plan to promote participation

5) A strong presence on campus (Engle & Tinto, 2003)

18 The term family is not just to describe one’s entering freshmen class, but also all of those who have been or are participating in the program. An example would be when a student refers to another HEOP student either within their HEOP class or not as their HEOP brother or sister.

23


Setting these rules as the foundation for the program forces these students to work within

a certain standard set by the HEOP director. Since the rules and requirements for

participation in the program are strict, the students bond over the experience that they go

through, one that no student outside of the program can relate to.

Summer Program

As stated before, some cohorts from the HEOP program are required to attend a

summer program.19 This program runs from July to mid-August. Students must live on

campus, have a roommate, attended classes and show up with no electronic devices.

Contact with home is minimal to alleviate the feelings of homesickness. Throughout the

weeks, students take several classes and are given real assignments that must be

completed. Anyone who does not successfully complete the program does not get to

continue in the fall.20 Students who were impacted by budget cuts can still participate in a

program, but instead of living on campus, they must travel to campus, four days of the

week.

The summer program appears to have been a really important factor for all four

participants. Students discussed how the summer program allowed them to learn and

navigate the college campus, build a strong bond with the other HEOP students,

understand the expectations that professors had for students and got to take classes that

were fundamentals in being a good college student.21 One participant even described the

summer program as necessary, stating sadness for the cohorts that did not or might not 19 The summer program is dependent on funding, each year.20 This rule may vary by program.21 One student spoke about having to take a class that taught her how to study, what and why something should be highlighted. This is seen as a class that offers these students tools that they may not have had previously.

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get to participate due to funding. In 1965, President Johnson while outlining the

guidelines for affirmative action said,

You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate

him, bring him up to the starting line of the race, and then say, “You are free to

compete with all the others,” and still justly believe that you have been

completely fair. (as quoted in Garcia, 2003, p. 131)

This is to say that you cannot take economically disadvantaged, first-generation Black

and Latinx students and place them on a college campus and simply hope for the best.

These are students who may or may not have gotten the support they needed through high

school. These are students that do not have immediate family to answer their questions,

ease their fears, or perhaps even relate to them about the journey they are about to take.

The summer program acts as a “port of entry class.” David Kirp’s book, Improbable

Scholars, discusses the benefits of a port of entry class for a Union City high school in

New Jersey. Although Kirp is referring to high-school level education and speaking about

immigrant children who do not know much English, the idea still meshes well with that

of HEOP. Union City high constructed a class that takes these children who have not

been in much of a school setting and looks at their deficiencies. The class is then

designed around their needs. As soon as these students show improvement and the ability

to sustain their progress in general education classes, they are switched out (Kirp, 2013).

The summer program is designed in a similar fashion. According to the New York State

of Education HEOP guidelines, students should attend a summer course to get acclimated

to the campus and take remedial courses. These courses are generally in English and

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mathematics and are designed to prepare students for college level work (The State

Education Department, 2014). Since these students were able to spend time on campus

and get an idea of what college expectations were going to be like, they reported having

less anxiety about their first day of school. The participants mentioned that it was nice to

walk around, know where they were going and see familiar faces. One participant even

spoke about the difficulties of the summer program and how when school started, the

workload was much easier.

Support Services

The HEOP program not only pays for school and admits disadvantaged students

who would otherwise be overlooked, it also offers its students a variety of support

services that have been put in place to ensure that these students have all the

opportunities to graduate. For instance, the New York State Department of Education

states that a Higher Education Opportunity Program must have the following services:

1) Remedial courses, developmental, compensatory courses

2) Summer program/classes

3) Counseling, tutoring and guidance services for all those enrolled

4) Supplemental financial assistance (ex: book vouchers)

5) Access to computers and technology (private computer lab)

6) Must be taught study skills (The State Education Department, 2014)

According to the focus group, tutoring was one of the most valued services.

Students could willingly take on a tutor or one would be “recommended” by the HEOP

director upon midterm reviews. Students at this particular program also received services

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such as: financial aid counseling, guidance counselors to help with scheduling, free

therapy, access to religious life, work study opportunities, guidance while filling out their

FASFA, and encouragement to reach out to alumni. Although these students are accepted

as economically and/or academically disadvantaged, they are still expected to be an

integral part of the campus community, and neither the program nor its participants

should be segregated from other college programs.

Expectations for HEOP students must, however, not be less than the minimums on

the institution’s standard of academic progress chart filed with the State Education

Department. … Institutions must determine a point at which the HEOP student

will be subject to the same policies (such as academic probation or dismissal) as

the general student population. (The State Education Department, 2014)

Despite the stigma about HEOP students being unable to compete with other

students, HEOP students are held to very high standards. Ronald F. Ferguson is an

economist who has looked into factors that impact educational achievement.

Ferguson’s article, Helping Students of Color Meet High Standards, discusses the

importance of implementing “high help with high perfectionism.” In order for

students to succeed and showcase persistent effort, they must be working with a

teacher (or some other educator) who encourages students to ask questions and

demonstrates an eagerness to help. Secondly, the teacher must also push students to

thoroughly understand the material and complete their assignments with accuracy

(Ferguson, 2008). High help, high perfectionism models are carried out by educators

who take the time to know their students, their strengths and weaknesses and while

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also encourages learning. These educators really became mentors to their students.

There is a very clear understanding of the expectations that are in place for every

single HEOP student to succeed.

The Director

The director of the HEOP program is responsible for providing leadership and on-

site management of activities associated with HEOP; overseeing the budget, design and

evaluation of services and programs; hiring and supervising staff; building and

maintaining partnerships with other departments on campus; managing HEOP

recruitment and admissions, data collection, reporting and public relations (The State

Education Department, 2014). In addition to that, the director has a very influential

presence throughout the campus. All five of the participants used words such as: “father,”

“guidance,” and “family” to describe the current director who has held the position for

over 25 years. The director has created an environment that the participants have referred

to as safe, relaxing, home and a haven. All participants spoke about looking forward to

meeting with the director and partaking in conversations regarding their experience, their

grades, and their plans for the future. Participants also brought up the fact that the

director spent a lot of time asking them about their personal lives: How’s mom? How’d

your game go? How are your siblings?

The director of this HEOP program is an invested educator who wants nothing

more than to see his students succeed. There are many similarities between the director

of this program and Principal Dillard from Vanessa Walker’s book, Their Highest

Potential. Dillard took pride in his school, the innovative curriculum that lived there and

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the students who were flourishing due to his educated and supportive staff. One teacher

named Mary Graves recalled a faculty meeting where Dillard told staff, “If you can’t care

about the children, then you don’t need to be here.” Dillard continued on by explaining,

What you have to remember is that your sole concern is for our boys and girls.

Let them know that you care. This is the basis of good teaching—concern and

caring for a child regardless of who he is. If that child knows that you love him

and that you are giving him the attention, regardless of the social/economic

condition he comes out [of], he will rise above that. (Walker, 1996, p.150)

All five participants knew that their director cared about them and wanted them to be a

successful member of the HEOP family. Even the participant who was not a HEOP

student spoke highly of him, explaining how he would always check in on her, made sure

she was good and that his door was always open if she needed anything. A great educator

is someone who cannot only relate to the students, but someone who can construct a

space in which they feel safe. The director of the HEOP program and Principal Dillard

were both able to construct a space that students wanted to be in – in other words, they

created homes. The students of the HEOP program speak in the same admirable tone that

Dillard’s students would speak of him, “He loved us and treated us like his own children.

We felt like we were at home” (Walker, 1996, p. 134).

Desired Services

Although the HEOP program has a lot to offer its students, there were two things

that were mentioned as missing. First, participants felt as though they needed some sort

of financial literacy guidance. Participants would like to see more effort being put into

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teaching students how to manage their own bank accounts and budget. This is a crucial

skill for everyday life that students often struggle with. Another thing that students felt

the program was lacking was a mentor program. Over HEOP summer and throughout the

program, the director does put students in contact with HEOP graduates who volunteer

their time to talk to the new students. Students are encouraged to reach out and make

relationships with alumni in order to have a network of others who have once been where

they now are. Although this has allowed HEOP students to create friendships with those

who came before them to the program, it is dependent on the student and alum making

contact and keeping in touch. Those who participated in the focus group and reflected

back on their experience would like to see something implemented like a “big brother,

big sister” program. At the beginning of each semester, a freshmen and a senior or maybe

even an alumni, would be paired together, providing another support system.

Perseverance

All participants of this focus group shared their stories of trials and tribulations.

They explained just how difficult it was to leave home, meet new people, learn how to

survive on a college campus, and figure things out on their own. These students had

opportunities to walk away from such unknown terrain, but they decided that the struggle

would be worth it. When asked what advice they would like to pass on to the generations

coming up and entering into the beginning phases of this experience, they all had a

similar message: Don’t give up! These individuals want first-generation Black and Latinx

students to understand that it is going to be a difficult journey, but they should keep

pushing through. The generations coming up need to know that this is going to be scary,

but do not let that defer you. Embrace the change, let it happen, dedicate yourself and

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soak up every opportunity to try new things while utilizing the supports that you have

access to, via the HEOP program. Persevere despite the difficulties that will come your

way.

Discussion

Understanding the Structure of the Higher Education Opportunity Program

The Higher Education Opportunity Program is a very successful program that is

specifically designed to take students who are not expected to achieve and guide them

through the collegiate experience to success. In 1969, legislation constructed the HEOP

program (also known as the Educational Opportunity Program [EOP]), which provided

access to students who were known to be educationally, or economically disadvantaged.22

The program was designed to provide those students with the best support services

available to ensure graduation. Currently, individuals can choose from over 55 schools

within the state of NY that offer HEOP (The University of New York, 2013).

The Higher Education Opportunity Program is unique because of the variety of

supports that a single student may access at any time. To start, each student must attend a

summer program. The summer program is specifically designed to help the students get

acquainted with the campus and get acclimated to college life. Students must also take a

non-credit course, to familiarize the first-year students with the type of workload they

should expect to encounter. Throughout the summer, students spend a lot of time with

22 “Economically and educationally disadvantaged” refers to students who come from families with low incomes, score low on tests for verbal, mathematical and other cognitive skills and do not meet the traditional measurements for high school average, class standing and SAT scores. However, these students are also selected based on their high potential for success on a college campus.

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their fellow HEOP classmates, forming their own community. This alone develops into a

very safe and influential “family” structure that continues into the school year.

In addition to the summer program and the bond that is created over time with

classmates, HEOP is required to offer additional services for all students. Each student is

required to take remedial and developmental courses, and to utilize tutorial, counseling,

academic, personal and career services (The University of New York, 2013). Students

are also required to attend all HEOP “family” meetings and are encouraged to join at

least one club on campus. The HEOP program quickly becomes recognized as a safe

space for students to go and address any wants, needs or concerns they may have

throughout their four to five years on campus. The HEOP program has seen high rates of

success over the last several years. For instance, from 1999-2011, this particular HEOP

program admitted 206 students and graduated 128 of them.23

The Need for a Critical Mass

Educational Opportunity Programs like HEOP, have not only allowed students,

considered inadmissible by some, a chance to successfully complete a college degree, but

these programs have also developed a critical mass in which these students feel

comfortable operating within a predominantly white campus. As stated earlier, Steele

defines critical mass as

The point at which there are enough minorities in a setting, like a school or a

workplace, that individual minorities no longer feel uncomfortable there because

they are minorities—in our terms, they no longer feel an interfering level of

identity threat. (Steele, 2010, p.135)

23 See Exhibit A

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The more faces that students see that look like their own, the less likely they are to

experience intense feelings of stereotype threat, which according to Steele, can greatly

impact socialization and academic performance. HEOP students are often paired by

majors and encouraged to take as many courses together as possible (especially during

the first few years of school) to help eliminate feelings of alienation and worthlessness. I

believe the critical mass that HEOP attempts to construct is also beneficial in the

exchange of cultural capital amongst students. Critical mass allows students of similar

backgrounds to feel comfortable enough to not only share their stories and life

experiences, but also be proud in doing so. This can create dialogue amongst students and

help them realize that everyone comes from different backgrounds from which they learn

and acquire tools that are needed to get through life. As Mildred Garcia said in the book,

Affirmative Action’s Testament of Hope, “We must bridge the gaps between Americans

and learn to embrace those who think differently and whose experiences are profoundly

different from our own” (Garcia, 1997, p.8). Bridging the gap between normative and

stigmatized experiences could expand the boundaries of what qualifies as critical mass,

because then instead of finding comfort only in people who look similar to oneself, an

individual can find comfort in someone who shares a similar story or who has been

through some of the same experiences. Together, critical mass and cultural capital can

also tackle the belief that higher education is predominantly for the wealthy (Garcia,

1997). Wealth should not be a large contributing factor in determining who can and

cannot attend college.

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Counternarratives and Excellence

A counternarrative is an alternative narrative that counters the dominant narrative

of an oppressed group. The director of the HEOP program is continuously attempting to

generate counternarratives that will keep his students focused, and committed to the

HEOP program. Counternarratives are built into the foundation of HEOP. Many of the

staff are volunteers or graduates of the HEOP program. Many of the alums come to the

HEOP events to share their stories and offer advice to the incoming class. Students are set

up with counselors and alumni that they can rely on throughout their first semester (and

beyond). The ability to see that others have come from a similar place as oneself and has

created a desirable life, allows these students to fight past the demeaning assumptions

about them and reach for something beyond their comfort level.

Their Highest Potential, by Vanessa Siddle Walker, displays the importance of a

counternarrative. Like Mr. Clyde and the HEOP program, Principal Dillard of the

Caswell County Training School finds himself constructing a school with relatable faces.

Not only is Dillard a man who has a background that can be mirrored to some of his

students, he too hires teachers who have graduated CCTS. Dillard encourages his

students to look around and fight through whatever struggles they may be having.

Dillard wants to ensure that all of his students have a fair chance to obtain an education

(Walker, 1996).

Rituals and The Higher Education Opportunity Program

There are many reasons that one could name to try to explain in the success of

HEOP programs. However, there is no available research that investigates the huge

influence and impact of rituals on a program like this and what it does for students.

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Throughout the focus group, students mentioned the importance of several program

rituals. The first is family/town hall meetings. These meetings, which took place monthly

(or as often as the director saw fit), highlighted events that were happening on campus

and tasks that HEOP students needed to complete.24 They also allowed participants to

share stories of success about graduated or current HEOP students with the cohorts. This

seemed to be an event that students enjoyed and made them feel as though they were part

of a community.

Mid-semester meetings were also a routine that participants discussed as

something that made a big impact on their collegiate experience. These one-on-one

meetings were held halfway through a semester and included discussion of the successes

and failures of the semester thus far. This allowed the students to strive for better,

acknowledge their flaws, and identify areas in which they needed to put in more work.

Participants also mentioned how much they liked the fact that the director made these

meetings personal by asking about their families, hobbies, and life on campus.

In addition to town hall and mid-semester meetings, HEOP students were

encouraged to participate in an annual trip to Albany, New York, where they would

spend the day at the State Capitol. Students spent about eight hours or more meeting with

congressmen to discuss the importance of the program, how it was impacting their life

and why funding should not be cut. After a day’s work, students would return to the

buses for the four-hour trip home. These three activities become habitual and meaningful

24 Students would be asked to complete their financial aid forms (FAFSAs) early, make their scheduling for the next school year, complete grad school apps and work on reference letters. These tasks were considered homework, and the director would check in to make sure each task was complete.

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throughout the four to five years that these students are on campus. They become

something that constructs what it means to be a HEOP student.

These various meetings that the young people are taking part in are ritualized and

transformed into ceremonial events. Clifford Geertz, an anthropologist who is a major

influencer in ritual says,

It is in some sort of ceremonial form—even if that form be hardly more than the

recitation of a myth, the consultation of an oracle, or the decoration of a grave—

that the moods and motivations which sacred symbols induce in men and the

general conceptions of the order of existence which they formulate for men meet

and reinforce one another. … In ritual, the world as lived and the world as

imagined, fused under the agency of a single set of symbolic forms, turns out to

be the same world. (as quoted in Bell, 1992, p.27 )

Rituals construct a world around us, one that does not have to fit into the hegemonic

discourse. So, when you take students who are not white, who are poor, considered

unintellectual and have no historical family ties to higher education, they need something

to hold onto. Programs like HEOP have developed rituals like family meetings and trips

to Albany to reaffirm their unity. Rituals have given power to this underrepresented

group and allowed them to find comfort amongst themselves in order to make it to the

finish line, degree in hand (Bell, 1992).

Since HEOP students spend four to five years of their lives taking part in these

rituals that possess so much meaning, they become attached and dedicated to the

program. As stated before, the ritualization of partaking in these events creates a unity

between all those involved with the Higher Education Opportunity Program, which

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means that a good portion of them feel the need to continue being an active participant.

Two of the four HEOP participants spoke about volunteering their summers to be

counselors who help design and implement the summer program. Some even come back

to give inspirational talks or networking advice throughout the semester. These actions

seem similar to what Catherine Bell in, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, was explaining

about how rituals seem to never stop, but continually circulate and recycle. The

significance from one ritual (family meeting, sense of unity) can flow over into another

ritual (volunteering for HEOP summer program). The rituals become transformative, to

better fit with the lives of those who are themselves transforming (Bell, 1992).

Conclusion

The Higher Education Opportunity Program has proven to be a space in which

students feel safe. It has proven to be a program that motivates and protects, allowing its

students to focus on being high performers. The systems that are in place to ensure the

graduation of these students appear to be big influencers in their success. The systems

seem to become ritualized, holding great importance and creating a unity amongst them,

so much so that they see one another as family. Given the success of this program and

the way in which it transforms the lives of Black and Latinx, first-generation students,

more programs and services such as these should be offered in higher education.

Although there is always room for error and the focus group sample was small, it would

be ideal to recreate this study, using a larger pool, accepting those from various programs

that are designed similarly in order to see what factors played a large role in the success

of these students.

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Exhibit A

HEOP Graduation Profile1999-2011

The following chart reflects the entering freshman cohort admitted, with the corresponding number of students who earned baccalaureate degrees:

Entering Year Total Freshman Admitted

Total Graduates Graduation Rate

1999 16 11 69%2000 15 7 47%2001 10 6 60%2002 16 14 88%2003 21 11 52%2004 26 19 73%2005 15 8 53%2006 20 14 70%2007 13 6 46%2008 16 9 56%2009 10 6 60%2010 15 12 80%2011 13 5 38%2012

Totals 206 128 62%

According to the most recent statistics compiled from HEOP SED, the statewide program graduation rate is 59%.

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References

Arthur O. Eve Higher Education Opportunity Program [PDF]. (2014). Albany: The State Education Department.

Baker, M. R., & Steiner, J. R. (1995, March). Solution-focused social work: Metamessages to students in Higher Education Opportunity Programs. Oxford Journals, 40 (2), 225-232. Retrieved September 2016, from Jstor.org/stable/23718040.

Bell, C. M. (2009). Ritual theory, ritual practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

CAS Executive Office. (2008). Council for the Advancement of Standards in Higher Education [Brochure]. Fort Collins, CO: Author.

Cohen, G. L., & Steele, C. M. (2002). A barrier of mistrust: How negative stereotypes affect cross-race mentoring. In J. Aronson (Ed.), Improving academic achievement: Impact of psychological factors on education (pp. 303-327). San Diego: Academic Press.

Engle, J., & Tinto, V. (n.d.). Moving beyond access: College success for low income, first-generation students. Retrieved November 2, 2016, from http://www.pellinstitute.org

Ferguson, R. F. (2008). Helping students of color meet high standards (Master's thesis, Harvard Graduate School and the John F. Kennedy School of Government, 2008) (pp. 1-8). Boston, MA: The New Press.

Garcia, M. (1997). Affirmative Action's testament of hope: Strategies for a new era in higher education. New York, NY: State of New York Press.

Kirp, D. L. (2015). Improbable scholars: The rebirth of a great American school system and a strategy for America's schools. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Mazzio, M. (Director). (2014, July 11). Underwater Dreams [Video file]. Retrieved from http://www.underwaterdreamsfilm.com

Moll, L. C. (1990). Creating zones of possibilities: Combining social contexts for instruction. In J. B. Greenburg (Ed.), Vygotsky and education: Instructional implications and applications of sociohistorical psychology (pp. 319-347). Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press.

Perry, T., Steele, C., & Hilliard, A. G. (2003). Young, gifted, and Black: Promoting high achievement among African-American students. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

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Steele, C. (2010). Whistling Vivaldi: And other clues to how stereotypes affect us. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company.

United States, Commission on Independent Colleges and Universities, CICU. (2013). Handbook of best practices: College preparation and success for traditionally underrepresented and non-traditional students (2nd ed., pp. 1-103). New York, NY: Federal College Access Challenge Grant. Retrieved September/October, 2016, from www.cicu.org

The University of the State of New York, The State Education Department (SUNY, SED). (2013). HEOP Works [Brochure]. Albany, NY: Author.

Walker, V. S. (1996). Their highest potential: An African American school community in the segregated South. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

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