Eric SchirmerHIST 8065Final Essay

4/30/2013

“There’s one thing that board members must really consider at this point, particularly our

white brothers and sisters. They’ve got to ask themselves from the depths of their hearts if they

are ready to set the black man free. I mean completely free, politically and economically,

because if you are, you must realize that when he reaches this degree of independence, he may

very well tell you to go to hell,” proclaimed John McCown. As a strong-willed powerful civil

rights activist, McCown believed the only way for blacks to gain independence from their white

oppressors was through political and economic freedom. Utilizing the majority black population

of Hancock County, Georgia, McCown felt the Hancock was ripe for black dominance and

would develop into the model county that the rest of the nation could emulate. 1

Born in the small Peedee area of South Carolina, outside Myrtle Beach, McCown grew

up tough. After losing his father at the age of three to a traffic accident, McCown moved in with

his grandparents as his mother could no longer support her family and she moved to Harlem

during the great migration for more plentiful work opportunities. As educational segregation

was the law during the 1940’s McCown attended the all black Loris Training School. He would

go on to become class president as well as a member of the basketball team. However, never

feeling at home, McCown moved to Harlem to be with his mother. While there he saw firsthand

the challenges that many blacks found upon their arrival to the Northern urban ghettos which

promised so much opportunity for Southern blacks. McCown’s mother worked a variety of jobs

where and when she could. Although the McCown family always put an emphasis on education

John struggled academically as his Southern education was no match for his Northern

classmates. His years in Harlem, however, taught him that if people want to survive in this

world they need to be bold, aggressive, and self-assured. 2

Deciding the military would provide the best avenue for success, McCown join the Air

Force and moved to Colorado. While a member of the Air Force, McCown further developed as

a social leader. Following the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing in Birmingham, AL, where

four young black girls were murdered as a racial target, McCown helped organize the first civil

rights demonstration in Colorado Springs where he was stationed. McCown began to gain favor

from the local National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and was

appointed the title of military advisor to Edward Bradford, the president of the Colorado Springs

chapter. Bradford appreciated McCown’s “honesty and courage to speak the truth and to

elaborate on his opinions.” Through the early 1960’s, McCown continued to advocate for the

abolishment of military bias against blacks all over the country. After nearly ten years in the

military, McCown received a general discharge. Becoming a prominent figure in the civil rights

movement of the sixties, McCown would turn his attention to the South as he attempted to make

sweeping changes out the white dominated patriarchal society. 3

Following his years of service, McCown moved to Selma, Alabama, to join Dr. Martin

Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) where black voter

restrictions had lead to massive protests and marches. Dr. King, as mentioned by his wife, Annie

Mae, was a major influence and played a role in the development of McCown as a community

organizer and leader. While in Alabama, McCown would befriend another well-known civil

rights activist, Stokely Carmichael. Carmichael’s views on racial equality were rooted in the

black power movement and the notion that blacks must defend themselves physically, if the

situation requires. McCown developed into a composite of both King and Carmichael. His

community organizing skills and often peaceful protests mirrored Dr. King’s message, while the

intimidation and strong arm tactics McCown utilized resembled the black power mentality of

Carmichael. McCown, however, did not see eye to eye with Dr. King on certain aspects of

community organizing. McCown believed if black leaders were truly to make a lasting

impression, they must invest into a single community as opposed to entering a community

briefly and then withdrawing. 4

As a member of the Equal Opportunity Authority (EOA), McCown relocated to

Savannah. Throughout various community actions, he continued his desire of black equality

through political awareness and black empowerment. A struggle in which he found himself was

the difficulty of following through on many of the promises made to local black residents.

McCown was accused of trying to be a “one man show” and that he was better suited as a civil

rights activist and not an EOA employee. Regardless of the objection by the head of the local

NAACP chapter, McCown was dismissed from the EOA. He traveled north to Hilton Head, the

home of his wife. Moving to Hilton Head provided McCown a new opportunity as he was

appointed president of a black community organization. Although McCown’s actions may have

been warranted in many communities throughout the South, Hilton Head was not one of them.

His threats to protest at an island motel went unsupported as blacks had established a feeling of

acceptance in the community and did not suffer the same discrimination that other blacks

throughout the South faced. 5

McCown continued to travel the South under the direction of the Southern Rural Action

Project. While McCown’s main objective was to increase black voter registration, he could not

help continually getting involved in demonstrations and rallies. McCown would later brag that

he was the one who pushed Ivan Allen, the mayor of Atlanta, off the car he was standing on

during the Atlanta riots of 1966. While in Athens, working as a consultant for the ACTION

agency of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), McCown shifted the focus of the

organization from an anti-poverty agency to a political focused group with an anti-white agenda

for black control. While with ACTION, McCown was accused of rape from a white nurse.

Although he was never charged, many members of the OEO described him as a scoundrel, a

thief, and extremely cocky. As the vocal leader of ACTION, McCown branched out into

Hancock County to join his organization. McCown knew Hancock County was a prime location

for his plan of black political dominance. Described by the Athens Daily News as “well-

educated, intelligent, dedicated, sincere, a man with good ideas, and aggressive.” Over the next

ten years the residents of Hancock County would become polarized by a man described as the

“Black Jesus” by some and “a lowdown son-of-a-bitch that needs killing” by others. 6

The four necessary factors which must be present for African-Americans to ascend

politically in the South consisted of (1) a large amount of property ownership by blacks, (2) a

large amount of educated black residents, (3) a standing history of tolerable race relations, and

finally (4) an overwhelming majority of the population must be black. The need for an

overwhelming majority of the population is required as historically, the majority of white

citizens tend to block vote for the white candidate whereas many blacks do not vote either

because of age requirements, lack of accessibility to polling stations, or simply the

disenfranchisement that blacks have faced in voting for decades. Hancock County processed all

four important factors and had a desire for change as all members of the county had fallen on

hard times during the Twentieth Century collapse of the cotton industry. 7

Throughout the Nineteenth Century, Hancock was the epicenter of agricultural and

technological advancement, as David Dickson, the “prince of farmers,” developed a new method

of crop rotation and fertilizer development. Following the economic struggles of the South

during reconstruction, by the turn of the century, Hancock was again flourishing due to the high

cotton demand of World War I. Conversely, after the stock market crash, impending depression,

and introduction of the boll weevil, Central Georgia fell into a deep state of poverty and despair

for both whites and blacks. The dire living situation of the early to mid Twentieth Century

lowered the county’s per-capita income toward the bottom ranking of the nation. 8

Blacks at one time owned sixty percent of the land in the county. However, changing

policies and clerks increased the taxes in the county and drove the black citizens off their land.

This allowed white citizens of the county to purchase the land for much less than it was worth.

By 1971, the amount of land owned by blacks was down to seven percent. Many influential and

powerful white citizens of Sparta, the seat of Hancock County, treated the black majority

population in a similar fashion to how the city’s namesake Greek Spartans treated the Helots.

The Helots were viewed by the Spartans as somewhere between slave and freemen. The Helots

were forced to provide their Spartan masters with a bounty of fruits and vegetables along with a

multitude of physical tasks. These Helots were ritualistically abused and frequently killed by

Spartans with no inclination of repercussion. 9

Although Hancock County had been regarded in the South as one of the more tolerable

communities toward its black inhabitants, segregation and belittlement was a daily reminder for

many blacks. The county prided itself in that it was the only county in Georgia without a

lynching. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK) failed to make much of an influence in the county as the

film Birth of a Nation was not played in what would later become the ECCO Theater, the

county’s only movie house. However, the black residents of Hancock were restricted in their

choice of schools, social centers, and water fountains. 10

Following the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voter Rights Act of 1965,

the black youth population of Hancock County began to look around at other predominately

black Southern communities and saw major change and reform taking place. This was not the

case in Hancock as the schools and restaurants throughout the county were still segregated.

Many black citizens of Hancock County had become integral members of the community, such

as Henry Hunt, the founder of Fort Valley State College; Bishop Lucius Holsey of the Colored

Methodist Episcopal Church, and Benjamin Hubert, son of famed farmer Zack Hubert, who was

a former president of Savannah State College. Famed Harlem Renaissance author Jean Toomer

also spent time in Sparta as a substitute principal at a black industrial school. His time in

Hancock County helped inspire his collection of highly acclaimed literary vignettes entitled

Cane. In part because Hancock had developed a large mullato population through the interracial

relationships of slave master and female slaves, the county never developed the culture of

“redneck” tradition that so many of the other counties and states in the South established. 11

Within three months from its inception, The Hancock County Democratic Club (HCDC)

has generated 300 members, largely through the support of local churches. The focus of the

organization was to increase voter registration as well as black political awareness. In the fall of

1964 during the height of civil rights changes on the federal level, the HCDC held a sit in at the

Old Reece Drugstore. Blacks were not allowed to sit at the counter, but when they attempted to

do so, the owner removed all the chairs for the establishment. The crowd chose to march toward

the hotel where the drugstore owner phoned ahead and had the doors of the hotel locked.

Regardless of federal changes, segregation of all sorts continued through much of the South. In

1965, the SCLC decided to join the fight for black equality and increased black voter

registration. Partnered with the HCDC, the two organizations mobilized efforts to position the

majority black population of the county to utilize their votes for the introduction of black

political power. The HCDC chose to run three black candidates, and among threats and

demonstrations by the KKK, all three were victorious. Robert Ingram Sr. was elected the first

black member of the board of education; James Smith, the first black county commissioner; and

E.R. Warren, the first black member of the Democratic executive committee. This watershed

moment would prove to establish Hancock County as the prime location for a strong, vocal, and

intimidating black figure to create a model community for blacks to aspire toward social and

economic equality. 12

When John McCown entered Hancock County, he became the igniting force throughout

the county as he looked to change the control of the political landscape which has been under

white minority. McCown felt his idea of black self-help could only be carried out through

political participation. Believing political power and economic stability went hand in hand,

McCown would visit homes, bars, and churches to spread his message. McCown developed in

the black citizens of Hancock the knowledge that one person could make a difference and that

through their own perseverance, the dream of self-governing could be possible in the South. 13

The Georgia Council on Human Relations (GCHR) had grown out to the Georgia

Commission on Interracial Change, which was established in 1919. The GCHR had developed a

solid reputation by many leaders throughout Georgia. The council had selected McCown as its

executive director prior to his rape allegations at ACTION. Although split in their decision, the

council decided that, as these were simply allegations, the nomination should hold, and McCown

was appointed. The retiring executive director, Francis Pauley, was one of the members of the

council that did not want McCown as her successor. However, on her final council activity, she

took McCown with her on a trip to New York for fundraising. While there, she introduced him

to powerful figures where McCown was able to, as Pauley would later utter, “[get] ten times the

money out of those foundations that I ever did”. “He was a con artist, he got money from the

Urban League and the government…he took all of the government money into the council,” she

said. Regardless of the financial accounting, Pauley was correct in that McCown was able to

attract large sums of money to a desperately poor county. 14

One of the primary responsibilities of the HCDC was not to only get more blacks in

political power, but also to ensure those in power supported “black interests”. McCown had

found that James Smith consistently voted along with the two other white commissioners, even

when the issues at hand when against black improvement. Robert Ingram Sr. on the other hand,

as a member of the board of education would relay information back to the HCDC and many

times stood alone on certain issues where he felt blacks were being marginalized. McCown

decided that not only did blacks need to be involved in the political scene, but also they needed

to be the majority in all political positions. Despite McCown’s best intent, he was viewed by

many white citizens as an outsider. They felt since he was not someone from the area, he did not

know how things functioned in Hancock. As many county political issues through history were

settled, by a white citizen’s view, in a mild manner behind closed doors approach, McCown’s

brash and direct nature of public intimidation and exposure generated a sense of fear throughout

the traditionally controlled white community. 15

As founder of the East Central Committee for Opportunity (ECCO), McCown was able to

attract funding from both private and federal entities toward the rebirth of a once great county

which had fallen on extremely hard times. One of the primary objectives of the Committee was

to implement a Head Start program for the disadvantaged youth of Hancock. Education for

blacks in the South had been a constant source of inequality for centuries. McCown also began

an investigation of the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) as to why so few blacks were

granted loans for housing. As the investigation did find biased practices, procedures were

changed and blacks in Hancock began receiving FHA loans. 16

Throughout the South, many black leaders had contemplated the thought of a black

separatist movement. A pioneer of the separatism movement following the reconstruction of the

South was Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA).

Garvey’s feelings of black isolation continued to evolve through the Twentieth Century. During

the 1960’s, black leaders believed they could establish all-black communities in the South in an

effort to establish the credibility that blacks could become self-sufficient if given an equal

opportunity. A principal organizer of this movement was Orzell Billingsley. The Birmingham

attorney believed an establishment of all black communities outside of major metropolitan areas

would help to build continuity among blacks who would live without the fear of constant

harassment of both white citizens and white law enforcement. Contrary to the beliefs by many

white citizens of Hancock, McCown was adamant in his belief structure to Billingsley. McCown

had no aspiration of black separatism and was quoted as saying, “I want it made crystal clear that

in Hancock County we’re not interested in the least in any all-black community.” 17

In 1969 while working with George Lott of the HCDC, McCown became an integral part

of the racial fight regarding the integration of the all-white Sparta High School. Blacks had been

relegated to the crowded, less equipped Hancock Central High School. As educational federal

funding is based on student’s daily attendance, through student boycotts, McCown was able to

convince Hancock’s black residents to fight for their equality. During the beginning of the fall

semester, McCown lead a march of two hundred black residents. As the county was losing

$5,000 a day in lost federal funding, the superintendent agreed to integrate some of the black

students. McCown refused and was jailed for not obtaining a parade permit. A compromise was

made as blacks were able to enroll in Sparta High and whites were required to attend Central

High. Many whites did not attend and choose to enroll in local private school. McCown’s

polarizing actions created a divide between the county’s white population who were forced to

decide whether they would continue the tradition of white paternalistic dominance or agree with

McCown and the federal government and be labeled a “nigger lover”. 18

McCown continued to use his power and influence to further develop political

connections on the national level. Establishing a network in Washington, D.C., McCown was

conscious of not only where the federal dollars were being made available, but also how to

channel that money toward Hancock County. Meetings with the OEO and the Economic

Development Agency (EDA) would generate grants of $225,000 and $68,000 to launch

McCown’s vision of a catfish farm in rural Mayfield, along the Ogeechee River. As much of the

South was in desperate need to establish a new avenue of income following the cotton collapse,

fish farming had proven to be quite successful in a number of Southern states. 19

As McCown was now fully invested into the community of Sparta, his focus toward the

1968 county elections was to run a black candidate for every elected position. The number of

blacks elected tripled from the 1966 elections which included McCown himself being elected

county commissioner. Joining James Smith as a fellow commissioner, the office was two-thirds

black controlled for the first time in the county’s history. McCown collectively served as the

executive director of the GCHR, the chairman of the Association of Human Relations Council

and now commissioner. Although a $1,680 annual salary is granted to commissioner, McCown

chose to serve without pay. In the 1968 election, the HCDC also nominated the daughter of

Robert Ingram Sr., Edith Ingram, as probate judge. The younger Ingram was victorious and

subsequently held the post for thirty-six years. Ingram’s first objective was to establish birth

certificates for Hancock’s poor black community born prior to 1930 to allow them to receive full

social security benefits. As probate, Ingram would provide a sense of comfort to many black

citizens who dared not enter the county courthouse for fear of ridicule and dismissal. 20

Over the next few years, unprecedented amounts of money began flowing into Hancock

County. McCown used the investments and federal assistance to help reenergize the county.

Through financial contributions from the Ford Foundation and the Southern Regional Council

entrusted millions of dollars to ECCO, and McCown responded with creative and inventive ways

to generate money for the county. In addition of the catfish farm, which was to become “one of

the largest and most scientific catfish farms in the world” according to Time Magazine, McCown

would develop plans for a low-income housing development as he felt if blacks were provided

with a stable home structure it would further develop their sense of worth and ultimately give a

feeling of equality. ECCO would go onto purchase vast tracts of land and establish other

programs which included a cement block factory, control of the county hospital, and the

purchase of the only theater in Hancock County. Many felt the purchase of the theater was more

of a symbol of the new black dominance as for decades blacks had been segregated and were

designated to the upper balcony of the theater. 21

McCown was in complete control of the county purse strings and although he was a

phenomenal motivator and organizer, he had his struggles as an accountant. The county

bookkeeper, Curt Doernberg, quit claiming he was concerned about the integrity of the direction

of McCown and the council. Former president of the Georgia Council, Reverend Thomas

Stubbs, Jr. wrote a letter warning executive committee members and directors of irregularities in

finances in Hancock County. Stating, “There has been so much shifting of money from one

project to another that I have been unable to understand or keep track of it.” Reiterating that

McCown is the most important and number one employee, Stubbs submitted his resignation with

the parting words of, “with the sincere hope that the Council can quickly find a way to put its

house in order before it is too late.” 22

Many of the white citizens of Hancock felt McCown was becoming too powerful of a

figure for such a small town. This sense of fear reached its apex in the spring of 1971 when

Mayor Buck Patterson decided to purchase ten submachine guns for its six-man police force.

Following reports of gunfire throughout the countryside and repeated threats by black citizens

toward the white city police prompted the city’s actions. McCown responded by purchasing

thirty submachine guns and creating handbills advertising the “Hancock Sporting Rangers” as a

“hunting club” and encouraging the purchases of shotguns, rifles, and submachine guns.

McCown claimed a boycott of white businesses would continue until an agreement was reached.

Former Governor Jimmy Carter traveled to Sparta to serve as a mediator for Patterson, McCown,

Vice-Mayor Leroy Napier, and Police Chief Walter Garrett. Carter’s presence served as a

calming factor as his influence lead to the end of the arms race which saw both sides relinquish

their submachine guns. Following the meeting, Carter met with a large crowd of black citizens

as they were able to have their voices heard. Within a few years Carter would use his skills in

race relations and public support to become elected the 39th President of the United States.

McCown too reaped the benefits of state-wide attention as he was able to further display his

control and dominance as a black leader in a traditionally white governmental setting. 23

Just as McCown was reaching the pinnacle of this political power, he was cut down by

Georgia Council member Reverend James Hooten who called into question McCown’s

accounting practices with a prepared list of financial inconsistencies. On October 30, 1971,

McCown resigned his position feeling he was betrayed by some of his most supportive

constituents. Upon his exit, accountants were brought in to help organize the misappropriated

accounts. It was found that no suitable contracts between ECCO and the council funded by the

OEO and the Ford Foundation could be found. Questionable land swaps between McCown and

others created an undocumented $50,000 profit for ECCO, while the failings of the catfish farm

generated losses of $292,892 while payments of $120,863 were paid toward travel and

consultant fees. While some citizens saw McCown as the driving force for black

empowerment, others saw him as an opportunist who was more concerned with bettering his

own lifestyle rather than assisting those he was sent to Hancock to help. 24

In the 1972 county elections, again McCown pushed for black dominance in every

elected position. Following the elections, blacks had won fourteen of the eighteen contests.

Nine of the counties in Georgia with a majority black population held elections for their local

school board. Of the six total elected black officials in the state, four were from Hancock

County. For the first time in the county’s history, black officials also gained complete control of

the local hospital. McCown’s dream of nearly complete black control had come to fruition. The

accusations and ramifications which would unfold over the next four years, whether due to

McCown’s carelessness or the fear of the white patriarchal South losing its grip on control,

would create a lasting effect on how the racial communities in Hancock County would become

polarized. 25

Now with his focus squarely on ECCO and his commissioner post, McCown found

himself scrambling to find financial assistance within his quickly deteriorating business ventures.

Befriending Sonny Walker of the OEO, McCown petitioned for and was appropriated a

$300,000 grant. Governor Carter again stepped in and required an audit of ECCO while

imposing a veto on the distribution of funds as he felt the majority of the grant was simply being

paid in salaries and administrative cost so that very few dollars allocated would actually go

toward assisting the poor directly. McCown retaliated by using his Washington D.C. ties to

petition to the state Republican chair and had Carter’s veto overwritten by the Nixon

administration. Both sides accused the other of playing politics. 26

An article written by Atlanta Constitution reporter Jeff Nesmith titled, “Nightclub Getting

Hancock Poverty Funds,” brought to light the million dollar grant given to ECCO by OEO, of

which a portion was funding a nightclub and two airplanes for the international airstrip in rural

Mayfield, which McCown also developed through federal grant money. This report questioned

McCown’s motives as well as Hancock’s need for an international airstrip when half of the

county lived below the poverty line. Ironically, of all of the investments and projects ECCO

pursued, the nightclub was the only one that turned a profit. Governor Carter continued his

assault on McCown as no accountability was ever presented regarding the vast sums of money

which had entered the county over the past eight years. Continuing in his investigative series,

Nesmith went on to write,

In 1966 John McCown came to this sleepy town in poverty-ridden Hancock County as a black civil rights worker, supported by a wage that proved just enough to live on. Today he owns 525 acres of Hancock County farmland, is building a house that will cost nearly $60,000, holds the

title to several pieces of commercial property in Sparta and flies his own twin-engine airplane, price tag $33,000. How in eight years a hungry black civil rights worker could become that prosperous in a rural Georgia county where poverty and racism have maintained an iron grip since the Civil War has become a question a lot of people want answered. 27

During the summer of 1974, ECCO employee Beatrice Thomas was jailed for repeated

parking violations and “sassing the meter maid.” A large group of ECCO employees gathered at

the jail where McCown was cited and jailed for unlawful assembly, failure to disperse, and

obstructing a police officer. A crowd of six hundred protesters converged on the jail. Although

McCown’s cell was never locked and could have been released on his signature, he chose to stay

and held press conferences while imprisoned. With McCown in jail, his black supporters led a

protest of white businesses. While no arrests were ever made, two shotgun attacks as well as two

fires were also set in Sparta during this time of social upheaval. The first of the two shotgun

attacks was at the home of a former policeman, while the other attack was at a store owned by

the brother of Police Chief Garrett. As terrifying as the shotgun attacks were, they would not

provide as lasting an impression as the fires. The initial fire was set in an abandoned home on

the outskirts of Sparta. This fire proved to be a decoy as it drew the only fire truck in Sparta

away from the second fire which engulfed the Clinch House. The Hancock Historical

Foundation had spent the past few years and large sums of money attempting to restore the

antebellum mansion adorned with large Greek columns. The home was a symbol of the white

dominated plantation lifestyle so many blacks in the South grew to resent. Although McCown

had made references in the past to “burning the town,” arson was not fitting to McCown’s

normal pattern of intimidation and control. 28

McCown’s actions reached their tipping point when he led a protest through downtown

Sparta to the Sparta Baptist Church where with the assistance of armed men, evicted the

members of the congregation, including the pastor, barricading the doors and hosting their own

service. Following the service, they exited the church and lay in the highway, blocking all

traffic. For many white citizens, the attack at their church became too much. They felt McCown

had trampled on what Southerners hold most sacred. Possibly realizing the end was near for

McCown’s control, he told a reporter for the Augusta Chronicle, “I’m not a violent man but if

someone stands in my way, I believe I should kill them.” This statement was echoed when

McCown, standing with pistols in his belt shouted to television cameras, “I’ll destroy the town of

Sparta, I don’t give a damn about whites”. Governor Carter decided to make another visit to

Hancock to ease tensions. Gov. Carter, possibly already gearing up for his presidential run, met

with local whites telling them he would not give McCown another dime, although it would be

later shown he released his previous veto and gave McCown the $300,000 grant. Carter then

traveled to Mayfield at the distain of the white citizens to speak with the black population and

told them they had not done a good job, and that if needed, he could send 11,000 troops into the

county to restore order. 29

With the fall 1974 elections approaching, McCown resorted to his usual tactics of

political intimidation by inviting Stokely Carmichael to Sparta. While McCown was losing a

large segment of black residents who had once supported him, but had grown weary of his big

talk tactics with little actual results, Carmichael helped rally a number of young blacks with his

anti-white rhetoric proclaiming, “To hell with the laws of the United States.” McCown’s strong

line stance began to shift from black empowerment to white destruction and blame. He started a

campaign to convince black residents that to turn on a fellow black man was unacceptable. He

stated the legal system was for whites and it was anti-black to attempt to carry out the legal

process. With the failing of the highly anticipated catfish farm, rumors of White sabotage ran

rampant as thousands of fish were found dead. Contradictory rumors circulated that McCown

poisoned the catfish farm himself to collect on the insurance. One black candidate who did not

support McCown claimed he received threatening phone calls regarding his children and

grandchildren. McCown supporter and Atlanta attorney Al Horn said the media was sent to

Sparta with an agenda to, “Show McCown as a crook and that all blacks are incompetent.”

Former colleague and friend Sonny Walker echoed the sentiment by stating, “He [McCown] was

put in place because he was a black who was a symbol of power and influence and authority and

he got too big for his britches.” During the McCown era there was an increase of 673 percent in

welfare cases and unemployment of 20 percent, while sales in retail went down 7 percent. 30

The impending audit lead by Walker and the OEO found many discrepancies, but no

illegalities. By the fall of 1974, McCown’s annual salary had increased to $50,000, ten times the

pay of an average Hancock citizen. Whereas most organizations would undergo a freeze in

funding, during the audit, ECCO was approved for a $2 million grant from OEO Washington. In

total, it was calculated that McCown brought $8,782,000 into Hancock County. Led by the Ford

Foundation and the OEO, of which $2.5 million went toward the HUD housing project where

residents were required to pay one-fourth their monthly salary, therefore, those with little or no

income, paid next to nothing for rent. Additionally, the housing project was built in a remote

corner of the county, opposite of Milledgeville, where jobs were made available. Poor planning

and extraordinary spend led to the misuse of U.S. tax dollars. Hancock fell into increased

scrutiny by many federal agencies. The FBI established a presence at polling locations for the

1974 elections in an effort to ward off faulty political practices which ran rampant during

previous elections. By October of 1975, McCown had reached a low point in this power. When

attempting to post bail for two members of his camp, McCown was issued a statement that he

possessed a negative net worth. Later that month the Ford Foundation announced they would no

longer be funding ECCO. McCown was then informed that he would not have access to tax

funds for any private businesses. The political and financial strength that ECCO once processed

was now gone. Following the investigation, federal indictments were distributed to Hancock

Superior Court clerk Leroy Wiley for perjury and embezzlement, though he was ultimately found

not guilty. Commissioner Johnny Warren was indicted on three counts of perjury regarding

faulty funding through the county. The remaining ECCO employees were informed that

Saturday, January 31, they would be terminated as OEO had run out of funds. 31

Friday, January 30, McCown spent his last night employed at the ECCO owned night

club. While drinking with a group of followers, the conversation shifted to going for a quick

flight. McCown drove the men to his Cessna 182 single engine plane. McCown, not owning a

current pilot’s license, made no communications and simply took off. Within minutes the plane

attempted to bank left and began to nosedive and disappeared into a pine forest. Of the three

men who accompanied McCown, one was thrown from the plane and was found alive while the

other two along with McCown were found dead, still strapped into their seats. An investigation

found McCown to have blood alcohol level of 0.198, nearly twice the legal limit to drive a car in

Georgia. The National Transportation Safety Board found no malfunctions or and mechanical

failures in the plane. The ownership of the plane led to even more financial scrutiny as the

aircraft was registered to a black college in Mississippi which had awarded McCown an

honorary degree. The logbook showed the craft had been donated to the college with no

connection to McCown. McCown’s funeral was attended by many civil rights veterans including

Hosea Williams and Ralph Abernathy. Whether McCown committed suicide or befell a tragic

accident at the lowest point of his life, no one will ever know. His wife claimed, “He was a man

who never showed cowardice, he would not have crashed the plane with others in it.” Even in

death, McCown proved to be a polarizing figure as one white citizen was quoted as saying,

“McCown dying the way he did was the best thing that could have happened to this county, if he

had been assassinated, he would have been a martyr. It was pathetic the way he exploited the

blacks.” An old black man viewed things from a different perspective, “Lord, out black Jesus is

gone, what are we going to do?” 32

Deemed harassment by former ECCO employees, regardless of McCown’s abrupt death,

an investigation of ECCO continued. In July, Johnny Warren was found guilty of perjury

regarding misuse of funds. He served forty-five days and returned to Sparta. Due to his

conviction, he was unable to run for public office; therefore a county planner job was created for

him. The following November the federal grand jury released six additional indictments

charging those involved with conspiracy to defraud the government. The seven charged include

Roosevelt Warren, ECCO lawyer, Marion Fraleigh, Gerald Poe, Edith Ingram, Gloria Gardner,

John Glustrom, and Charles Solomon, an Atlanta contractor. Poe and John Askew were also

charged with making false declarations. The late John McCown was not charged. Prior to her

trial, Edith Ingram pleaded no contest to her two charges, sidestepping her chance to be

convicted of a felony and was able to keep her position as probate judge. As all defendants

pleaded guilty to minor charges of financial kickbacks, very few of the specifics of the entire

amount of misappropriated funds ever came to light. All of the convictions were pleaded down

and each defendant served minimal time, while most went back to their government jobs in

Hancock County. Whether McCown and ECCO deliberately misappropriated funds or were

simply careless in their accounting, it was the poor black citizens of Hancock County that were

the ones defrauded. 33

McCown fell into the same paternalistic power hungry trap as the white plantation

mentality which he despised. McCown created a sense of intimidation and manipulation at the

same polling places which once restricted fellow black voters. The media which during the civil

rights movement was too afraid of being labeled racists, shied away from the truth. McCown’s

control and dominance was best expressed by a rural black minister who claimed, “If it was

wrong then [when the whites did it], it is wrong now.”

In Alice Walker’s “In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens,” through a conversation with Dr. King’s

widow, Coretta Scott King, Walker is enamored with King in that she continued to stay active in the

movement following the brutal death of her husband. King was quoted as saying, “I don’t believe that

black people are going to misuse power in the way it has been misused. I think they’ve learned from their

experiences. And we’ve seen instances where black and white work together effectively.” I believe

Coretta Scott King and her late husband would be saddened by the man with whom they worked, who

was chosen to be the model of black political empowerment, but who fell victim to the same fate as so

many before him. In a quote by Lord Acton, “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts

absolutely. Great men are almost always bad men.” 34

Notes

1. This statement by McCown was presented to the board of the Georgia Council. McCown, gained their support, and they appointed him President of the council. For more see Rozier, Black Boss, 63-65.

2. McCown grew up without a father which made him a strong individual. Rozier argued this is why McCown turned to intimidation tactics, see Rozier, Black Boss 21-33. Hanks contradicts Rozier’s assessment, claiming instead that McCown strength helped enable him to make real changes in a county that was desperate for change from the white minority control. See Hanks, “Southern Changes,” The Journal of the Southern Regional Council, 1978-2003.

3. McCown felt most comfortable with the constant fight and struggles of the civil rights movement. Standing up for what he believed regardless of the consequence. This mentality helped mold McCown into the leader he would become. For more see Rozier, Black Boss, 23-26

4. While working with the SCLC, McCown learned many skills and tactics in how to motivate and organize the black community. Although he admired Dr. King, he felt to truly make a difference one had to fully invest into the community. See Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 61-62.

5. Continuing his fight for change with the EOA, McCown traveled throughout the South increasing voter registrations and trying to increase black political support. See Rozier, Black Boss, 27-28, 30-31.

6. While in Hancock County, McCown would make a difference regarding social and political change. His presence polarized the county as many blacks anointed him the savior while whites feared his brash and intimidating tactics. See Rozier, Black Boss, 27-34.

7. Hancock County provided the perfect ingredients for a black takeover of the minority white dominated political scene. Hanks listed the four factors necessary which undoubtedly played a role in McCown focusing on the rural county. See Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 51-53.

8. Hancock County was home to the heights of the cotton boom as well as the low of the bust. Following the introduction of the boll weevil, Hancock was in dire need for a new leader with a new direction. See Rozier, Black Boss, 1, 18-19.

9. For generations blacks were considered second class citizens. Although Hancock had traditionally more appeasing to blacks than others, the thought of social and economic equality was unheard of. See Rodriguez, The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, 337.

10. White residents of Hancock County prided themselves in the fact that no lynching had ever occurred in the county. Although Hancock was free of a strong KKK presence, the ingrained feeling of superiority that many whites felt was apparent in their treatment of black citizens. See Thurston, Lynching: American Mob Murder in Global Perspective, 311-312.

11. Many prominent white slave owners in Hancock had established families with their slave women. These relationships lead to a large mullato population and establish an elite well educated class of blacks in the county. See Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 52-53.

12. Prior to McCown’s arrival the HCDC proved to be a powerful start to the civil rights movement in Hancock. Beginning with student demonstrations and black voter drives, Hancock elected three blacks to posts without the assistance of McCown. See Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 58-61.

13. Upon McCown’s arrival in Hancock, his focus became rallying support while convincing the black population that they had the means and ability to control their own destiny. McCown felt blacks could gain their independence through economic freedom. See Johnson, “Census” Jet Magazine, February 19, 1976.

14. Frances Pauley was an older white woman who spent years with the council determined to make a change for the poor blacks of Hancock County. She and McCown may have had the same agenda, but Pauley’s approach was much softer, earning her the nickname, “Everybody’s Grandmother”. For more, read Nasstrom, Everybody’s Grandmother and Nobody’s Fool, 99-101.

15. McCown knew that it was not only important to have a black person elected to office, it was equally important to have that person focused on issues which helped the black cause

of equality. McCown, although an outside in many perspectives, quickly became entrenched in the community from the very beginning. See Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 62.

16. Early in McCown’s tenure with ECCO, his focus on poor black citizens proved beneficial as he was able to establish a Head Start program as well as increasing the amount of housing loans blacks would received. See Hanks The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 65-66.

17. Marcus Garvey had grand plans of elevating poor blacks up from their lives of dependence into a utopia for free blacks. See Rolinson, Georgia Black and White: Explorations in the Race Relations of a Southern State, 1865-1950, 202-221. Decades later that same belief of black isolation rang true, however McCown reiterated that he did not want Black isolation, he knew he was as dependant on the white population of Hancock as they were on the black citizens. See Johnson, “Incorporation: A New Tactic for Saving Black Areas” Ebony Magazine, August 1970.

18. Knowing education was crucial for black ascension, McCown carried on the fights established by the HCDC to segregate the schools. By protesting and standing firm to his desires, McCown and the black students gain their integration. See Rozier, Black Boss, 53-57.

19. McCown knew the only way to establish commercial business in Hancock was through outside investors and federal financial assistance. Turning his attention towards New York City and Washington, D.C., McCown was able to convince lawmakers and large federal agencies to grant him and Hancock large sums of money to help rejuvenate the county. See Rozier, Black Boss, 58-66.

20. Although three blacks were elected in 1966, in the 1968 elections, which saw McCown and Edith Ingram take office, Hancock was forever changed to a black dominated political county. For more see Said, “Things Are Looking Up Now in Dixie County of 10,500,” The Afro American, May 10, 1969.

21. McCown, who was now in control of both ECCO and the county commissioner office, began to make his projects a reality. Using government assistance, ECCO began developing a catfish farm, a cement block factory, and well as many other purchases of property. See Mayfield Ponds, http://www.pinesouth.com/files/Mayfield_Ponds4.pdf, (accessed on April 20, 2013).

22. Although McCown was a great organizer and leader, financially he had his struggles. With the large influx of money into the county, whether he did not have the ability or the desire, McCown failed to balance and well organize these funds. For more see Rozier, Black Boss, 64.

23. Tensions began to build in Sparta as an arms race developed between McCown and the city police. Fearful of one another, both sides purchased submachine guns. Governor Jimmy Carter was sent to Sparta to ease tensions and helped the two sides relinquish their arms. See “Hancock Probe Still Continuing,” Waycross Journal Herald, October 1, 1971.

24. Following the arms race, things began to slowly unravel for McCown. His financial activities were called into question and he was forced to resign as executive director of the Georgia Council. See Rozier, Black Boss, 94-95, 97.

25. Shifting his focus back to politics, McCown was able to successfully help elect blacks to all but four of the county posts. This included, for the first time, a black majority elected

to the school board. See Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties, 76-80, 177.

26. McCown’s questionable accounting practices reached the state level as Gov. Carter blocked a federal grant and required an audit of ECCO. McCown would fight back on the national level further establishing the friction between these two powerful men. See Rozier, Black Boss, 117.

27. Through Gov. Carter’s involvement, Hancock County and McCown began drawing interest in the news media. Although not widely covered due to Sparta’s rural location, investigative journalists descended to Sparta to attempt to decipher where these large sums of federal dollars were actually going. For more see, Rozier, Black Boss, 117-119.

28. Racial tensions reached a breaking point when multiple acts of violence paralyzed the town of Sparta. Through shotgun attacks and multiple acts of arson, though no one was charged, the white citizens of Sparta were growing weary of McCown’s intimidating methods. See “Racial Tensions High in Sparta,” Rome News – Tribune, May 15, 1974.

29. McCown continued in this methodical push for societal control when he led an armed takeover of the Sparta Baptist Church. Whites, feeling the takeover of something they held sacred, became too much as they called in Gov. Carter again to make his presence felt. For more see “Gov. Carter Was Here On Mon.,” Sparta Ishmaelite, May 23, 1974.

30. With the upcoming 1974 elections, McCown invited black power leader Stokely Carmichael to rally the dwindling black community that still supported him. McCown began publically blaming whites for the failings of his projects. See Rozier, Black Boss, 132-140.

31. An external audit of ECCO showed the misappropriation of funds. Land swaps and unethical payment methods brought an end to the financial windfall of the organization. By January 1976, McCown and ECCO were no longer financial solvent. See Rozier, Black Boss, 153-157.

32. Upon the demise of ECCO, McCown and three supporters took off in his private plane only to crash and kill McCown and two others. It was shown McCown to be nearly twice the legal limit of alcohol intoxication. While some whites were relieved of the death by his own hand, many blacks felt their savior had left them. See “John McCown and Two Others Killed in Crash of ECCO Plane,” Sparta Ishmaelite, February 5, 1976.

33. Regardless of McCown’s death, the federal investigation into ECCO continued. With indictments of perjury and defrauding the federal government, Although McCown was not indicted, other individuals affiliated with ECCO were convicted. Many pleaded out and were able to return to their previously held jobs within the county. See United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia case number CR 76-297A.

34. While a freshman at Spelman College, Walker met the King family. Working with the SCLC throughout the South, Walker developed a felling of respect and honor for Dr. King and his wife Coretta. See Walker, In Search of My Mothers’ Garden: Part II. The quote attributed to historian John Emerich Edward Dalberg Acton was written in a letter to Bishop Mandell Creighton in 1887. See http://www.phrases.org.uk