Urban China - How to be Holistic?

policy sprawl*

hukou* migration to townships

and villages

hukou* migration to urban

periphery

INFRASPRAWLDCF Sprawl

Derivatives

population growth

hukou* reforms

urban - rural income gap growth

M.U.D - Market-driven Unitentional Development

development zones*

rural income growth

urban income growth

TVE* growth, dispersed development

in townships and villages

TRANSSPRAWL

non-hukou migration

rollover*

POLICYSPRAWL

remittances

remittances

semi urbanized villages*, floating villages*

SCATTERED URBAN EXPANSION

GDP growth

= conversion*

MONOSPRAWL

policy sprawl*


and villages


periphery

rural labour surplusurban population

growth

population growth

hukou* reforms

augmenting urban - rural income gap

uneven landreforms

development zones*

rural income growth

urban income growth

brickification*, upgrade*



xiao kang* society, suburban upgrade*,

doorstep urbanization*

footprint per capita

growth

non-hukou migration

rollover*

employment in TVEs*

remittances

remittances



GDP growth

growth service space and

infrastructure

= conversion*

SPEEDSPRAWL

How To Be Holistic?

后奥林匹克北京/廖维武+黄颂威+余启昌 - P54

post-Olympic Beijing, CUHK

Laurence LIAUW+ Ray WONG + Andrew YU

"新兴都市”麻醉品/陈威廉与张婷婷- P60

Urban Narcotics in Boomtown China

William TAN and Ting-Ting ZHANG

动态城市基金会 - P22~51

DCF

阿德里安·霍恩斯比 - P25

Adrian HORNSBY

何新城

Neville MARS

水晶石空间设计实验室 - p39,56

Crystal Urban Creation

光明Smart-city - 林纯正 - P50

Guangming Smart-city /CJ LIM

梦魇体/Speedism - P16

Doomdouch/Speedism 超级卫星城/周静 - P38

Super Satellites/ Jing ZHOU和谐社会/王帷泽+王帷新 - P49+P53+P67

A Harmonious Society/Richard Wei-Tse WANG

+Stephen Wei-Hsin WANG

深圳中心区皇岗片区改造规划/杜娟 - P53Central Huanggang RedevelopmentJuan Du

后上海世博方案/沃瑞伯斯工作室设计团队 - P54Post-Shanghai Expo ProposalsAA School, Tom Verebes

转型中的城市类型/汤姆•沃瑞伯斯工作室- P56

Urban Typologies in Transformation

Tom VEREBES, OCEAN.CN // AADRL

中国城市编码/泽纳尔/霍克工作室- P56

CODING URBAN CHINA

ZELLNERPLUS / HOUCK Studio

从“极大”到“米塔”/哥伦比亚大学建筑研究院- P58 Mega to Meta China Lab, Columbia University

狂野北京[或一切存在]/王硕- P64

Wild Be[ij]ing/Shuo WANG

想改变中国城市的面貌么？/洛克? 杨森- P66

So,You Want to Re-Image the Chinese

City? Lok JANSEN

分屏2020/杰弗里·卢德洛- P75Split Screen 2020/Jeffrey LUDLOW

采访卢正刚 - p70

Interview LU Zhenggang

14 15

Towards the Chinese Dream in 8 Steps +1

梦魇体插画-文/SPEEDISM [朱利安•弗里道尔＋皮特简•金寇斯]

Illustration-Text/SPEEDISM [Julian FRIEDAUER + Pieterjan GINCKELSwww.speedism.net

后英雄大戏，为中国梦服务；后英雄大戏，打倒中国梦；后英雄式神秘配方，永葆中国梦中国的未来＝一片光明SPEEDISM踱步走进梦中风景，渐渐步向终结。 SPEEDISM透过D*R*E*A*M的幕布向外窥望，唯有D*R*E*A*M百分之百真实，除此之外什么都不存在，什么也从未存在。舞台后面，潜伏着志得意满的梦魇，悲梦的双生子，即将破碎。梦魇体是始作俑的城市景观，8 +1步，步步呈现，带领我们接近美好未来，在此Doom与Dream合二为一……1：你Pod塔 [神圣的整体性] ，拉斐尔理想；高250米，8 +1层。2：慈母严父塔 [小心！后高潮城市狂欢永无止尽] ；高375米，51＋62层。3：饺子塔 [逐渐长成一个洞]；高348米，100层。 4：笼子塔 [我们只需敬畏]；高230米，75000平零售。5：四色塔（CMYK） [在灰色环中上演现实]；高度初始化中，8 +1 Gb内存。6：派对世界塔 [只有你！]；高385米，8 +1舞厅。 7：翡翠墓 [大企业已死，大企业当立]；高227米，56层。 8：P.I.G [后直觉Goo]；大目录8.8 +1 + I；做梦的恶龙随时随地，欢天喜地

你

A post-heroic scenario for the Chinese Dream.A post-heroic scenario against the Chinese Dream.A post-heroic magic ingredient to maintain the Chinese Dream.

Chinese future = brightSPEEDISM peeks behind the D*R*E*A*M panorama, where the D*R*E*A*M will be 100% real and nothing ever happens. Behind that stage there lurks a content Doom, the twin to a sad dream bubble waiting to burst. Doom Dough is the resulting urban landscape revealed in 8+1 steps that take us deeper into a happy future where Doom and Dream become one...

I : niPod tower [holy holism], la tour idéale; height 250m, 8+1 floors.II : Mama-Papa tower [be careful! the post-orgasmic urban orgy is so permanent]; height 375m, 51+62 floors.III : Jiao Zi tower [growing to become hole]; height 348m, 100 floors.IV : Caged tower [all we need is fear]; height 230m, 75000m² retail surface V : CMYK Tower [render reality in a grey loop]; height 8+1Gb RAM.VI : Partyworld tower [there is only you!]; height 385m, 8+1 dance floor.VII : Jade tomb [big business is dead, long live big business]; height 227m, 56 floors.VIII : P.I.G [Post-Intuitive Goo]; body mass index 8.8+1.

+I : *THE DREAMING DOOMDRAGON* [omnivorously happy]

Market capitalism in its purest form received a deathblow in 2008. Not because of the global economic melt-down, but because of the sudden erosion of its underlying ideology. Alan Greenspan, the oracle of the free market, conceded incompetence: “The idea of the last forty years, that the markets were best to regulate themselves was flawed [...] some of the critical pillars underlying market competition arguably, have failed”.

In the months that followed stimulus packages took the world by storm. Words like bailout were uttered by the starkest economic conservatives, while American liberals suddenly opposed the idea of government spending fearing it might just line the pockets of those who corrupted the system in the first place. The world’s political financial logic turned upside down. The contradictions in the economic belief system brutally revealed themselves in sheer apathy. Billions of dollars were

allocated to rescue the economy, but no clear objective to spend

the money could be formulated.

2008年，市场资本主义的单纯形式遭受了致命一击。原因并非全球经济的崩溃，而是基本意识形态所受的突然冲蚀。艾伦·格林斯潘，自由市场的大哲人，亦承认了能力不足：“在过去40年，相信市场最好还是自我调控的观点是有误的……某些支撑市场竞争的关键支柱，可以说倒塌

了”。之后数月，各种经济刺激方案席卷全球。当最顽固的经济保守派大喊“救市”时，美国的自由派却突然反对政府大量开支，担心这只会让罪魁们中饱私囊。整个世界的政治金融逻辑似乎在瞬间颠倒，经济信仰体系的矛盾暴露。美国政府拨款数十亿拯救经济，却未有清楚的目标。

警告中国4.2万亿经济刺激方案引来了大量

争议。也许是太冲动、难以实施，而且让地方政府承担总预算的四分之三，在房地产业不景气的时刻未免牵强。然而，即使这一措施有效，我们仍需提出一个更深刻的问题——为什么一定要维持8％的GDP增长率？这一贯彻了十年之久的观念最初是为了人为地保障就业及社会稳定，但却与市场经济原则相悖、并与防止经济过热的目标冲突。不可否认，维持平衡相当艰难，但很明显，中央政府将一如既往地选择更快增长而非经济放缓。波及西方世界的危机应该是有力的警告，但事关中国未来发展的根本问题却仍未触及。

审视现代性强大的经济倚赖于快速城市化。然

而，建设的加速度导致了许多根本问题——从大规模拆迁所致的住房紧张到肆无忌惮

和谐二元体Harmonizing the Hybrid 文/何新城Text/Neville MARS

16 17

WarningsMuch critique has also been raised about China’s 4.2 trillion RMB stimulus package. It might be too impulsive, difficult to implement and indeed too expensive at a time of a real-estate slow-down for local governments to cough up 3/4 of the sum. However, assuming the effectiveness of this measure, there is a more profound question we should raise. Why must an impressive 8% annual growth rate be upheld in the first place? This decade old concept aimed to artificially safeguard employment - and with it stability - flies in the face of China’s move to a market economy, moreover it contradicts the stated ambitions to prevent its economy from overheating. The task of this balancing act is undeniably daunting, yet it seems clear the central government will invariably opt for faster growth over a slow down. The extensive crisis in the West should provide a strong warning, yet fundamental questions about China’s future are still not addressed.

Unlearning Modernity A strong economy depends on fast urbanization. Yet many basic problems can be contributed to the accelerated pace of construction, ranging from housing shortage as a result of large-scale demolition policies to rampant speculation. After precisely 30 years of flash urbanization we need to ask if this is still a desired, even acceptable model. We need to assess the specific qualities of high-speed growth and the type of environments and society it produces. Unfortunately there are no precedents. We cannot evaluate the direction of this fast moving train based on the conditions it left behind 30 years ago. Nor can China determine its intended direction based on what other countries have achieved. In three decades the world has dramatically changed. Linear economic

development along the lines of western industr ia l nations will no longer suffice. The minute interconnections b e t w e e n i nd i v i dua l prosperity and

的市场投机。当闪电式城市化已过而立之年，我们应该问，这是否仍是人们想要的、可被接受的模式。我们需要评估高速增长的质量，以及它塑造的社会。可惜并无先例或范本。我们不能根据前30年的经验来预测这辆‘东方快车’的方向；中国也不能照搬其他已成功国家曾经的方向。30年间，世界已翻天覆地。西方工业国家线性的经济发展已经不够用。个人财富和整体进步（甚至全球进步）之间的微妙关联已浮出水面。这不仅在危机突现的房地产市场、也在新兴经济中个体承受的环境压力上升中得到体现。迄今为止，政府启动的城市化已成为一个有效工具，它成功打消了开发所加剧的社会对立情绪。而在显中央神威的魔法秀中，呈现给外国（和中国内陆）的是30年自上而下的规划与协调的最高成就。整个八月，空气清新，连雨水也受控，但不久后烟雾即滚滚回京。类似应对后奥运经济放缓的措施还遭遇了房地产市场的严峻现实。人为促增长的界限似乎已经到来。

前提除了战略性矛盾外，中国的经济刺激方案面临诸多现实的挑战。然

而与华尔街只要空白支票不同，中国在界定钱的拨配问题上非常明确。投向领域包括社会、民生（住房保障、医疗保健和教育）、基础设施建设（农村基础设施、电网、铁路、公路和机场）、环境（生态保护和水治理）以及灾后重建。这些都是有明确方针目标的实干工程，将为中国的发展带来一丝新变。这一国家建设的方法，是以大规模的刺激为基础，加上谨慎放行的自下而上的创业精神。而从改革伊始，这就被证明是成功的妙方。在没有更好的定义时，社会主义与市场经济的二元体恐怕要算最佳描述。当西方资本主义岌岌可危之时，中国的经济刺激方案提供了一次认真定义社会主义市场经济体制的良机。但这有一个前提：我们需要思考并追踪它将如何塑造社会与景观。

collective (even global) progress have surfaced. This is true for the crises in the housing market, but equally for the augmenting environmental pressures felt particularly at an individual level in the emerging economies. So far government initiated urbanization has been an effective tool to offset mounting social tensions against bright new developments. In a magical show of central might the outside world (and China’s hinterland), were presented with the highest achievement of three decades of top-down planning and orchestration. For a month in August the air was clean, even the rain was controlled, but soon after smoggy clouds rolled back over Beijing. Similarly actions to tackle the post-Olympic slowdown were confronted with the harsh reality of a real-estate slum. The limits of artificial growth have been reached.

PreconditionsIn addition to the strategic contradictions, there are plenty of practical challenges facing China’s stimulus package. But unlike Wall Street's demand for a blind check, at least China has been extremely precise in defining how it wants to allocate the money. The targets primed for investment range from society and livelihood (housing security, medical care and education), to infrastructure (rural infrastructure, the power grid, railways, highways and airports), the environment (ecological protection a n d w a t e r t r ea tment ) , t o p o s t - d i s a s t e r reconstruction. All are hands-on projects with a clear d i r e c t i v e a n d purpose t h a t should h e l p give

一国两力迥异于30年前的是，中国地图不再是可任意作为的白板*。今天，中

国的经济――与其他任何地方一样――与城市的地理条件密切关联。成功的社会主义－市场经济的二元体与它一手造成的界限模糊的城乡二元体－不幸却越来越不融合。新的城市景观复杂多变，如规划只是将孤立的项目简单排列，那么这相悖于投资有先后的特性。我们需要的是空间与投资关系相协调的规划。强大的、自下而上的经济也在广泛而体系化地生长，与自上而下的经济及其规划机制平行。尽管是两个遥远的世界，却彼此促进。当中国宏观地规划着它的城市和形像，微观项目之累加也在扩张着城市景观，以市场化无序开发的形式，或者说MUD* （如下图所示）。

隐匿的现实观察MUD的构成会粉碎对草根城市与协调景观最坚定的信仰。在街

道层面，中国新城市空间被细致规划得十分完美，而同样精致的孤岛型开发项目连绵成片，两者共同展现了宏观规划的有机体系。中国下一阶段的最大挑战就是如何将这两股力量汇聚。这很困难，不仅因为发展的速度，更由于中国有悖常理的现实。与日俱增的华丽与貌似现代的外表，城市化的有机本质却被掩盖。其结果是，政策和规划措施只会在特定范畴内合理，即今天我们所面对的问题。对明天将必然出现的情势却全无应对，它们终会沦为问题制造者。空间碎片化，社会分层化等中国城市景观的种种分立又加深了。机会之窗亦被关上。

界定形态建筑业不断发展，疯狂地加速运转以满足新城市的需求，全面的融

设计、研究及教育于一体、能创造未来景观的的系统却未出现。中国城市的组件寥寥数日即可设计出炉，但之后的MUD布局却要被固化数十年。

经济不再是城市化的唯一前提，城市形态反而日益重要地塑造着经济潜力。其长期影响难以被高估。一项美洲、亚洲和欧洲城市空间构成的比较研究显示了它在能耗、生产力、创意甚至包括犯罪率和幸福感方面的作用。要超越建筑群或开发区的范畴进

18 19

行设计，与打造我们的和谐社会一样艰巨。与世界其他地区不同，中国还可期待下一个30年的增长，以及唯一

的机会去调合散点城市扩张的结果。接纳了城市的动态本质，密度便可成为让发展流畅的有效工具。我们依然可以放弃国家－市场机器安排的静态的、了无生气的布局，前提是我们鼓励一个（真正自由的）自由市场采纳灵活的城市框架――它不仅更具可持续性，在这个跌宕起伏的时代也更利于投资。短期的经济增长可能有助于稳定，快速城市化阻碍了开发商和类似机构进行革新、寻求多元，并破坏了质量导向的竞争。当房地产市场走出供方市场时，这本是我们的期待。

路线图任何推动经济发展或让社会和谐的理想，其关键都在于我们对城

市愿景的全局把握。讽刺的是，中国的前奥运规划好比西医：治疗单独病症时又快又猛。现在完成过半，后奥运中国必须开始启用自己的模式，从粗糙的超大工程疗法转向更广泛的规划哲学。这个改变既紧迫又重大；既需即刻执行也需持之以恒。规划师不能再躲在“不能不无限妥协”这类借口背后，仅仅为了在中国市场立足。规划师必须承认，设计不是画草图，设计过程也不是选用哪种风格的问题，而是克服困扰中国式地产开发的一切固有矛盾与障碍。我们大家都是城市化进程的同谋，也是解决方案不可缺少的一分子。

本期《城市中国》的路线图为我们展示了通向另一种未来的道路集合。基于动态城市基金会的研究，以及来自世界各地设计师和机构的投稿，我们构建的框架让独立的点子汇聚成了一幅更大的概念拼图。在城市运转的不同规模之间，在中国的经济刺激方案的各部分之间，关联性一点点被塑造。但要警告的是：这并不像连线游戏那样简单，它不再是黑与白、好与坏的选择。相反，在每一个交汇点上，我们都需要对短期收益和长期投资进行反复思量。

nuance to China’s ongoing development. This method of nation building, based on large-scale incentives coupled with a careful release of

bottom-up entrepreneurialism has been the success formula from the beginning of the reform era. It is, for lack of a definition, the best way to describe the socialist market hybrid. With Western capitalism in disrepair China’s stimulus package presents a real opportunity to mindfully define the socialist market economy. But there is a precondition: that we consider and map how it will likely shape society and landscape.

One Nation, Two ForcesUnlike three decades ago, China’s map can no longer be approached as a tabula rasa*. Today, China’s economy - as any where else - is entirely interconnected with its urban geographic conditions. Unfortunately, the success of the socialist-market hybrid is increasingly at odds with the blurred rural-urban hybrid it

produces. The new landscape is complex and dynamic; ill-suited to investments as a blunt listing of isolated

objectives. Precisely the awe-inspiring gains that have been made, now dictate a shift towards coordinated

spatial-economic planning. Parallel to the top-down economy and its planning apparatus a powerful

bottom-up economy has generated a pervasive organic growth. Two worlds that fear each

other, yet feed off each other. While China macro-plans its cities and icons,

aggregated micro-projects expand the urban landscape in the form of

more Market-driven Unintentional Development, or MUD* (as

illustrated below).

Concealed RealityO b s e r v i n g M U D

formations fractures the persistent beliefs

in both the grass-roots city and the

orchestrated landscape.

At street l e v e l

the ensuing MUD configurations then fixed for decades. Yet the economy is no longer just a prerequisite for urbanization, instead urban patterns are increasingly shaping future economic potential. The long-term effects can hardly be overestimated. A comparison between the spatial constitution of American, Asian and European cities reveals the impact on energy use, productivity, creativity, even crime rates and happiness. Designing the city beyond the scale of the compound or development zone is becoming as difficult as harmonizing society itself.

But unlike the rest of the world, China can anticipate another three decades of growth; a unique opportunity to coordinate its scattered organic expansion. Embracing the dynamic nature of the city, density itself becomes an effective tool to streamline growth. We can still abandon the static and sterile layouts the state-market machine generates, if we encourage a free free market to adopt flexible urban frameworks - this is not just more sustainable but more investment-friendly in these turbulent times. Short-term economic growth might support stability, fast pace urbanization discourages developers and institutes alike to innovate and diversify, undermining the quality-driven competition we could expect as the real-estate market moves away from a suppliers’ market.

Roadmap

Any ambition to either support the economy or engineer the harmonious society hinges on our commitment to an holistic urban vision. Ironically, pre-Olympic Chinese planning can best be compared to Western medicine: fast and powerful in tackling isolated problems.

Now half-way complete, post-Olympic China must start drawing on its own models, and switch from crude mega-project medication to a broader planning philosophy. This change is both urgent and drastic; its implementation needs to be both immediate and long-term. Designers can no longer hide behind the much vaunted excuse ‘endless flexibility is acceptable’ in order to survive in the Chinese market. While developers will need to accept that design is not drafting, and that the design the process is less a question of applying stylistic cues than a means to overcome the contradictions and hurdles that plague China’s development. All of us involved in the urbanization process are accomplices and we are all an integral part of the solution.

This issue of Urban China offers a roadmap to mark out a collective route to an alternative future. Based on the research by the Dynamic City Foundation and with contributions from designers and institutes from across the globe, we have produced a framework in which the individual ideas come together to form a larger conceptual patchwork. Step by step correlations are forged between the scales on which the city operates and between the components of China’s stimulus package.

But be warned: it is not as straight-forward as join-the-dots, no longer as black

and white as good and bad options. Instead, at every junction, we’ll

need to think twice about short-term gains and long-term

investment.

China's new urban realms look perfectly micro-planned while the same polished island developments at the scale of the region merge together to reveal macro-organic systems. The biggest challenge for China’s next phase is to consciously address these two forces as a single dynamic. This is difficult, not just because of the development speed, but because of the counterintuitive reality China is producing. Increasingly slick and superficially modern, the organic nature of its urbanization remains concealed. As a result policies and planning measures are rational only to the extent that they address what is seemingly in front of us today. Unresponsive to an inevitably different reality tomorrow they ultimately contribute to the problems. Spatially fragmented, socially divided the schisms that characterize China’s urban landscape widen. The window of opportunity is closing.

Defying PatternsWhile the building industry has evolved, tremendously accelerating its operations to meet the demand for new cities, a comprehensive design, research and education system needed to answer how best to produce the future landscape is still not in place. The components of China's cities are designed in days;

20 21

国家

/NAT

ION

世界

/WOR

LD

发展不等于进步！NOT ALL

DEVELOPMENT IS PROGRESS!

国家

/NAT

ION

世界

/WOR

LD

发展不等于进步！NOT ALL

DEVELOPMENT IS PROGRESS!22 23

4.2万亿?

1. 中国中国，继续成长吧！

China China,Keep Growing!

我们正身处全球风暴之中。美国卑躬屈膝地祈求外界注入现金；银

行惨淡经营，价格下跌，货柜船空载到岸。而中国――世界上最全球化的国家

之一――已明确表示：它为全球稳定所做的“最大贡献”将是对自身经济平稳运行

的勉力维持。根本上说，风高浪急之时，一切只能指望自己。

有充分理由相信，这将符合全世界的最大利益。西方经济放缓之时，全球经济逐渐转向依赖

中国来维持某种增长的表象；若中国现在也陷入衰退，这将把整个世界卷入螺旋式下滑的轨道。所幸的

是，全球仍然信心十足。普遍认为，中国的经济增长相当可靠，因为它并非建立在某种单一、有限的资源之

上，比如石油（如俄罗斯），而是以中国工人不断提升的生产效率为基础。他们有什么原因要停止工作、停止赚钱

呢？

然而，稍微仔细观察就能发现一副更脆弱的图景。过去二十年间，中国经济的增长由双引擎驱动，城市化和商品出口在

两侧助燃。目前出口渐趋减少。相对于十五年来持续为２６％的年出口增长态势，西方的衰退已在2008年导致了2％的下滑。因此，

出口已成一大阻力而非动力。与此同时，中央政府愈来愈关心城市土地征购问题。过去十五年中国的城市面积急遽膨胀了2.5倍。如今，由

于担心耕种能力将持续丧失，政府规定至少需保留一亿两千万公顷的农业用地。这就是目前所剩无几的面积，而可供城市发展的空间就更稀少而

宝贵了。

商品出口与城市扩张的陡然下滑，齐齐袭来成为两股吹向增长浪潮的强风。过去曾主导中国物质与社会景观转型的快速城市化模式，现在却被现实前

景哽住呼吸：没有用于发展的新土地，没有发展所需的资本投资，也没有令发展圆满的最后一个环节即销售所需的国外市场。事实证明，中国的增长远远不是所

谓的资源独立型，事实上它严重依赖于两大截然不同的资源，而直到最近人们依然预设它们无限无穷。这两者分别是西方消费者的财富，以及中国本身的大国之大。然

而，在世界如此需要它们的此时此刻，它们却双双显出令人不安的疲惫之态。

中国，中国，继续成长吧！但不能这样！不是叫你停！快快快！得更好！

CHINA KEEP GROWING! BUT NOT LIKE THAT!I DON'T MEAN STOP! HURRY UP ALREADY!

ONLY BETTER!

文/阿德里安·霍恩斯比Text/Adrian HORNSBY

第一步STEP

1

更快：现代性的地位已经相当牢固；更快就是更好。加速增长就是经济活力的明证。保增长是确保社会安定和让中产阶级继续壮大的唯一方法。速度让“中国梦”延续。

FASTER:Modernity has firmly established; faster is always better. Accelerated growth is testament of economic momentum. Keeping growth on pace is the only way to safeguard stability and ongoing expansion of the middle-class. Speed is what keeps the Chinese Dream alive.

更慢：然而中国的速度正在沦为自己的拖累。那个耳熟能详的借口——设计没时间为将来考虑——正迅速变为自我实现的预言。接受经济放缓是催生大局观的天然良机。我们需要柔缓的梦想来补给中国超速的现实。

SLOWER:But China’s raucous speed is catching up with itself. The general excuse there is no time to design with consideration for the future, is fast becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. Accepting the economic slowdown is a natural opportunity to conceive an holistic vision. We must supplement China’s fast pace reality with slow dreams immediately.

24 25

置产门槛越低，业主对城市开发的反应就越热烈，开发商的影响就越小（但首付过低又会导致投机现

象再次激增，负资产的风险也会增大）。这个转向蕴含的更深但同样刺激性的暗示，是它将令更多的钱落入消费者自己的口袋。原本局限在住房上的现金得到释放并进入城市零售领域，这是真正未被世界性危机破坏的牛市。

当中国的出口贸易开始紧缩，国内的消费却强劲攀升，2008年零售额增长了22 ％。这无疑是个鼓舞人心的消息，尤其考虑到中国的消费者还只是总体GDP较小的贡献者（不到四分之一，而美国则达到了四分之三），它为未来扩张留下的巨大空间令人遐想。事实上，是新贵消费者涌入他已安居的城市，计划如何花掉薪水，推动并完成这股增长潮。只有将

“他”置于其位，才能将增长点从逐渐瓦解的国家主控、出口导向的运作转移至由消费者主控、以国内消费为主导的销售。

随着全球风暴的东徙，中国中产阶层的都市购物者――一手拎着大包小包，另一手握着房地产广告画册――站在风暴眼中，仰头凝望。

5.只能变得更好！ONLY GROW BETTER!

近期城市化（即猖獗的土地征购和大量临时人口所推动的原子化发展态势）的特点可说是五轮齐动向前飞驰。也就是让

各地同时城市化。这是种单向度、非理性的膨胀，全球金融危机轻而易举就将之击溃。但中国4.2万亿人民币经济刺激方案的出台

却代表了这种做法的终结。它是对中央政府职能的明确认知，如果放任自流，五个轮子将会脱链，而整架马车将滚进水沟。该经济刺激

方案就是那只掌控缰绳的操纵之手。

显然，经济刺激方案最大的组成部分是国家级基础设施建设。铺设新道路、铁路和机场网络，必然导致各城市根据各自贯通程度而合理化地分

层。重中之重将是国家电网的发展，它将决定未来城市增长的形与量。重工业可以遵循分布式发电系统，而设置在城外运煤车的终点附近。城市中心将变得

更高端并更依赖IT产业，逐渐串连并挂靠在交织的供电线路上。中央在供电线路和发电厂方面的投入，很大程度上将承担起国家和区域规划迄今为止依然未尽的责

任。

从较低的层面看，积极的业主与新兴的城市房地产市场将成为改善城市整合进程的原则路径。原子化模式鼓励了城市间白炙化的竞争，以及随之而来的波动与市场的短视

行为。然而，若地方官员有了一定管制力度，国有银行对实际土地交易和相关投资结构也有所掌控，从城市居民的角度来看，城市内的市场事实上是被限制过头了。将对市场自由的

关注从节点转移到空间上的竞争，这将调动起消费者的积极性，成为第二只――这回是“看不见”的――操纵之手。较之官方鞭策的GDP面积与数据所组成的市场，后奥运时代中国城市

的真正竞争发生在真正的公寓、商店、办公室、休闲和文化空间等地方。在此，主角变成住在城中、购买项目的人们。重构城市增长使之更紧贴需求，这将有效防御可能出现的泡沫，并同时攫

取更多住宅投资资本。

朝着这个方向迈出的重要一步，同时也是新措施的一部分，就是按揭贷款的首期付

款降低20％至30％

4．快快快！HURRY UP ALREADY!

即将到来的移民潮构成了中国最大的挑战：由风行“即兴主义”（ad hocism）的前奥运城市潮，进步到更成熟、更具可持续性的后奥运城市社会。这一必然过程在空间上也许并不普遍，但却会牵涉到更多的人――将有更多的人进入城市，带着更大的期望，成为更庞大且不容质疑的存在。中国通过维持自身经济平稳运行为世界做出巨大贡献，其重点将是管理涌入的大潮及重新引导增长能力。以上两事，势在必行。且需争分夺秒。

现实对照

REALITY

CHECK

1

自上而下和自下而上的生长之和造就了“中国

速度”。雷达扫描不到的城市化规模证明了自

上而下规划的严重局限。尽管屡屡遭到排挤，

民间的城市化才是国家真正稳定的因素，未来

迁徙的人口才有安身之所。

The ‘China Speed’ is the combined re-

sult of top-down and bottom-up growth.

The scale of below the radar urbaniza-

tion reveals the severe limitations of

top-down planning. Though continu-

ously pushed aside in situ, urbanization

is the nation’s true stabilizing factor

able to accommodate the migration of

the future.

2．但不能这样！BUT NOT LIKE THAT!

其次，借助增长模式中的快速城市化，不平衡的问题同样出现在中国国内。同样也是90年代初，鼓励地方官员以企业家的方式提升GDP的中央政策开始实施。这引发了一场多层次的城市化热潮。发展地方GDP的最佳手段莫过于刺激城市化，而地方官员为城市化筹集必需资金的最佳方法¬——莫过于出售手里最多的东西：土地。中国各地各级别的官员纷纷收购土地，拆除干净，并以出售使用权的方式转售给城市开发商，再用现金去履行基础设施建设的承诺，全力打造光鲜亮丽的市中心蓝图。根据市场改革的原则，这些程序应该留待它们自己实现，并根据公报的GDP数据对其进行评估。结果是一场混乱无序、原子化的、泛滥全中国的建设狂潮，数以千计的中小城市同时迅速扩大――甚至扩张到过去属于农村的地区――疯狂地为招商引资而竞争。在竞争白热化的大气候中，羽翼未丰的发展中城市纷纷加入这场杀气浓的削价战，提供给产业发展的土地越来越便宜，税收政策越来越宽松，监管越来越少。接踵而至的是无组织的土地过度消费，而规章制度、规划和施工质量的缺乏更为严峻。

事实上，这应该早就是显而易见的事情，如果能考虑到“快速城市化－出口最大化”的态度在本质上就不可持续。首先，在更大的规划安排中，出口始终需要保持平衡。过去十多年来，中国一直维持着巨大的对美贸易顺差，出口远大于进口，以美元储备了大量贸易收益。结果是美国国内低息信贷泛滥，这维持了经济繁荣，但却创造了巨量债务。任何一家商店老板都知道，你不能总是通过借贷给客户来让他们继续购买你的产品。当下的全球金融危机清楚表明：解决积重难返的全球不平衡问题已经迫在眉睫。

而在与地方上暗箱交易的保护下，工厂老板横行无阻，几乎不受中央规划或市场现实的约束。他们固然生产了廉价的出口商品，但宏观结构却被打上了地方保护主义的烙印，而土地滥用更令其千疮百孔。前土地所有者的公然示威说明了这一问题。2007年，官方纪录了8万起发生在中国各地的大规模抗议活动：这一数字是1992年数

字的10倍。其中一半以上都直接与土地问题相关。事情真不能这么继续下去了。

3．不是叫你停！I’M NOT SAYING STOP!

然而，本质性结构混乱却令原子城市化模式能够适应后奥运时代的中国。与此同时，政策纵容了无处不在的地方官僚的政绩创业精神，

以及对超大城市的固有偏好。在城市化全面启动的90年代，由前任领导人江泽民和朱镕基开拓的上海模式，必然对沿海的经济特区（SEZ）有所偏爱。这

些区域可以利用其独特的进出口地位和它们高水准的国际知名度，吸引更多外资，从而超越了喧嚣的内陆城市。深层的结构性优势使超大城市更容易吸引人力资本，

有的来自国内的毕业生群体，更有来自异国的人才，因为此时这些超大城市已成为了面向世界的国际中心。

移民问题将城市的不连贯性表现得最为明显。即使在某些条件下有所松缓，但户口制度的继续存在就意味着从农村到城市的人口迁徙将继续受到限制。因此，当国家

经济增长的成果偏向城市，城市化的移民则被鼓励离开村庄而不是离开农村，这创造了高水平的省内人口迁移和流动人口规模。身处被管理的灰色地带，流动人口一直是

最不稳定的城市居民――人口组成中波动最大的部分，他们为城市鞠躬尽瘁，但却被禁止融入城市的基本结构。

这种不稳定的人口迁徙对城市发展有两大危害。首先，与所处的临时环境之间没有归属关系，临时移民对周围环境的个人或财务投资水平都较低。没有固定居民，当地环境就会恶化到标准之下，但这些都欣然得到了容忍，因为它们被视为了短期问题。关

键在于，对于流动人口来说，这些的确是短期问题，但对成长中的城市来说却是严峻的现实。城市正备受煎熬。其次，财务投资没有被流动人口注入城市环境，而是以汇款的形式转向流出，流向那些被认为是更稳定、更长久的地方，比如移民出发的地方。其结果导致了城市生产创造的资本流出了城市，流入农村而不是为城市的发展提供资金支持。因此，最需要投资的地方（换言之，钱从何处产生就应该投入这里的下一步发展）却现金短缺。这种倒退并非停留在概念上，移民规模将在未来一段时期内加剧，这一事实令情况更加严峻。以前，城市规模和面积的膨胀导致了城市人口的大幅增加，且因此并入了过去的农村人口，而未来的城市增长则很可能大部分来自农村人口的涌入。中型城市未来将有40至50 ％的人口是移民。但难道他们都只抱有某种临时的期望吗？如果在一个城市中，过半数的人口并不认为自己真正住在这里，这将意味着什么呢？

26 27

今后15年的城市生长将集中在小城市及县城，

而非大都市。 Urban growth in the next 15 years

will occur predominantly in the small cities and townships, NOT in

the megacities.

事实上，城市化进程始终围绕着小城市（居民少于75万），这是效率最低的城市发展阶段。如果将来城市化以该水平进行，将无法超越城市的临界点，也不能进化成拥有紧凑的中

型乃至大型市中心的城市体系。

In fact, urbanization revolves around the small cities (<750,000 inhabitants). This is the settlement size with

the least efficient footprint. If future urbanization continues to occur at this level the result will be an

urbanity without the critical mass* required to evolve into a system of compact mid-sized and

large urban centers.

第二步STEP

2

自上而下：中国集体城市景观的私有化最终是件国家事务。举国一致、自上而下的激励政策成功已改变了所有城市。各地的市场领袖一块地一块地、迅速改变着整个国家；一切都在高效的规划与控制中进行着。

TOP-DOWN:Privatizing China’s collective urban landscape is ultimately a state affair. Nationally top-down incentives have successfully transformed entire cities. While locally designated market leaders are plot by plot swiftly transforming the nation; all efficiently planned and controlled.

自下而上：然而所有自上而下的激励政策――从经济特区到社会主义新农村――仍需个人来实现。要更强大，中国就必须支持他们奋斗。要更健康，就必须让这些个体行为混乱的有机本质变得流畅、有序；要繁荣，就要将他们的多元化视为生机的源泉，取消一切排挤他们的僵死的城市规划。

BOTTOM-UP: Yet most top-down incentives - from the special economic zones to the new socialist village - are actualized by individuals. To grow strong, China must support their efforts. To grow healthy it must streamline the muddled organic nature of their efforts; to thrive, their diversity embraced as a source of liveliness that can supplement the sterile urban plans that are pushing them aside.

现实对照

REALITY

CHECK

2

当城市化超越了绘制地图的速度，规划往往沦

为马后炮；哪怕是给出貌似前瞻的模式，也不

过是反映某些已然存在的自发现实。

When urbanization occurs even faster

than we can map, the practice of plan-

ning is often reduced to post-planning;

prescribing ostensibly pro-active models

that can barely do more than reflect the

spontaneous reality already in place.

Source: Feiner, J., Shiwen Mi, Willy A. Schmid, ‘Meeting the Challenge of Future Urbanization’, 2001

hamlets and

villages

large villages / townships

small towns

medium sized cities

large cities

extra large cities

Land

use

per c

apita

(m2 )

popu

latio

n （

x 1,

000,

000)

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

900

0

25

50

75

100

125

150

175

200

population 1997

population 2030

Land use per capita (1997) and population distribution according to settlement types (1997 and 2030)

转变*CONVERSION

VS.往返迁移*ROLLOVER MIGRATION

45% 25% 30%within the same district

intraprovincial

interprovincial

Source: 5th Population Census, 2000

urban to rural migration: 5%

rural to rural migration: 23%

rural to urban migration: 51.5%

urban to urban migration: 20.5%

Source: 5th Population Census, 2000

省际

省内

同地区内

城市往城市移民/

农村往城市移民/

城市往农村移民/

农村往农村移民/

人口

/

人口/

来源：2000年第五次人口普查

来源：2000年第五次人口普查

来源：费纳，米诗文（音译），威利·施米德，“迎接未来城市化的挑战”，2001年。

人均土地使用面积（1997）和各居住地类型的人口分布情况（1997年及1030年）

村寨与村庄大村/乡小城镇中型城市大城市超大城市人均土地使用面积

22528 29

(反）城市情结 + 爱/惧(Anti) Urban Sentiment + Love / fear 上世纪五十年代伊始，中国城市规划的各层面被恐惧参透：对拥挤中心的恐惧，对于自主发展的恐惧，对于不可控制的城市空间的恐惧。而后从八十年代开始，对于城市的爱火缓慢重燃。而户口制度仍然强悍着。若要拯救城市、与散点城市扩张作战，我们不能给任何反城市的情绪或政策以立足之地。

Since the early fifties, at every level fear has permeated China’s planning decisions: fear of overcrowding centers, fear of erratic growth, fear of unmanageable cityscapes. Then from the eighties onwards slowly a love for the city again rekindled. However, the urban registration system has remained in place. To save the city and combat scattered urban expansion we cannot allow any anti-urban sentiments or policies to linger.

蔓生衍生品Sprawl Derivatives‘蔓生’本来是个中性词，如今却成了一切不受欢迎的城市生长形态的代名词。DCF蔓生衍生品所指的是那部分会伤及城市可达性的蔓生。

Sprawl, originally a neutral term, has become a catch-all pejorative for unwelcome urban expansion. DCF sprawl derivatives describe and evaluate specific characteristics of that expansion which impact negatively upon accessibility.

政策蔓生POLICYSPRAWL*那些旨在控制蔓生区的政策往往适得其反，更多的蔓生又需要更多的政策来调控，如此循环。此番政策冗余让‘合法’开发的界限模糊，并给地方官员及其伙伴以滥用权力的可乘之机。

Sprawl created by policies which were intended to reduce sprawl but in fact augment it, and policies which themselves are sprawling. Opacity created by excess policies obscures the possibility of achieving ”legal” developments and facilitates widespread abuses on the part of local officials and their private partners.

速度蔓生SPEEDSPRAWL*加速开发本身就能导致散点城市扩张。与“市场无序开发”的渗透式扩张大不同的是，它们在城市的核心生长区外迅速兴起，试图挣脱城市核心的引力。它们喷射状的形态一方面反映了城市引力的强度，另一方面也说明，蔓生区对城市亦有拉动效应。

Accelerated development can in itself be a cause of scattered urban expansion. Beyond the urban core developments are emerging at such

speed t h a t t h e y

defy the MUD* logic of seeping urban expansion and

break free from gravitational force of the urban core. Their spray pattern in effect reveals the

scope of the field of urban gravity and vice versa.

单一蔓生MONOSPRAWL*城市扩张部分由于功能缺乏而导致长距离经常性交通，这为整体的可达性带来压力。新生区域完全需要依赖外部来满足基本的需求。它们不但功能单一、分化社会阶层、没有生气，而且，无一例外地完全依赖私家车。

Urban expansion that exercises pressure on the accessibility of the city by generating an excess of frequent trips of significant length due to internal inadequacies. Commonly

these are newly developed areas wholly dependent on other areas for their own basic needs. They are monofunctional, socially stratified, lack vitality, and, overwhelmingly, are

car-dependent.

过程蔓生TRANSSPRAWL*城市的任何增加部分都可能呈现蔓生的特点，但它们可能仅仅是城市升级的中间过程。大型城市开发在最初阶段会显得粗糙且功能不足，而密度和本地商业精神的形成将很快唤醒城市的生机。那些规划外缺乏基础设施的自发式居住地也能被承认、吸收成健康的城市组织。过程蔓生试图承认那些有成熟潜能的城市扩张。

Additions to the city may exhibit sprawl characteristics but serve as a necessary phase within the transition to a larger city. Big official developments may initially appear brutal and under-serviced, but

density and local entrepreneurialism may quickly supply the necessary life. Equally informal settlements lacking in basic infrastructure can be recognized and absorbed to become healthy tissue. Transsprawl*

acknowledges the potential maturing urban expansion.

基础设施蔓生INFRASPRAWL*建筑与基础设施的失衡导致了基础设施的蔓生。一方面，基础设施冗余打乱了城市空间，另一方面，这些基础设施所占据的空间比能处理的交通更多。城市总是越来越大，而有效组织的增加却不成比例－这好比要追求建筑的高度，增加电梯可达楼层就意味着更大的电梯竖井要牺牲部分楼体空间。基础设施蔓生旨在说明城市的发展轨迹与基础设施网之间类似的优化关系。

Imbalance between architecture and infrastructure results in infrasprawl*. THIS can be defined as, on one hand, disruptions of spatial patterns created by excess infrastructure, and on the other, infrastructure that consumes more space than it can serve or generates more traffic than it can process.

HUKOU

改革

LOVE

爱

FEAR

憎

1953 未

经劳动部门许可和介绍，不得在农村招收工人。禁止农民进城就业。

1954 限

制农业剩余劳动力向城市转移

1955 “

农业人口”和“非农业人口”作为人口统计指标确定。

1962 对

农村不合理的吃商品粮的人口进行压缩。

1962 农

村非农就业人数不得超过农村劳动力就业总量的5%

1962 “

对农村迁往城市的，必须严格控制；城市迁往农村的，应一律准予落户，不要控制。”

1963年

公安部依据是否吃国家计划供应的商品粮，将户口分为“农业户口”和“非农业户口”

1964 对

从农村迁往城市、集镇的要严加限制；对从集镇迁往城市的要严加限制。

1975 取

消关于公民迁移自由的条文

1977严

格禁止从农村到城市、从小市迁往大市的户籍迁徙

1980 控

制大城市规模、合理发展中等城市、积极发展小城镇

1981 严

格控制从农村招工;认真清理企业、事业单位使用的农村劳动力;加

强户口和粮食管理。

1984 允

许农民自理口粮进城镇落户

1990 严

格控制大城市规模、合理发展中等城市和小城市

1990 对

农村富余劳动力, 要引导他们“离土不离乡”要严格控制“农转非”过快增长,

1993 鼓

励和引导农村剩余劳动力逐步向非农产业转移和地区间有序流动。

1993 建

立农村就业服务网络, 合理调节城乡劳动力流动, 逐

步实现城乡劳动力流动的有序化。199

5 实行统一的流动人口就业证和暂住证制度;

1996 深

圳市开始实行“蓝印户口”政策。

1997 开

始小城镇户籍制度改革试点

1998 解

决新生婴儿随父随母落户、夫妻分居、父母投靠子女等问题。

1998 要

继续鼓励和引导农村剩余劳动力就地就近转移, 合理调控进城务工的规模。

1998 制

定劳务输出计划; 劝阻劝返,加

强市场管理;优先招收区劳动力;动

态预测和通报。

1998 适

应城镇和发达地区的客观需要,引导农村劳动力合理有序流动。

2000 改

革城乡分割体制,取消对农民进城就业的不合理限制。

2000 要

积极探索适合小城镇特点的社会保障制度。

2001 对

办理小城镇常住户口的人员，不再实行计划指标管理。

2001 要

高度重视为迁入人口提供创业、就业、生活等方面的条件。

2004 公

安部废止《城市户口管理暂行条例》。

2008

户籍改革将逐步取消农村户口，按居住地登记户籍。

1988 将

大力组织劳务输出,作为贫困地区劳动力资源开发的重点。

1989 各

地人民政府采取有效措施,严格控制当地民工外出。

1953 城

镇人口凭城镇户口按人定量供应，农民吃粮自行解决。对粮食转移证、粮票等管理使用办法。统购统销体制

1952 农

村剩余劳动力应稳定在农村生产上，不要盲目流入城市

1955 一

切部门的劳动调配必须纳入计划，增加人员必须通过劳动部门统一调配，不准随便招收人员，更不准从乡村中招收人员。

1956 各

单位一律不得私自从农村中招工和私自录用盲目流入城市的农民”。“招用临时工必须尽量在当地城市中招用，不足的时候，才可以从农村中招用”

1957 组

建以民政部门牵头，公安、铁路、交通、商业、粮食、监察等部门参加的专门机构，全面负责制止“盲流”工作；农

村干部应加强对群众的思想教育,防止外流

1958年

颁布新中国第一部户籍制度《中华人民共和国户口登记条例》，确立了一套较完善的户口管理制度，

1958“

公民由农村迁往城市，必须持有劳动部门的录用证明，学校的录取证明，或者城市户口登记机关的准予迁入的证明，向常住地户口登记机关申请办理迁出手续”。

1961 8

字方针：“调整、巩固、充实、提高”，压缩工厂和各种社会事业部门的职工数量，减少城镇人口，成为落实8字方

针的重要措施。

1980 对

农业剩余劳动力,要采取发展社队企业和城乡联办企业等办法加以吸收,并

逐步建设小城镇。

1981 对

农村多余劳动力通过发展多种经营和兴办社队企业,就地适当安置,不

使其涌入城镇。对于农村人口、劳动力迁进城镇,应当按照政策从严掌握。

1984凡

申请到集镇务工、经商、办服务业的农民和家属,在集镇有固定住所,有

经营能力,或在乡镇企事业单位长期务工的, 公

安部门应准予落常住户口,

及时办理入户手续,发给《自理口粮户口簿》,统

计为非农业人口。粮食部门要做好加价粮油的供应工作,可发给《加价粮油供应证》。地方政府要为他们建房、买房、租房提供方便。

1984凡

申请到集镇务工、经商、办服务业的农民和家属,在集镇有固定住所,有

经营能力,或在乡镇企事业单位长期务工的, 公

安部门应准予落常住户口, 及时办理入户手续,发

给

《自理口粮户口簿》,统计为非农业人口。粮食部门要做好加价粮油的供应工作,可

发给《加价粮油供应证》。地方政府要为他们建房、买房、租房提供方便。

1986 企

业招用工人,应当公布招工简章,符

合报考条件的城镇行业人员和国家允许从农村招用的人员,均可报考。

1991 各

级人民政府要从严或暂停办理民工外出务工手续。对灾区外流灾民,当地一律不得发给救灾款物;

1993 建

立针对农村劳动力流动就业的用工管理、监察、权益保障、

管理服务基本制度,发展各种服务组织,完

善信息网络和监测手段, 强化区域协作和部门配合。

1994 上

海市规定在上海投资人民币100万元（或美元20万

元）及以上、或购买一定面积的商品房、

或在上海有固定住所及合法稳定工作者均可申请上海市蓝印户口，

1994

着手华南(广东) 、

华东(上海) 和

华北(北京) 3

大区域劳动力市场信息中心建设,推

进省际劳务协作,大力发展乡镇劳动服务网络,健

全流动服务制度。

1994 被

用人单位跨省招收的农村劳动者,外出之前, 须

持身份证和其他必要的证明, 在本人户口所在地的劳动就业服务机构进行登记并领取外出人员就业登记卡;

1995 年

, 在重点地区形成有效的管理制度、服务手段和调控方法, 使

农村劳动力有组织地输出、输入(跨地区流动持证率) 达

到60% 。

1997 从

农村到小城镇务工或者兴办第二、三产业的人员，小城镇的机关、团体、企业和事业单位聘用的管理人员、

专业技术人员，在小城镇购买商品房或者有合法自建房的居民，以及与其共同居住的直系亲属，可以办理城镇常住户口。

1997 允

许已经在小城镇就业、居住并符合一定条件的农村人口在小城镇办理城镇常住户口,以促进农村剩余劳动力就近、有序地向小城镇转移。200

1 取消对农村劳动力进入城镇就业的不合理限制,引

导农村富余劳动力在城乡、地区间有序流动。

政策蔓生POLICYSPRAWL*

policy sprawl*


and villages


periphery

rural labour surplusurban population

growth

population growth

hukou* reforms

urban - rural income gap growth

uneven landreforms

development zones*

rural income growth

urban income growth

brickification*, upgrade*



xiao kang* society, suburban upgrade*,

doorstep urbanization*

footprint per capita

growth

non-hukou migration

rollover*

employment in TVEs*

remittances

remittances



GDP growth

growth service space and

infrastructure

= conversion*

rural population growth

30 31

services

industry

GDP per km2

agriculture

population density

gross industrial output

96% China

无蔓生从与法国面积相当却和美国小城市密度相当的京沪区域，我们可以得出的数据结论是此地无蔓生的可能。

No SprawlFrom a numerical standpoint, within the context of Jinghu an area the size of France with an average density of a an small American city, there can be no sprawl.

中国96％的人口/96% OF CHINA'S POPULATION中国96％的经济活动/96% OF CHINA'S ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES (GPD)中国96％的人口流动/96% OF CHINA'S MIGRATION FLOWS中国96％的城市人口/96% OF CHINA'S URBAN POPULATION中国96％的可耕种土地/96% OF CHINA'S ARABLE LAND

2020占地/AREA: 3,302,997 KM2

人口/POPULATION: 1.448 BILLION城市人口/URBAN POPULATION: 893 MILLION密度/DENSITY: 451 P/KM2

中华人民城PEOPLE'S URBANITY OF CHINA

PUC末日DOOM 梦想DREAM

京沪 JING HU世界第一个城市巨无霸The world's first megalopolis

聚集中的聚集；中华人民城之首府A CONCENTRATION IN A CONCENTRATION; THE CAPITAL OF PUC

城脊Urban Backbone

2020总人口/TOTAL POPULATION: 474,300,300密度/DENSITY: 978 P/KM2

中华人民城引入了一个悖论。中国的城市基本上都集中在这国土的三分之一处；该地区在2020年还将达到连贯的城市密度，尽管不太均匀。事实上它的空间越来越呈交叉模糊的城乡结合状态，其上亦集中了全国96％的活动。

The concept of PUC* introduces a paradox. China’s urban landscape is distinctly concentrated on only one third of the nation’s surface. For 2020 the region of PUC reveals and average density of a continuous urban region, yet without such coherence. The reality of its spatial condition is a grey merging and blurring of city and countryside and 96% of all its activities.

在这一区域内还有另一个更集中的城市区域。京沪地区的面积与法国相当、却有着美国小城镇的密度——这让京沪地区成为世界上第一个真正的巨无霸城市。

W h i t i n t h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n a n o t h e r conentration can be traced. Jinghu is a metropolitan area roughly the size of France with a continuous urban density equal to an American town. This makes Jinghu is the world's first true megalopolis.

城谷Urban Valley

惊恐的京沪

2005

农业

工业总产出

每平方公里的GDP

人口密度

服务

工业

32 3333

雷达扫描不到的真相

11个城市集群11 Clusters

展望2025年： 8个巨无霸城市，11个平均人口在六千万的经济城市群（占城市化总投资的60％）以及900多个小型城市。消息源：麦肯锡学院“为中国即将城市化的十亿人口作好准备”插画：动态城市基金会

Scenario for the year 2025:8 megacities, 11 economic clusters of on average 60 million people each (representing 60% of total urban investment) and over 900 smaller cities. Source: McKinsey Global Institute‘Preparing for China's Urban Billion’illustration DCF

第三步STEP

3

合作：中国市场的竞争已然白热化。各省间为获得支持而竞争，城市间为突出表现而竞争，市区间为吸引居民而竞争。城市与农村为土地而竞争。在十一五计划中，城市集群――这一合作的空间前提——当之无愧地被指定为“主要的城市化模式”。

COLLABORATION：The Chinese market is already fiercely competitive. Provinces compete for support, cities compete for prominence, neighborhoods compete for residents. City and countryside compete for space. In the 11th Five Year Plan, urban clustering, the spatial precondition for collaboration, is rightfully designated as the ‘principal mode of urbanization’.

竞争:然而城市集群的繁荣是以不同发展阶段的层级差异为基础――当商品生产从农村向上流入城市，财富也缓缓下流。这些差异是最基本的，应让真正的竞争培育它。只有完全自由的自由市场才能使集群城市化多元发展、流畅高效。

COMPETITION:Yet urban clusters thrive on the hierarchies between nodes at different stages of development - as production of goods flows up from villages to the metropolis, money trickles down. These differences are rudimentary and should be nurtured by genuine competition. Only a Free free market can diversify and streamline cluster based urbanization.

增长极地理论GROWTH POLE THEORY大城市之间为了赢得投资和巨型项目的激烈竞争也在较小型城镇之间发生。如果城市政府都非常自律的话，这一商业竞争是有好处的，然而投机性开发的泡沫和浪费的重复建设却是必然的副产品。“增长极地”城市周围的落后地区会从中受益，而益处辐射至两三小时车程外就开始衰减了。

Fierce rivalry between large cities for investment and mega-projects is found also in smaller cities and towns. This commercial competition is good if it gets city administrations to run tighter ships internally, but has also led to a bubble of speculative development and wasteful duplication.

China shows that hinterlands around “growth pole” cities do benefit from incomes spent and multiplied in regional economies34 (and factories plus consumers move to the suburbs and then the urban fringe, expanding a peri-urban area into what was previously rural hinterland35) the benefits seem to fade two or three hours from the pole itself. With current transportation infrastructure, this is sometimes as little as 120km away.

现实对照

REALITY

CHECK

3

社会主义市场经济之二元体亦集计划与市

场之缺点于一身。很多貌似市场主导的行

为，却往往更接近于僵化的政府分区或者

来势汹汹、拒绝合作的孤岛式地块开发，

或者“房地产棋局”。

The socialist market hybrid still

combines many drawbacks of both

planned and market growth. What

looks market-driven is often simi-

lar to rigid government zoning and

aggressive non-collaborative plot-

driven development, or ‘Checkmate

real-estate’.

Below the radar reality

从太空中看中国，人们会看到一块工业细菌的培养基，从生长点开始繁殖，并集结成密实的一个大块面。Looking at China from space one would see a Petri dish of in-dustrial bacteria, multiplying around initial nodes and coagu-lating into a dense mass.

34 35

现实对照REALITYCHECK

4

穿越华北－华东平原（京沪区域），

周遭城市密度平均已达美国中等城镇

水平，西方关于疏散、郊区化和蔓生

的概念在此立即失去了意义。

Across the Northern Plane (Jin-

ghu), surrounded by an aver-

age density equal to a mid-sized

American town, Western concepts

of dispersion, suburbanization

and sprawl are instantly rendered

meaningless.

中国城市化矩阵Chinese Urbanization Matrix

很奇怪，城市规划的同一模型往往既反映现实又决定未来。这一特性的局限在中国的城市化过程中尤其明显。华而不实的城市是无烦恼开发的终极模式。在城市化没有任何处女地可供侵占时，该模式促成的是与市场需求正相反的向侧面生长，我们需要的却是向内和向上的生长。

这一矩阵结合了中国常规和理想的生长模式，将城市化进程从中心地带剥离出去。

华而不实的城市规划师和决策者在建新城时往往都希望在白纸上

“画最新最美的图画”。就在河道或铁道对面的空白地带，城市拔地而生。以自我为中心的设计忽略了此前城市的身世。新的中心迅速背叛老的中心。一座分裂的城市于是诞生。其它城市再生的模式包括指状或环状城市（老城被新城包围），择伐城（新城在部分砍伐老城后崛起），蔓生城（在逃离老城后，新城组织散布周围）以及卫星城（新城和旧城在玩一场危险的拔河游戏）。

在过去的三十年中，数百座新城在全国范围内如蘑菇般繁殖：采掘城，旅游城，郊区围城，工业城，概念城以及军事驻地等。它们似乎遵循了不同的发展模式，且都将城外的混乱阻挡在外。如果不和此前的存在作比较，新的城市看上去和感觉起来都十分光滑，然而光滑是有代价的。华而不实的城市是静态的，围墙内的空间无法应对变化或着批评。我们不得不承认它们的局限：它们与基础设施的连接极少，公共空间只剩下楼间空地，好比城市颜面的临街店面被屏蔽。这些都是中国华而不实的城市无法避免的问题；由此产生的是罹患精神分裂症的城市化。

SUPER CITIES

城市亦有临界The City is a Critical Mass

Mass consumption

大众消费

Mass intervention

大规模干预

Mass production

大量生产

Mass media

大众传媒 Mass

entertainment大众娱乐

Mass population

百姓

Mass transportation

大交通

Mass speculation

大投机

Mass housing大众住宅

Mass transit公交站点

Mass psychology

大众心理

Mass migration

大迁徙 Mass

congestion大拥堵

Mass insertion大规模嵌入

Mass convolution

大交叉

Mass alienation广泛疏离

城市何时能称为城市？仅以人口数来定义的方法越来越过时，在全球都是。静态的人口数无法反映城市永远是动态的，将人口数量与经济生产值结合的中国公式也不能保证外延的明晰。要真正理解城市，我们必须概念化地来理解城市的临界，那些无形的要素。

When is a city a city? Definitions, usually expressed in terms of population, continue to fall short, the world over. Expressing the city's dynamic nature, cannot be achieved with set population numbers, nor can the Chinese formula of computing population with economic output, warrant a clear definition. To understand the city we must conceptualize, the critical amalgamation of the city’s essential, often intangible ingredients.

Oddly enough in urban planning the same models are often both descriptive and prescriptive. The limitations this professional idiosyncrasy reveals is particularly pertinent when applied to Chinese urbanization. Slick City models are the final formula for hassle-free development. With hardly any virgin land left to urbanize they lay bare the contradictions of what the market wants; growing side ways, when what is needed is growing inwards and upwards.

This matrix organizes China's common and ideal growth models set against the distance of urbanization from the center.

Slick CitiesPlanners and policy-makers alike dream of a clean slate when building a new city. Across the river or train track on an empty lot, the town is reinvented from scratch. Self-contained designs are implemented that ignore all previous incarnations. The new center rapidly turns its back on the old core. A split city is born. Other models of rebirth include the Finger or Ring City (old is encircled by new), the Culled City (new is carved out from old), Sprawl City (new scatters while fleeing from old) and the Satellite City (new and old engage in a precarious game of tug of war).

In the past 30 years, hundreds of new towns have mushroomed across the nation as mining-towns, tourist towns, suburban enclaves, factory villages, concept towns and military settlements. They appear to follow different models, but are equally fortified against their muddled surroundings. Without reference to the preexisting, the new urban projects look and feel particularly smooth, but there is a price to pay for this slickness. Slick cities are by nature static. Their walled off spaces are unyielding to change and reflective to criticism. Yet we are forced to acknowledge their drawbacks. Implemented with minimum connections to the original infrastructure the public domain is reduced to the voids in between the buildings. The storefront, the interface of the city, is blinded. This phenomena reveals China's Slick Cities' inherent problem; they generate schizophrenic urbanization.

第四步STEP

4

疏散：城市史无前例地拥挤，工业、基础设施、服务和住房等用地量暴增，解决方法惟有把居民外迁而将公园和高楼迁入：现代主义者们关于空气、阳光和副中心的美梦才能成真。事实上，在中国城市化的有机环境中，似乎只有疏散手段才能对新兴城市的形态产生作用。

DISPERSED：Historically compact, the exploding land-use of industry, infra-structure, services and housing can only be facilitated by moving people out of the city, parks and plazas in: The Modernists’ dream of air, light, and subcenters. In fact, within the organic context of Chinese urbanization, only dispersion as a tool seemed to have had any serious measure of affect on emerging urban patterns.

密集：疏散将加剧城市的碎片化及不可达程度。密度等于效率；全国性的密集发展将保卫耕地、同时提升GDP。如果规划得当，密度亦等于舒适。要弥合快速发展和政策带来的城市碎片化，高强度密集化需要成为各层级的目标，不论是大都市还是小村庄。

DENSE：Dispersion accelerates the city’s fragmentation and inaccessibility. Compactness equals efficiency; nation-wide compact growth can safeguard agricultural land and boost GDP. If planned well, density equals comfort. To counter the fragmentation triggered by fast pace growth and policies, radical densification will need to become the goal at every scale, from village to metropolis.

SUPER SATELLITES

36 3736 37

自上而下的巨型项目和大量中等规模的房地产项目则不断将小规模的自发性开发推向边缘地带。

Top-down megaprojects periodically push small informal developments further out to the periphery.

超级卫星城Super Satellites文/周静 Text/Jing ZHOU

1. 一个发展中的模式新城发展策略已经在“北京市城市总体规划2004-

2020”中被采用。早在奥运会之前新城的规划和设计就已经开始进行。北京市政府进一步策划要紧接奥运会之后开展大规模的新城建设，刺激后奥运北京城市经济。实际上，在整个中国有超过一百个新城正在或者即将建设。毋庸置疑，新城政策落实的好坏将对中国的社会，经济甚至政治层面有极大的影响。然而较长时间以来，这种自上而下的规划概念一直被质疑较难实施，即使是乌托邦城市也是如此。理论和实践之间的矛盾分离表现在世界上大多数已建成实例上。我们不禁要问这样一个严肃的问题：我们对这个规划模型在中国背景下实施的可靠性有怎样的把握？

2. 私人的卫星城郊区新城最早以一种自组织的形式出现，由先锋的社

会改革者如十九世纪的R.Owen 和F.Fourier倡导。这是他们作为工业家为自己工厂雇员利益着想的个人付出。然而这种个人的尝试逐渐成为一种流行的城市模型的样板。当它演变为‘花园城市’-由二十世纪初期规划理论家大师E.Howard提出- 这种模式的性质就演化为半公共半私人。

混合风格独特的新城市中心，取得了很大的成功。这个例子说明新城的社会基础要逐步建立，直到它到达了 ‘临界大众’（critical mass）的水平，也就是指可以维持新城正常社会文化生活相对独立性的最低人口数量。

其次，因为新城发展步骤的准确时间的不可预测性，总体规划应该遵循‘动态增长’和‘按需供应’的原则。这意味着规划方案要具有灵活，易于修改更新，适于变化的特点。后奥运建设新城的人为压力上升，这个议题尤其应该成为我们主要的关注点。这就涉及到一些关系到多中心结构本质的有关新城的量和质的实际问题，比如与母城的最优距离，最优人口数量，用地结构和分区法规等。

7. 有机的真实情况对于第一个问题，挑战存在于如何保护自然区域防止

城市用地的连绵。然而这是否是一个可操作的概念？我们可以从与‘复杂系统’(complex system) 理论紧密结合的‘自组织’(self-organization) 理论来理解这个问题。复杂系统理论广泛适用于多种学科，比如经济，物理，生物，意识学，人工只能，社会学和进化论等。其质化的定义包括：‘复杂性位于秩序和混乱之间’，‘二个或以上的不同元素以不能分离的方式互相关联’(Francis Heylighen)等。复杂系统的每个组成部分互相作用影响，内部不断地进行动态的自组织以适应外部环境和条件变化。

联系到城市现象，该理论表明城市的每个个体都是天生的规划师，他/她/它的决定是与其他个体互相作用影响的结果；每步城市发展都是自组织的过程，总会自然地试图把自身的结构与外部环境衔接。简单的说，城市新区希望与已

存在的城市结构承接以利用其提供的有利条件。从这个意义讲，把新城从现有城市分离很大程度上是对自组织原则的否定，因为元素之间的互相作用，连续性和依靠性被人为截断。

为各具特色的副中心和卫星城。看似非常主动的新城模式实际上是受北京已有的有机模式的支配而形成。

5. 政府-市场混合物出现在法国和英国新城的办公空间剩余和公共设

施空闲等问题也在中国新城发生。以上海为例，12个新城的建设开始于同一时期-20世纪90年代末。几乎每个新城都利用建设郊区风格的别墅住宅作为吸引人口的策略。这种自由市场的刺激在中国社会主义市场混合条件下导致了过饱和及单极蔓延。这也代表了在粗犷快速的城市化背景下市场驱使无意识发展的必然结果。

目前已经到了要找回新城自组织的特性的时候。也就是说大规模的城市功能和人口的分散及再聚合应该根据市场规则进行而非依赖人为的操纵。目前政府部门积极促进城市化进程，扮演市场角色，然而不服从市场内在逻辑的条件限制。传统的公-私角色划分已经丧失，导致了本质上没有条理的城市发展。

6. 动态增长所以什么才应该是公共部门的动力？对公共交

通，道路和设施的优先开发是市政府不能也不该承担的负担。中国城市的不平衡现象- 表现在一方面繁忙城市没有适当的道路连接；另一方面建设完备的新城没有人使用- 这种情况需要修复。在不同的发展阶段新城可以开发利用不同的竞争优势吸引不同的目标人群。以荷兰新城奥米尔为例，大部分早期居住者认为优异的住房条件是最重要的吸引点，社会文化生活可以主要依赖母城阿姆斯特丹。随着新城的发展扩大社会层面的发展也要逐步配合，奥米尔随后开发了一个功能

市场化无序开发市场化无序开发描述的是设计和规划所导致的无机的城市化。不可避免的结果是：在城市引力辐射范围中的混沌扩张。

Market-driven Unintentional Devel-opment describes an urbanization characterized by organic growth pat-terns as a result of an accumulation of clearly designed and orchestrat-ed planning. The invariable result: Amorphous expansion within the field of urban gravity.

MUD

饼干模型Cookies Modeo

大饼模型Pancake Model

尽管是个人发起和投资的，花园城市的目标是服务于一个混合和未知的群体，他们单纯被新区的特殊品质所吸引而来。换句话说，早期新城的发起者和居住者的行为都是基于个人的自由意愿自组织的。

3. 尝试和检验我们很容易想象这种早期的尝试给了后来的城市

规划师和决策者很大的启迪：如果个人努力可以成就如此，以一个城市政府更强的经济实力和管理权力自然可以使这种城市模型的实施过程更简单。这个推理是激发了二十世纪五六十年代全世界大规划新城建设的部分原因。西欧国家将新城建设融入战后重建计划中，巴西和中国同样如此。自1958年北京计划建设40个新城来缓解中心城的压力以及分散工业布局。尽管取得了局部的成功，总体来讲大部分新城承受了其过分野心的苦果：强迫民意屈从。

4. 后规划如此一来，新城的本质彻底地变成了自上而下，

古板和脱离市场的。然而因为政治背景不同，中国新城比起相对应的西方案例可以做到让工作和生活距离更近，保持的时间更久。实际上，疏散北京旧城人口政策仍然是北京2004-2020总体规划的核心策略 – 由现在旧城的一百四十万人减少到八十万。更重要的是，尽管40个卫星城中只有3个到达成熟期，同样的推理已巧妙的演变成2020年远景规划的核心基础 – 多中心模型。北京要将业已形成的自然分散布局通过一个看上去有意而为的规划样式翻新，将它们发展成

8. 自上而下，自上而下然而不是所有的有机增长都是理想的；同样，并不是

所有自组织行为都是正确的。我们需要维护‘集体利益’。自组织的重要商标性特点之一是‘试验-失误’（trial-and-error），这也是二十世纪九十年代亚洲四小龙发展的特色。高密度，让人羡慕的弹性，他们的例子也揭示了这种城市发展模式在集体和个人层面上的短处，和本该是好的规划框架可以避免的一些错误。有意思的是，尽管当代中国自上而下的规划看似强势，城市市场的发展却经常是缺乏拘束和混乱的。与西欧国家荷兰德国相比，中国的城市规划还没有成为有效调节市场自组织的工具。北京的明显案例包括规划的‘绿化带’的被侵蚀和长安街西端‘金融街’的屹立。必须承认规划控制和市场力量的关系本身还处在原始的‘试验-失误’过程中。需要规划的和应该放手的；固定的和灵活的之间的平衡关系还有待探索。在发展中的中国城市，自上而下的规划机构和各式的市场参与者均忙于自组织，而没有一个交流的框架和共同的为公共利益合作的目标。两难的情况仍经常存在- 很多规则仍很模糊，自相矛盾，或可屈从篡改；而个体参与者的合理建议和要求很难与闭门造车做出来的总体规划对抗或融合。很明显中国需要规划系统的彻底变革。

9. [2CP]一个核心的变化应该是改善公共合作（Public Private

Partnership）。这个概念本身已被熟识，但即使是在西方发达国家，具体有效的方法论尚待研究和完善。然而它对中国城市来说有非同小可的意义，因为它切合我国正在进行的社会和政治改革-要求政府管理有更强的透明性和民主性。很明显，公共合作与简单的将‘自下而上’和‘自上而下’并列不同，它强调两项的有效交流和结合。它一方面肯定政府部门作为协调者的积极作用；同时要求给广大城市开发者，参与者和利益集团更多的追求个人利益的自组织行为的自由。公共合作这个概念可以进一步理解为‘交流性的规划’和‘合作性的规划’（communicative planning and collaborative planning, 2CP）。

现实对照

REALITY

CHECK

5

吊诡的是，建新城不是中国城市化的理想战略。

我们能够将中型城市的规模翻番，成为拥有200至

600万居民、形态健康的城市。这能容纳直到2020

年的人口迁移。这是全国密集型增长模式的基础，

它将催生强大的动态城市中心。

Paradoxically new cities are undesirable in a

strategic urbanization plan for China. We can

expand its mid-sized cities to twice their size

of a healthy footprint of 2 to 6 million inhabit-

ants. This would accommodate all projected

migration until 2020. This is the basis of a

nation-wide compact growth model that pro-

duces strong dynamic centers.

速度蔓生*

它们在城市的核心发展区外迅速兴起，它们不符合“市场无意

识开发”逻辑的渗透扩张，并试图挣脱城市核心的引力。它们

喷射状的形态一方面反映了城市引力的强度，另一方面也折射

出蔓生区对城市亦有拉动作用。

例：商业园、产业园、高科技开发区、酒店、建村运动

SPEEDSPRAWL*

BEYOND THE URBAN CORE DEVELOPMENTS ARE

EMERGING AT SUCH SPEED THAT THEY DEFY THE

MUD* LOGIC OF SEEPING EXPANSION AND BREAK

FREE FROM GRAVITATIONAL FORCE OF THE URBAN

CORE. THEIR SPRAY PATTERN IN EFFECT REVEALS

THE SCOPE OF THE FIELD OF URBAN GRAVITY AND

VICE VERSA.

EXAMPLES: BUSINESS PARKS, INDUSTRY, PARKS,

HTDZS, HOTELS, VILLAGE BOOM

扩旧城：规划新的卫星城是几乎不可能实现的平衡。如果离旧城太远，则会失掉互惠效应，前往市中心的每日通勤变得不可行。离旧城太近，则卫星城会被城郊吞噬。市区地租曲线能在城市扩张时天然地维持城市密度。城市缓慢生长为超级城市。

EXPANSION：Planning a new satellite is an impossible balancing act. Positioned too far from the city mutual benefits are lost, daily commutes to the center become unfeasible. Positioned too close the satellite will be swallowed up by suburbia. Urban expansion is the natural process to maintain densities along the urban rent-gradient. Cities slowly grow into Super Cities.

建新城：在白板上建新城的诱惑是巨大的。理论上说，一气呵成的新城将远离旧城那些日积月累的矛盾与逐渐升级的凌乱。然而城市是动态的体系，变化永不停息。独排众议、迷恋全新的中国必须证明它可以设计出自然地、系统化演进的新城。卫星城必须成为超级卫星城。

NEW CITY：Yet new cities built on a clean slate are highly seductive. In theory, constructed at once a city could be free from all the accumulated problems and clutter slowly evolving urban landscapes struggle with. But cities are very dynamic systems, incessantly changing from conception. Against the odds, China in love with the new, must prove it can design a New City that can evolve naturally and systematically. The Satellite must become a Super Satellites.

*

第五步STEP

5北京

Beijing

天津Tianjin

将土地集中划归供开发区建设，2010年之前本地区的城市化速度将达到每年100平方公里。－－北京规划委员会Predominantly through land appropriation for development zones urbanization in the region will accelarate to 100 km2 per year by 2010 and beyond.– Beijing Planning Commission

北京周边开发速度Speed of development around Beijing25 km2 50 km2 100 km2 每年/per year

2007

2020

京津新城new town Jingjin

38 3938 39

北京妊娠纹Stretchmarks 到2020年，要以目前四环内的密度容纳北京的两千万合法居民，我们只需要将其周长延长二十八米。

To accommodate a Beijing populalation of 20 million official residents by 2020 at Fourth Ring density would only require a 28 meter expansion of the current perimeter.

28 M 28 M

变大饼为面包圈——动态密度的北京个案研究Turn Your Pancake Into A Donut - Dynamic Density in Beijing文/何新城Text/Neville MARS

这是一项关于北京的研究，对象是这个鲜活真实的城市，而非关于它的神话。北京沿袭了中国式城市发展的传统，而它彷徨在激烈的融合与对抗中却生机勃勃、活力四射则是个奇迹。现代北京的神话由奥运村、CBD和798组成。若要探索北京发展之谜，我们有必要超越诸多形象工程、打破传统视角来仔细审视作为一个整体的北京城。

城市路漫漫城市是人类文明最伟大的创举。历史上的城市被

规划、改造、再规划、再改造…… 城市总有它存在与发展的理由。这似乎是聪明的规划及其不断取得的成功的终极明证。然而果真如此吗？假如让我们来设计一座完美的城市，它是该像纽约、东京、巴黎、开罗、圣保罗，还是像现代的北京呢？它会遭受严重的拥堵和污染吗？能否应所有公民的需要而建设城市，而不仅是生活殷实的一小撮呢？它应该随经济增长同步扩大，还是凝固下来、保持完美的形态和规模呢？ >下转4页，继续“解剖城市”

2005密度环 Density per ring当代北京的密度曲线依然陡峭，五环路内的向心集结程度也非常高Contemporary Beijing continues to present a steep density curve with high levels of central massing within the Fifth Ring Road.

2020规划新区 Planned additions新规划的副中心（红）和卫星城（紫）清晰地标出了高密度的划定点。但这并没有表现出地理上的延伸很大可能将令密度曲线变平缓。The planned new subcenters (red) and satellites (lilac) propose sharply delineated points of high density. This fails to acknowledge that geographical spreading will most likely result in an exacerbated flattening of the density curve.

无论是否有意识,北京正与单中心的城市模式渐行渐远规模的房地产项目则不断将小规模的自发性开发推向边缘地带。Intentionally and unintentionally Beijing is moving away from the monocentric city model.

人造城, 名词。指需要过量资源才能实现功能的城市。

Artificial City - City that requires excessive amounts of resources to maintain its appearance.

10. 交谈性的城市如何进行有效果和讲效率的交流需要依靠规划师和城

市决策者手中的空间和管理工具的质量。以新城为例，替代目前项目参与者之间的等级递推关系，我们需要一个开放的过程，鼓励在不同开发阶段多种参与者的互相交流。我们可以根据上述原则为新城的总体规划设计一个新的规划和决策流程结构（见图表）。目前中国的规划互动在进步但非常有限而且不能发挥本质作用。方案被动地或不情愿地展示在杂志上或者网络上，却没有真正接收或者根据公众反馈意见改进方案的意图。有成果的交流实际上要求规划师具备新的技能。他们应该更积极乐于地向其他人解释方案设计，包括外行人。这意味者制定策略和计划的人应该是好的听众，做好协商者的角色。尤其在新城开发中，积极的交流互动可以进一步促进城市的推广，吸引更多的私人投资者，激发新居民的归属感。

11. 从静态形象到灵活概念同时，空间规划图将成为对话的基础资料。总体而

言，图纸应变得更有交流性，易于理解，便于更新，可以灵活适应变化的需要。替代包罗万象的总体规划，我们需要采用一个灵活的模式或称战略规划模式。战略规划意味着只涵盖最主要的策略和原则，主要案址，进度计划，主要开发的类型等信息。它的图纸特色是更加具有指示性和表现性，而不是细节的和过于设计的。有很多方式可以帮

助促进图纸和方案的灵活性，比如只设计城市的固定框架（通常是基础设施和公共设施）把其它部分划分为小规模的地块作为给众多开发者和参与者的自行提议和商讨的机会；可以设计出尽可能多的可选方案供城市使用者和开发者讨论；或设计一组城市拓扑类型，然后由参与者商谈互动组合完成一副城市规划拼图；还可以将分区规划与可视性强的城市设计结合等。这些建议的概念都需要在中国城市的背景条件下付诸实践，以求得最适用有效的方法。

12. 中医疗法我们可以得出这样的结论-规划仍然是一个调节市场

失误的必要工具,但是其游戏规则需要改进。讽刺的是我们建议治疗中国城市的手段应该从目前的西方医学式变更回祖国中医式。这意味着减少对像奥运工程这样的粗犷单脑筋的，自上而下盛气凌人的城市项目的依赖，而是采取广泛的及时的自我诊断和量体裁衣的个性化的中医调理治疗方式解决城市问题和指导未来发展。公共参与就是我们开的中医药方之一。具体来讲，北京的‘大饼’需要在大北京地区甚至是京沪地区用真正的新城市中心来互相制衡。然而这些新中心的形成不能是唐突的一蹴而就的，而应是通过不断的自我检查调整，对外部条件变化的不断适应更新，和内部元素的互相协作，最终形成一个动态的自组织的稳定模式。

13. 超级卫星城目前在北京较成功的新城案例是通州和亦庄，

它们与中心城的中心间离为15到20公里，其中边缘间的保护性开放空间只有不到5公里，而且已经受到了城市蔓延的困扰。不过，如果我们认可新城的主要原则是必要的也是可行的，那么执行中的技术问题是可以通过我们建议的‘中医’疗法逐步解决的。新城是目前中国城市化进程中最流行的组成元素，但也需要最小心和复杂的市场刺激和管理规则之间的平衡才能成功。建设新城的过程同时还要兼顾中国总体经济结构方面面临的挑战：要找回自组织原则的有利之处，同时不能丢失对公共利益的协调。新城的规划实践实际是对中国规划文化的根本模式的挑战。新城模式自身也需要在多个方面做彻底的探索创新，例如相对位置，空间构成，社会组成，分期规划等问题。这意味着既然中国选择了新城作为规划手段缓解城市问题，那么我们就必须高质量地设计和建设‘超级卫星城’。

40 4140 41

概念跃进CONCEPTUAL LEAPFROG 在中国，高密度与生俱来。这为缓慢进化才能实现的城市目标带来了新希望。面对市场化无序开发的速度，动态城市 (DD) 的概念是长期规划应遵循的逻辑。IN CHINA DENSITY ITSELF IS IMMANENTLY ACHIEVABLE. THIS OFFERS HOPE FOR GOALS EVEN BEYOND THE REACH OF SLOW EVOLVING CITIES. THE CONCEPT OF DYNAMIC DENSITY (DD) APPLIES A LONG-TERM PLANNING LOGIC TO THE FAST REALITY OF M.U.D.　FORMATIONS.

动态密度

Dynamic Density (DD) 这一理论旨在勾勒城市密度和其发展轨迹的优化关系、阐明城市的密度本该与城市同步增长的固有规律。城市密度的动态性质需要灵活的规划方案。动态密度的应用尤其适合快速变化的环境。动态密度的方法论首先是记录城市扩张／收缩的工具，也能有效评估增长部分的功能（其中最重要的是可达性），并在城市整体目标的框架下催生市场化的引导政策。

A theory which outlines an optimum relationship between density of a city and its built footprint, and proposes that as a city grows its density should increase proportionally. Thus density is dynamic and requires flexible planning solutions. Applications of DD are especially well suited to fast changing contexts. The dynamic density methodology operates first as a tool to map the processes of expansion and contraction, and then to assess the quality (most notably accessibility) of new growth and suggest market-oriented guidance measures within a conceptual framework for overarching city goals.

动态主义——灵活的规划，对于建成后仍保持变化的预期DYNAMISM - PLANNING IN FLEXIBLE FRAMEWORKS THAT ANTICIPATE CONTINUOUS CHANGE,EVEN AFTER COMPLETION

密度——所有在中国的规划要坚定不移地以紧凑为原则DENSITY - PROMOTING COMPACTNESS AS AN UNAMBIGUOUS DIRECTION TO COORDINATE ALL CHINESE PLANNING EFFORTS.

动态密度的前提DD PREMISE

＃城市密度是物理的，有其地理分布Urban density is physical and has a geographical location

＃城市密度是有形状的，并呈分散的特征urban density has shape, and a trait of dispersion

＃密度是环境的结果，它也塑造环境Density is the result of its context and it generates a context

＃密度的变化是可追溯的DENSITY DYNAMICS ARE TRACEABLE＃它也有速度和方向It has a speed and a direction

＃密度是动态的！Density is Dynamic!

动态密度模式DD MODEL

＃动态的形势需要灵活的规划方案DYNAMIC CONDITIONS REQUIRE FLEXIBLE PLANNING SOLUTIONS

＃目前的中国速度缔造的空间都是静态的SPACES PRODUCED UNDER CURRENT CHINESE HYPERSPEED ARE STATIC＃这些形态集中导致了MUD——市场化无序开发COLLECTED TOGETHER THESE FORMS RESULT IN MUD* (MARKET-DRIVEN UNINTENTIONAL DEVELOPMENT)

＃对变化保持预期的超速发展能让“市场化无序开发”跳跃前进，实现动态的密度HYPERSPEED DEVELOPMENT WHICH ANTICIPATES CHANGE CAN LEAPFROG MUD* TO INCORPORATE DYNAMIC DENSITIES

42 4342 43

不管你在北京的哪里,城市都是有盲点的 - 总有一些地方不能轻而易举地到达.我们不能不承认,对于居民的日常生活来说,北京的大部分地方都是够不着的.

From any position Beijing casts a pattern of blind spots — places too inaccessible to treat as regular destinations. One has to conclude that in daily life much of the city is out of reach.

如果能梦见最理想的城市是什么就好了，如果能摸索出一步到位的完美城市发展模式就好了。在

现实中，我们却无法逃脱规划总是落后于城市升级、扩张、增长以及蚕食的挣扎。

中国的城市设计要做的就是与时俱进。事实上，中国发展的速度让所有的规划与设计都立刻过时，北京就是一个明证。北京证明：在以市场为导向的语境中，用规划引导城市的发展方向其实相当困难。精心设计的街区、邻里、道路、公园等所谓理想组合不过是大而不当的简单堆砌。

从零规划新城则更为困难。纵观历史，诸多增长爆炸期的国家都在寻找完美的城市发展模式。从早期的静态规划，到后来的点轴增长模型都是尝试的结果。在当代中国，“副中心”、“卫星城”、“新城”等都是相当有人气的模式，但在世界其他地方，新城规划却不无失败的案例。城市的成功发展，城市环境的改善与城市的自我发展能力是息息相关的。无论如何，现代城市是个自我管理的、敏感的供需系统，所有部分都按比例整合在一起。如果我们铲除一个街区，一个更大的街区会出现；切断一条道路，替代的道路将出现；在某块土地上投资，当地的房租会上涨。作为有机体，城市是不可以被规划或设计的；即便可以，这样的规划或设计也并不明智。对于一个打算在二十年内重新规划全部城市空间的国家来说，这一论断无疑是一剂苦药。

解剖城市我们史无前例地近距离观察城市，

探索、观察、绘图、分析它的解剖图，然后逐条街道、逐个街区地进行设计。即便如此也很难兼顾细节并准确预测结果。但显而易见的是，即便是解决城市交通拥堵这类问题，也不能脱离整个城市系统的运行来单独考虑。城市的各部分是紧密相连的。比如城市网格的大小与居住形式是紧密联系的，它们还会影响到城市的居住密度、交通的可达性以及居住与工作空间的分布等等。上世纪90年代关于城市的争论已告一段落，我们也开始向不可驯服的城市妥协。然而问题依然存在：究竟如何结构性地改进这变幻莫测的城市？

改造现有的城市组织，或在城市边界外开发新城需要不同的技术手段。应该有一个框架从一开始就预知、协调它们的工作进展。然而这种逻辑对于中国的城市并不适用，中国的城市转变是在强制规划的框架下发生的，这些强制规划往往不是脱离实际的宏观规划就是在旧城旁建设新城。在北京，这两种规划模式就同时存在着。一股强力让北京城的解剖图发生了本质性改变——街道被拓宽，公寓和写字楼生硬地被嵌入，野蛮拼凑的城市结构取代了传统的秩序与优雅。城市的所有成分都在往“大”里发展，包括边界。这些不仅改变了北京的城市肌理，也让城市的功能明显异化：穿越马路的行人不能不望“街”兴叹。把市中心割裂成孤岛社区的市内马路，以及基础设施蔓生（infrasprawl*）的无限增长让这一切雪上加霜。

现代的北京已经成了巨型街道、大型建筑以及形象工程的代名词，但却与生活着一千八百万居民的地方无关。种种现实并没有玷污北京的传奇色彩。城市官方形象的设计带来了惊人的效果，吸引了外国人前来旅游或投资，并让中产阶级开先河地成为私房拥有者。>下转4页，继续“解剖城市”

2020规划新区 Official additions

每况愈下的粗糙Exacerbated Coarseness

绿色边界名词。描绘的是城市核心之外、高端公交系统覆盖之内区域的绿色愿景。绿色边界满足了快速到达市中心以及低密度郊区生活的双重需求，也为规划者和开发商提供了城市边界的参考。

Green Edge*A concept that describes the urban zone beyond the core yet still within the range of high end mass trans-port. The Green Edge aims to fulfill demands for both fast access to downtown areas and lower density sub-urban qualities. It also offers a distinct city limit for planners and developers.

# 2020年，北京的人口将以目前四环内的密度分布在绿色边界以内，并且没有附加的扩张部分。Within the Green Edge Beijing can accommodate projected growth for 2020 at Forth Ring density, without additional expansion.

＃目前的中国速度缔造的空间都是静态的Spaces produced under current Chinese hyperspeed are static.

＃这些形态集中导致了MUD——市场化无序开发Growing together these forms result in more MUD* (Market-driven Unitentional Development).

装置"北京——实况"是关于北京密度的互动地图，它能够评估规划方案。该软件以出行时间和距离为依据计算城市的效率。用户既能够从空白地图开始，或者在2005年或2020年的城市环境下提出设计方案。其中一个触摸屏让你能自由穿越北京城，并改变其密度，而在相对的投影屏上，软件呈现的是在采用设计后的城市中穿行的经历实况。我们从中了解，密度的脾性是难以捉摸的。极高密度的小型散点组团可能对城市没多大影响，而靠近市中心的中等密度却能大大提高城市效率。

The installation 'Beijing_Real-time' is an interactive density map of Beijing that evaluates planning proposals. Our software calculates efficiency based on travel time and distance. The user can either start with an empty map or build proposals on the 2005 or 2020 condition. One touchscreen allows you to navigate through and alter the density map, while a second panel controls the realtime projection of a ride through the proposed city. It becomes clear density is capricious. Scattered small clusters of extreme density may have little effect while moderate densities close to the center can boost efficiencies.

44 4544 45

大型公共交通是最后一个至上而下改善城市的干预工具；我们最后的乌托邦工具

Mass-transportation

is the last remaining

topdown insertion to

mend the city; our last

utopian tool

total 28 km

2

2000m 4000m 6000m

1.35km2 13.81km25.47km24.68km22.92km2ring 2 ring 3 ring 4 ring 5 ring 6

跳板式规划是最常见的帮助政府掌控全局的招数。然而，这一大跃进却存在着双重隐患。这些建筑单体往往挤占了城市规划的地位，规划的作用被完全忽略了。居住小区让公共空间私有化，道路系统被小区的围墙生生切断，只有一两个通往公路的出口。更严重的是，这些明星工程转移了人们应该将城市看成连续空间网络的视线，形象工程与北京的现实极不同步，而北京的传奇也与现实渐行渐远。

有关可达性 1. 北京大爆炸

值得关注的是，在试图解决交通拥堵的北京“建桥运动”同时，基础设施的剧增与城市的破碎亦步亦趋。自上世纪80年代以来，紧凑的城市结构开始膨胀，并一发不可收拾地变形成了今天的“大饼”。城市中的一切在更为广阔的空间中进行重组和分配，分散成了片状的、相互隔离的“岛屿”。与美国的郊区化不同的是，这里不是连片的私家住宅，而是一个个无论贫富，都由显眼的高墙围合的居住群体。它们向一个个小的经济“中心”靠拢，它们的轨迹以及城市的边界也变得捉摸不定。成星状散射发展的北京在各个方向的蔓延已到达距市中心80公里的地方，而这个散射的城市边界（包括郊区）已经超过了6000公里。

2. 北京的通勤大军到2020年，基础设施网络的扩展应该已经达到了令人惊讶的程度。为赶

上私车通勤人数的上升，道路表面也不断地拓宽。按照现有的私车增长速度（每天1500辆），北京市应该每天增加10公里长的三车道公路。与此同时，轨道交通也应突飞猛进，让北京的交通变成由巨型公路网络与长里程轨道交通相结合的混合体。

公路和轨道交通的宏伟改造计划同时在进行，一个由中央政府规划，另一个则相对灵活，它们会让北京翻天覆地。但这些变化能解决日益严重的粗糙化与“北京大爆炸”日益碎片化的问题么？这其中的原因何在呢？或简言之，我们该怎样去评价现代的大都市呢?

症状大家都知道，在北京的日常生活中，城市的大部分地区都很难够得着。无

论交通系统多么复杂，衡量其效率的指标都可以简化为交通系统的可达性，即交通连接出发地与目的地之间的效率。城市系统的可达性，概括的说，取决于通勤时间的长短和通勤线路的长度。虽然还处于婴儿期，交通拥堵问题却已是北京最严重的城市问题了，紧随其后的是空气污染。但如果我们审视北京最新的变化以及那些貌似很有激情的设计，我们就会看到，北京的堵不过是众多城市问题的症状之一而已。我们有必要探究交通拥堵的根本原因：这个城市与日俱增的不可到达性。

北京著名的环路，从二环到六环的总占地面积比紫禁城还大（详见图例）。简单地增加道路面积并不能缓解交通拥堵或增加可达性。北京的道路覆盖率并不及西方的平均水平，私家车的人均拥有量也不及。然而学者预测，公

共汽车仍将是未来的主要交通方式。在数十年内， 80%的出行仍将依赖公共汽车。这一预测相当可信，因为越来越多的居住区在轨道交通还未到达的地方拔地而起，而大量的流动人口也将聚集在城市的边缘地带。

北京的主干道完全是为技术治国与政治目标而设计——为了提高道路的车流容积、保持城市的威望。但这并不是公共空间。官方的公共空间倒非常像模像样，整齐的围墙、严密的监视系统以及庞大的公园式景观。然而容易产生碰撞与摩擦的“小”空间才是城市存在的核心。北京的这种“小”却消失了，只剩下大型的封装式居住区和巨型基础设施的城市网格。而底层社会人群只能徘徊和思考在这些大型公共设施之间的缝隙。

龙轨我们还能让北京城重新紧凑起来吗？在保存内城的宽马路的条件下，要

把北京带回到可以舒适步行的过去是不可想象的。无论将来对城市增长模式的探索可以如何精确，“分割”城市的发展之路，例如在郊区建新城等手段，将毫无疑问地恶化整个城市的通勤。此外就只剩下基础设施这一可以改造城市的唯一工具了。我们构思了一个利用北京环路地面的精确嵌入式交通模型。当然，它很“大”。如果这让你有点意外的话，你更应该仔细读下去。中国并不缺少“大”的思路，也不缺少长期规划。但是和我们的出发点不同的是，中国对“大”项目的偏爱产生了拙劣的大型建筑和突兀的大型公共设施，它的长期战略仍然只是政治修辞。我们恳请赋予城市更多细节的、多样化的、规模较小的建设项目，让它们来重新定义城市空间，复兴公共的互动空间。

我们研发了一个将步行速度提升到列车速度的混合交通系统――龙轨。这个系统结合了行人传送带和磁悬浮技术。在城市的环路上，高速运转的行人传送带在首尾相连的玻璃管道内不停运转，通勤者可以在环线的任何一点自由上下车，没有车站、不需等待。这个玻璃罩下的快速路就坐落在北京三环和四环上，零售商场、顶部公园和扶梯则向两侧延伸、环抱城市风光。龙轨让高速公路变回人行道，它利用城市的无人区，将社区再次连接。这无疑是一次弥补城市裂缝、连接和多样化城市网格和急剧收缩城市膨胀的大胆尝试。

公共汽车、人口在城市中心的移动是交通堵塞的主要原因，而龙轨的功能则是吸收在市中心工作却居住在四环外的大量人口。龙轨的存在让四环上的公交车不再必要。再补以通往市中心的交通，行人能被更快地输送到四环沿线的任何地方。龙轨每隔3分钟减速一次，减速时64公里长的磁轨上的门同时开启，人们被输送至相同速度的本地传送带，他们还可以选择通过电梯登上屋顶公园玩耍或下到商业街购物，北京的四环将因为龙轨的存在而魅力四射。

枢纽就是心脏基础设施的确是改造现代大都市的有效方法，然而一个首都城市将如何

接纳未来20年间新增的500到1000万人口呢？如果任何城市扩张都伴随着交通恶化，我们将怎样控制城市日益膨胀的规模和抑制它嚣张的增长欲望呢？

北京在2020年前的向外扩张不需要超过目前的28米，就足以为新增人口提供充足的驻留空间了。因为目前北京有6000公里的城市边界线，只要向外扩张一点点就够了。但我们可以假设，北京和其他城市一样也有自己的增长趋势，政府政策与投资活动刺激了它的生长。根据现有的规划和政策，到2030年，北京和天津之间广袤的农村地区就会被新生的城市所填满。

我认为抑制北京扩张的最好办法就是沿龙轨激活它的内向型增长，从而限制其外向型的扩张。龙轨可以通过四环沿线的增长实现这一目标。如此一来，三环到五环之间的人口密度将会增加，向四环外搬迁的人将会被吸引回来，而住在历史文化中心的人也不必再迁出。相反，应该迁至四环外的倒是大量通勤的发源地——四百多座熙熙攘攘的政府大楼和研究机构。让城市功能搬出中心地带是限制高峰拥堵的最好办法。这样一来，城市的心脏不再是拥堵不堪的市中心，而是四环沿线，这个心脏的主动脉就是龙轨。北京的大饼变成了高效能的面包圈。

搬迁行政中心的提法并不新鲜。但现在时机才成熟。四环已经拥有诸多住宅小区、中关村和CBD等大发展地带。龙轨能将这些分散的组团串起来。再加上交通枢纽和零售商业圈，每天有数百万的通勤人士在其间穿梭往来。顶层的公园让北京曾经在此规划的绿色生态带变成现实。搬迁的政府机关、博物馆、学校、科研机构等新建筑将完善该网络的关联性，临界状态要求创造一个真正多样化的首都中心：环形中心。

想象一下，穿过环形中心，你可以便捷到达城市的任何地方，无所限制、无所障碍。徘徊于商店和酒吧，流连于宾馆大堂，穿梭于银行、办公楼之间……人们总是在安全舒适的室内，自由而惬意。这是一个将公共步行交通与楼房相连的高效步行王国。这在中国并非创举，香港已经有了一条很漂亮的步行传送通道。但在环形中心的核心设置龙轨，这倒是全新的理念，并且与北京的现实非常契合。龙轨的嵌入像双搭桥手术外加新鲜肺叶移植，从此北京将拥有活力无比的心脏！

北京的年轮1990－2020Beijing growth rings 1990-2020

北京的年轮1990－2020; 年轮之下是火爆生长的北京2008年的真实模样The ideal circular model superimposed on the exploded reality of 2008

'环形中心'The Pericenter

Bei j ing reveals an e x t r eme s t a t e o f infrasprawl*. The city keeps getting bigger, but useful tissue gain i s m in ima l - Th i s is comparable to a relentless pursuit of building height, where a c c o m m o d a t i n g additional upper floors with elevators means sacrificing space at the bottom to shafts. Infrasprawl* suggests a s imi lar opt imum a p p l i e s t o t h e footprint of the city and its infrastructural network.

T h e c o m b i n e d surface of Beijing's ring roads covers an area substant ia l ly larger than the entire downtown.

北京是基础设施蔓生的极端形态。城市总是越来越大，而有效组织的增加却不成比例－这好比要追求建筑的高度，增加电梯可达楼层就意味着更大的电梯竖井要牺牲部分楼体空间。基础设施蔓生旨在说明城市的发展轨迹与基础设施网之间类似的互动关系。

北京所有环路的占地面积要比二环内的总面积要大得多。

46 4746 47

中国结The Chinese Knot项目/何新城Project/Neville MARS

将北京的环路缠绕盘裹在同等比例大小的紫禁城模式。

“The Chinese Knot”wraps the ring roads in Beijing around a model of the Forbidden City of the same scale.

www.BURB.TV/view/Shenzhen_2007

和谐社会 A —— 就业和交通政策：行动力，就业和公交车A Harmonious Society A - Policies for Transport and Employment: Mobility, Employment and Bues方案/王帷泽+王帷新 Project/Richard Wei-Tse WANG+Stephen Wei-Hsin WANG

失业率和交通费用的上涨将是未来中国所面临的两个重大问题。在工业转型持续深化下，上海已有二十七万五千民登记失业工人。同时，在持续的都市扩展之下，有越来越多的低收入家庭必须面对交通所连带的经济压力。与发展昂贵的地铁相比，扩展城市的公交车网络更可以帮助解决这些问题。公交车是可持续性的交通系统中不可缺乏的一部份，而且是乘坐费用最低的选择。开发大型公交车网络能同时创造新的工作机会，包括司机、乘务员、机械工、审查员、工程师和管理人员等。这些工作岗位非常适合失业者和许多文化程度较低的市民。总之，谦逊的公交车在将来可扮演一个重大角色。它们可以帮助中国城市实现一个无失业，更包容和更加和谐的社会。

Unemployment and higher transport costs are major problems confronting China’s future. With deepening industrial restructuring, there are now over 275,000 registered unemployed citizens in Shanghai. At the same time, with continued urban expansion, more and more lower-income households face increasing financial pressures of commuting. Expansion of the urban bus networks, rather than only the more expensive underground metro system, can help resolve these challenges. Buses are an integral part of any sustainable transportation system that is affordable for all. Developing

a larger network of buses will simultaneously create chains of new work opportunities including drivers, attendants, mechanics,

inspectors, engineers and managers. Many are well suited for the low-skilled, the

unemployed, those with limited work experience. In sum, the humble bus

has a significant role to play in the future. They will help realise visions

of a fully-employed, inclusive and more harmonious society.

第六步STEP

6

路：中国的公路网很不平衡。大面积欠发达地区之间仍需修路。而为容纳庞大的高速路系统，大城市的结构已经发生形变。要弥合比例失调的大马路与小街道之间的空白还需要修更多的路。公共汽车仍是最清洁的公交形式，是散漫的中国城市重要的服务工具。

Road：China's road network is very unbalanced. Many new roads will need to be built to connect vast underdeveloped areas. While large cities have structurally been transformed to accommodate vast highway systems, they can only continue to expand their network in order to bridge the gap between disproportionately large and traditionally small streets. The bus, still the cleanest form of public transportation, comes into play as a means to serve the dispersed Chinese cities.

轨：北京已经勇敢地开始修建2020年全球最大的轨道交通网络。将轨道建在密集的公路网上，其结果是一个独特的基础设施二元体。两大系统难以兼容，而轨道和公路一样侵入城市肌理。要在北京这样肌理粗砺、不宜人的城市维持效率，就需要为行人提供从门到站的交通服务。

Tracks：Beijing has made a bold start building the world's largest track-based network by 2020. Built on top of its pervasive road system the result is a unique infrastructural hybrid. But the two systems are hardly compatible, and tracks can be as intrusive to the urban fabric as roads. To be effective within the coarse inhospitable fabric of cities like Beijing, the pedestrian needs to be served with door-to-station end transportation.

龙轨是大幅度缩小城市网络的大胆尝试

The D-rail is a big attempt to dramatically shrink the urban network...

龙轨是大幅度缩小城市网络的大胆尝试

...looped around over Beijing’s Ring Roads

48 49

生态——工业二元体Ecological - Industrial hybrid

楼房高度

当大门面向公路

主路

辅路

岔路道路系统

Code ConundrumChina's rigid building

codes in effect prevent the shift to sustainable pedestrian orientated

planning!

标准难题中国苛严的建筑标准规范实际上是服务行人的可持续城市规划的障碍。绿色边缘/The Green Edge

绿色都会/The Green Metropolis

光明Smart-city —— 新型中国城市Guangming Smart-city - A New Chinese City项目/林纯正Project/CJ LIM

光明Smart-city区提供传统农业的发展空间，是新一代具备生态和可持续发展的城市规划的先锋，带领深圳、中国、以至世界各地体验创生的城市活。在我们的文化情态中，快是一种非常典型的现代观——一切都是，越快越好。但在争分夺秒地与生活赛跑时，我们的工作、饮食、健康和人际关系却都象在受难。尤其处在中国当前的速度文化背景下，“慢”生活理念更成为光明Smart-city成功发展的基础原则。

光明Smart-city (7.97km2) 由市郊具人性尺度的住宅和农庄群集而成，呈“塔堡”和“环山”状，宛如通往天堂的巴别塔，它们在地形上延伸，融入了人类建立乌托邦的理想。为了对抗城市的蔓生，提倡自行车和步行的集约用地模式。每座市郊的“塔堡”和“环山”都是自给自足的。它们有独立的主街和广场，各式各样，别具一格。数间现存的学校及公共设施将联合在新的发展计划中得到更新。

在发展区的中心有一处人工沙滩，水透过特设的芦苇过滤系统，经由不同水道注入恢复生机的茅洲河。这里是都市人宁静的绿洲，它有着与大自然调和一致的韵律，融汇出禅的境界。宽步径围绕沙滩接驳所有社区，提供一个休息的地方，可以耍太极、缓步跑、散步或踏自行车及轻便长。新城是非机动交通区：市内的交通主耍依赖地下轻铁(MTR)。绿色环保的电力或天然气空中巴士能够穿插广场及“塔堡”和“环山”。运输路线贯穿了经过重新诠释的古老城市广场，规划出新公共区的蓝图。

保留光明和公明村原住民世袭的生活和农产模式将会是规划的重点。尤于基地的地势起伏不平，因此大部份的地方都末经开发。方案采取有别于移平原有山脉的方法，提出建造人工小山岗和石坑建议，扩展天然地形，以便带来以下的优势: (1) 紧凑用地模式: 而环形的结构对比其它城市更能够有效地增加建筑密度和绿化空间。(2) 达到最大日照量(3) 冷却间接方法: 建筑物利用泥土的热的质量，一年四季都能天然地调节温度，炎夏清凉，寒冬保暖。(4) 展望如画的景色 (5) 建立个性: 光明 Smart-City的环形地势和房屋的混合体创立了有别于其它国际城市的特有风貌。

在环境方面，公有的墙可以增加节省能源和结构的效用。在社会方面，每个设计社区的人口都能够有效地维持教育、医疗、经济和文康的事务，足够应附不同背景、阶层和年纪的居民的需要。

提供混合用途的“塔堡” 和“环山”结合了都市农业和不同收入居民的住房开发。房屋的空间布局满足了传统的家庭观念，尤适于两代以上共居的家庭。每一市郊都有

一条主街，林立着不同的本地商铺以满足各种需要，其中有精工裁缝店、食品杂货店、备有牙科眼科和心理治疗服务的医疗中心、电影院、邮局、银行、学校、宗教中心和不可或缺的办公楼。这样的都市规划还带动了不同“塔堡”和“环山”间的社区文化交流。

Basic Concept:Guangming Smart-city provides the opportunity to continue the agricultural tradition, creating a hybrid city at the vanguard of urban design and eco-sustainability.

Post-Olympic Urban Approach:A very modern assumption of our culture states that faster is always better. But in the race to keep up, everything suffers – our work, diet, health and our relationships. Slow living is fundamental to the success of the new city especially in the context of China’s current culture of speed; it will establish a unique character and lifestyle, that will sett Guangming Smart-city apart.

Guangming Smart-city (7.97km2)is arranged into human-scale clusters of housing and farming suburbs in the form of towers and craters. The forms are conceived as an augmentation of the existing topography. The Suburb Towers and Craters are intended to combat urban sprawl and advocate compact land use patterns that are walkable and bicycle-friendly. Each tower or crater is self-sufficient with its own high street, Suburb Square and individual character.

在天津打破常规Breaking The Rules in Tianjin项目/水晶石空间设计实验室[何新城+安健生+戴夫·哈兰德 ]Projects/Crystal Urban Creation [Neville MARS+Jason ANDERSON+Dave HARLANDER]

文-建筑/何新城Text-Architecture/Neville MARS

在中国似乎有一种常识——如果开发商都按规矩办事、如果建筑设计得不是那么漫不经心，我们的城市会更好。然而严峻的现实不得不让设计师重新思考城市规划的可持续发展性。中国城市的高密度与惊人的发展速度无法照搬西方的城市规划，这毋庸置疑。重要的是，我们需要解决中国规划制度的内在矛盾。那些旨在捍卫城市基本标准的制度，事实上却阻碍了城市的可持续发展性；城市的可持续发展性和其中的公园数量、太阳能光伏板面积乃至取得了LEED证书的楼宇面积关系并不大，而城市鼓励自觉地环保使用的能力才是定义其可持续发展性的主要标准。

我们在作塘沽绿色CBD规划的过程中，发现了现有规划框架的严重障碍。其中最明显的是现行的楼间距标准是无益的，这让城市组织流于分散。这让街道景观变得过分开阔，公共空间之间的联系难以建立；这让城市景观距离为行人服务的宗旨越来越远，打破这一规划制度极为迫切。当你的客户就是政府本身时，这一目标也不是不可完成的任务。

其次是引入前卫的分步开发机制。这是与客户的交流回合中有突破性的一刻——让客户意识到市场效应与可持续发展性其实是紧密结合的。大型的综合性项目通常是统一设计然后一气呵成。而在这经济的动荡时期，规划一个既适应快速发展又适应突如其来的放缓的开发机制尤其有价值。这让大型的生态规划框架的投资更为自由，比如分水岭和住宅自然保护带。自然生态系统的灵活亦为城市的商业注入生机。

总体规划的第一步通常是对周围生态环境的测绘，而地点周围只有工业和尘烟笼罩的繁荣港口；要保留现存的交通联系亦不可能，这有志成为中国第一个绿色CBD的地方，已被推土机平整为瓦砾铺就的灰色地毯。我们决定重新引入水与植被的自然网络概念，从暴雨倾泄以及洪水的预警系统开始。除了引入基本的绿色技术和混合建筑体外，我们不鼓励轿车的使用。由此试图创建一个舒适的、立体的社区，它的生长将促成低高度、高密度的多层次行人网络和居住带。

There is a sense in China that, if only developers would abide by the rules, if only buildings would not be so haphazard, things would be better. However, China actually forces designers to rethink sustainability in planning from scratch.

Invariably, density and development speed make any western approach redundant. More importantly, we need to address contradictions inherent to the Chinese planning system. Rules aimed at safeguarding basic urban qualities in new plans in effect prevent real sustainability from ever occurring; sustainability not based on the number of parks, solar panels or even certified buildings of an area, but defined by its intrinsic ability to encourage a green use.

Our research for the design of the Tanggu Green CBD revealed severe obstacles embedded in the regulatory framework. Most notably the planning codes keep the spaces between the buildings unnecessarily wide. Not unlike the problems at the regional scale, the city environment is forcefully dispersed. This leaves the streetscape uncomfortably open, while connections between different parts of the public space are hard to forge; a far cry from an pedestrian orientated landscape. Breaking the rules becomes imperative. And with the government as a client, this is actually feasible.

A second step was the introduction of progressive phaseability. An important moment in what can only be described as a steep mutual learning curve, was the notion that marketability and sustainability are closely aligned. Large aggregate projects are conceived and built at once. Designing a flexible backbone that can facilitate both fast or unforeseen slow growth, suddenly becomes valuable in these tumultuous times. Remarkably larger ecological planning frameworks, such as watershed and natural habitat protection, offer a comprehensive approach that also allow investment freedom. The flexibility of natural systems, grants the city a vitality in a commercial sense.

什么？！再来一次大跃进？What?! Another Leap Forward?

博客上弥漫着中国爆发绿色革命的兴奋。一夜之间而且不约而同，大家都半开玩笑地称之为绿色大跃进。人们有理由相信，飞速发展的中国能够再往前迈一大步，将发展道路与实现可持续发展的全球理想统一。这一理论却与现实相悖。无论是大步向前的抱负还是中国的宏大目标都忽略了一个重要事实：中国的建设已完成过半。这一简单的事实让所有把中国当成空白页、试图实践全新的、还未知的可持续发展计划的尝试不合时宜。

开发商和绿色追梦人对中国有相同的抱负：为年轻的市场提供最新的潮流。他们的主张都不是新经济前瞻性的指南，而是满足目前市场需求的尝试。和世界其它地方一样，中国急需一个系统性的开发模式，特别是一个在不断演进、弹性的过程中实现绿色发展主张的模式。而只有承认中国的建设已完成过半，才能调整方向，创造应对未来的解决方案。目前的务实是整体主义方法论的障碍，也阻碍了向前概念化的一大步。中国的现实证明了重新思考可持续发展是十分必要的。其复杂性从中国规划者面临的重重矛盾可见一斑。

哪怕建筑单体的设计如何精良且可持续发展，其集合仍是功能低下且不可持续发展的城市。

类似中国的新兴经济崇拜消费主义的，且没有任何改变的心思，这让我们不得不放弃试图减少消费的做法来催生‘绿色消费’与‘绿色消费者’的任何努力。西方的城郊是严重依赖能源消耗的城市化的对象。中国的郊区却为紧凑地容纳大规模迁徙带来了希望，为城市化远离小规模、效率低下的居民点和网络有可能实现。

绿色愿景在人类学与政治生态学中，‘愿景’的概念已发展成为描述

意识形态、伦理以及论据的主体，是科学家、规划者、决策者和环保人士都需要参与的意识。以‘循环经济’举例，愿景是更高层次的抽象体系，它让处于较低层次的具体参与者在矛盾中碰撞、作用。在插入一切可持续发展的科技之前，中国需要展望二十年后她想要什么样的城市环境。如果今天的建设导致的是届时城市的大规模重建，那将是不可持续发展的极致，无论建筑单

体如何环保。现在比任何时候都要贴切，‘要绿色，就要梦想’。

绿色都市动态城市基金会（DCF)介绍了数个绿色愿景：最

中心的是‘绿色都市’。这一愿景试图囊括城市是可持续发展最重大的挑战，亦是问题解决之关键。‘绿色都市’本身则包含了其它愿景，包括‘绿色边界’，‘绿色消费者’和诸如‘动态密度’等规划模式及与之匹配的建筑形态。

寻觅边界如果中国速度让所谓的蔓生具有暂时性，那么一个

新的问题是：如何界定城市的界限？大，不过是管理的挑战，东京证明，大小并不决定效率。在此范畴内，我们引入了‘绿色边界’的概念。我们建议，认定超出了高端公交可达范围的城市扩张是不可持续发展的。我们为城市核心之外、公交可达范围之内的区域起名为‘绿色边界’。它是城市与农村的过渡地带。它从略带诬蔑性质的‘城乡结合部’和中不溜秋的形象中解脱出来，‘绿色边界’引入的是极受追捧的住宅环境：葱翠的郊区生活以及迅速到达市中心的方便。一旦政府－私人能达成一致，比如像香港那样，公交与房地产项目能够协调发展，城市就能扩张其绿色边界。在绿色边界内，高密度、低高度的建筑形态形成的是一个鼓励可持续发展和市场化绿色消费的系统。

50 5150 51

展览馆底部的山形随着CBD楼基的挖掘进程而扩展The exh i b i t i o n ha l l expands with hills as the foundations of the CBD are excavated

深圳中心区皇岗片区改造规划 Shenzhen Central Huanggang Village Redevelopment Research and Proposal项目/杜娟Project/Juan DU

此项目范围地处深圳中心区，是作为深圳城市标志性区域的中轴线以及皇岗片区，涉及用地面积50.38公顷，其中皇岗村重点设计研究范围约23公顷。本设计目标完善中心区配套功能，强化多样性混合空间使用，塑造城市活力中心，注重设计研究的全面系统性，故此内容涵盖土地利用、城市设计、旧村改造、建筑景观设计、地下空间和综合交通等多个领域。通过对皇岗村改造相关问题（如政策性住房、会展配套、实施分期等）的深入研究，在满足方案基本设计条件的基础上，本设计从皇岗村整体空间形态、功能布局、公共空间、景观系统、改造实施等方面出发，提出了皇岗村改造优化方案。于皇岗村改造计划,中心区轴线延伸、以及会展中心改善优化三个研究主题的构架，我们分别从功能、空间、视觉、社会经济等议题出发讨论，遵循连接性、穿越性、灵活性、时间性、拓扑性、集中性、延续性等七个主导概念，最终提出多个设计策略，以达到中轴线以不同方式在城市不同空间尺度得到延伸的同时，皇岗村能够保持自身特点的混合弹性开发的目的。在皇岗村改造方面，我们经过研究认为，应该充分尊重并利用皇岗村业已形成的路网格局与空间肌理，保留并强化历史人文空间，通过低层高密度空间的塑造使之成为一个特征鲜明的城市空间。在功能上, 此方案提出混合/竖向分区的策略，除个别地块以外，皇岗村全部改造面积都在满足现行建设规范的前提下将遵循混合功能、弹性功能的原则开发。在实施上，此方案提出分期/弹性规划，结合皇岗村的实际要求和项目经济分析，设计5个开发期，一方面保证每期在拆迁安置和新建补充量上的平衡，使改造能够在经济上达到滚动可行，同时设计个别地块建设临时住宅安置现有商业和部分居民，以达到改造对社会生活影响最小。五个开发分期可根据实际市场状况暂停或重续开发，以形成一个开放的可调整的改造规划系统。

一个和谐社会中，老建筑和新建筑之间的关系因该有所改变。虽然已经过二十多年的迅速城市改造，上海今天仍有大约一千万平米的旧式里弄房子。这些旧里在城市里是廉价住房的一个重要来源，但目前估计旧里中还有大约九十万民居民仍然没有卫生设施例如浴室或厕所。如要将廉价住房在现地保留，一种新的解决方法是必要的。从`邻居互助的精神’为起点，新的建筑有很大的浅力可帮助老房子。如在旧的住宅附近要求新的开发项目提供旧房没有的卫生设施，这样现代化的公共浴室和厕所可被大量普及化，进一步确保条件差的邻居都可享受到都市发展的成果。这样简单的变动，可进一步迈向一个有包容性和经济效益的住房系统。

In a harmonious society, the relationship between old buildings and new buildings could change. After more than 20 years of rampant urban renewal, Shanghai today still has approximately 10 million m² of old lilong houses. Old houses are a vital source of affordable housing in the city, but an estimated 900,000 residents here still have no access to sanitation facilities such as bath, showers or toilets. If affordable housing is to be preserved in their current locations, a radical solution is needed. In the spirit of ‘neighbourly assistance’, new buildings may do much to help old houses. New developments adjacent to older sub-standard housing are required to include small numbers of missing facilities for their

和谐社会 B ——住房政策：新房帮旧房A Harmonious Society B - New Housing Policy: Showers for neighbours方案/王帷泽+王帷新Project/Richard Wei-Tse WANG+Stephen Wei-Hsin WANG

neighbours. In this way, communal shower and toilets will be made available for use by households without them, ensuring that poorer neighbours enjoy the fruits of urban development. This simple, yet profound change, might becomes the basis of a more socially inclusive, yet cost-effective housing system.

The Shenzhen CBD Huanggang Area Redevelopment Project involves an extensive research and design process that encompasses 50 hectares of the central business area of Shenzhen and more specifically 23 hectares of land presently owned and managed by the Huanggang Village Collective. The challenge is to achieve a responsible and sustainable urban development planning while meeting the various conflicting demands of the involved agencies, including the Mayor’s office, the Shenzhen Exhibition Center, and the Huanggang Village Development Corporation. Based on tremendous social, cultural, and economic demands along with complex spatial, Infrastructural, and programmatic needs of the project, seven main concepts were formed to guide the development of the proposal and to ensure a correspondence and correlation of each of the demands and requirements of the involved issues. Specifically for the redevelopment plan of the Huanggang Urban Village, the main goal is to achieve a long-term, socially and economically sustainable plan for the self-development and operation of the Village Collective’s corporation. In addition to preserving the Village’s ceremonial structures and spaces, such as the Ancestral Residence, Meeting Hall, and associated gardens, the proposal retains the existing street network and building organization of the village site. Creatively extending the central axis of the CBD by forming a low-rise high-density central zone, this area along with the preserved collective public areas forms a sharp spatial contrast to the adjacent potential high-rise development zones. The spatial arrangement and layout of all development allow for maximum freedom in mixed programs and flexible zoning - ranging from commercial to residential - by pre-testing the sites for code regulations and sun-light exposure. The implementation process is designed with five sequential stages that each holds a demolition and construction balance for sustainable economic and operational management. Each developmental stage is envisioned as a comprehensive step toward forming equilibrium of flexible public housing, residence housing exchange, and commercial space allocations. The entire planned process forms an interactive and counterbalancing redevelopment system.

三维人行道细胞团规划Stacked pedestrian cell-pattern planning

绿色建筑只存在于郊区，或者说是大城市的绿色边缘

Green projects belong in the suburbs — or rather, the green edge* of big cities

5252

52 5352 53

溶解和构建后奥林匹克北京Refabricating Post-Olympic Beijing项目/廖维武+黄颂威+余启昌Project/Laurence LIAUW + Ray WONG + Andrew YU 支援/陈悦,李静文,黄嘉颖Support/CHEN Yue, LI Jingwen, WONG Ka Wing

北京的城市宣言

2008北京奥运已经结束，借这个契机“旧北京”完成了到“新北京”的转化。但在奥运结束后也有许多关于未来建设的问题暴露出来并尚未解决。拥有大量昂贵基建设施和代表性体育馆，总面积3.75平方公里的奥林匹克公园将会需求一种新的建筑规划策略，以一种统一的态度去维持城市的发展，并将本身转化成为社会经济以及政治与文化为一体的小型都市。北京的未来决不只是眼下的光景（已是昨日）又或是过去的包袱。北京的发展模式和方向已经被突然重组的巨大纪念性建筑所改变。这些改变不可避免的造成了市民的动迁和城市肌理的密集化。但是，如果利用奥林匹克公园和北京城互相影响，交换密度分布，城市就可以采用新景观化基础建设和再构建城市肌理来自我维持和发展。因此，挑战巨大纪念性的北京2008奥林匹克公园并在其中发展城市建设，就有可能在城市肌理中“取代和分散“奥林匹克公园的景观以使北京城得以在未来再生。这将会成就纪念性公园和人民城市之间的动态发展么？

AN URBAN MANIFESTO OF BEIJING

The 2008 BeijingOlympics have come and gone, acting as an event catalyst that has radically transformed ‘Old Beijing’ into ‘New Beijing’ with many questions remaining for the future planning of China after the Party’s over. After massive and costly infrastructure and iconic stadium development, Post-Event planning in the 3.75 sq km tabula rasa Olympic Green’s evolution of socio-economic and political-cultural urban life will demand new architectural strategies to sustain the city in a coherent manner. Future ambition beyond the mere spectacle of today (already yesterday), and baggage of the past, Beijing’s development has been reconfigured suddenly by these monumental Olympics at the cost of displaced citizens and urban fabric densification. The city could however sustain its future growth through new infrastructural landscapes and regenerating urban fabric, by allowing a dialogue with the rest of Beijing through density exchange. By challenging the monumental 2008 Olympic Park and intensifying it with future urban development, it is possible

to ‘displace and disperse’ the landscape of the Olympic Park into the city to regenerate the rest of Beijing, for future generations. Could this be the dynamics between this

dissolving Monumental Park and the Peoples' City?

耐力及老化——后上海世博方案

Endurance & Obsolescence - Post-Shanghai Expo Proposals

项目/伦敦建筑师联盟学院[导师：汤姆•沃瑞伯斯，设计组：AM-PM+21+Dunes+123+02R+Sahra]

Project/AA School [Tutor:Tom VEREBES, Teams: AM-PM+21+Dunes+123+02R+Sahra]

这些提案探讨了与城市和建筑物的老化相关的问题。我们绝不是要为无常与短暂而喝彩，而是在中国快速的城市转型语境中，应对环境、经济、文化和社会的耐久性等问题。鉴于当代中国城市化和建设速度的紧迫、持续和势不可挡，总体规划战略尽管旨在追求耐久的城市完形的最终状态，结果却往往是机能失调的城市和迅速荒废的建筑物。

我们的目标是以不断进化并能适应未来变化的城市为基础，寻求城市总体规划的替代方案。内在于我们对当代城市认识之中的手段，是能够管理互动、沟通与交换等复杂品质的设计技术，正是这些品质成为

21世纪城市的特色。我们参数化城市的方法，是通过将智能嵌入城市空间的构型与运作，相联系的设计体系可以控制当地的动态信息，从而影响和调整更大范畴上的城市生活进程。

These proposals address issues associated with the obsolescence of cities and buildings. Far from a celebration of impermanence and ephemerality, we will deal with questions of environmental,

economic, cultural and social endurance within the context of rapid urban transformation in China. Masterplanning strategies which seek an enduring final state of urban completion tend to lead to

dysfunctional cities and quickly obsolescent buildings, given the urgent, incessant, and evidently unstoppable pace of urbanisation and construction in contemporary China.

We aim to seek alternatives to urban masterplanning based an evolving city with capacities of adaptation to future contingencies. The vehicles inherent to our understanding of contemporary

urbanism are design techniques with capabilities of managing the complex qualities of interaction, communication and exchange that characterise the twenty-first-century city. Our approach to Parametric

Urbanism addresses the ways in which associative design systems can control local dynamic information to effect and adjust larger urban life-processes by embedding intelligence into the formation and performance

of urban spaces.

后-后规划Post Post-Planning

54 5554 55

现实对照

REALITY

CHECK

7

感知密度

密度并非只是数学公式。还有实际密度之外人们对

城市密度的主观感受；比如北京的低层建筑和超大

型街区的人口密度可能相当，然而予人感受却南辕

北辙。

Perceived Density

Density is not a formula. The subjective sen-

sation of urban density that belies the actual

calculated density; for example Beijing’s

low-rise structures and megablocks may con-

sist of the same average population density,

while their appearance is radically different.

public v o i d c l e a r ( ) {}

//////public void start() {println("started...");}

//////

i m p o r t p r o c e s s i n g .

core.*;import processing.xml.*;

import processing.opengl.*;import processing.pdf.*;import damkjer.ocd.*;import javax.swing.*;import javax.media.opengl.*;

import java.applet.*;import java.awt.*;import java.awt.image.*;import java.awt.event.*;import java.io.*;import java.net.*;import java.text.*;import java.util.*;import java.util.zip.*;import java.util.regex.*;

public class nine_sq_comp_02 extends PApplet {

final int SCRN_WIDTH = 700;final int SCRN_HEIGHT = 700;

boolean record;boolean isAuto;PGraphicsOpenGL pgl;GL gl;String saveToFolder = null;

Grid grid;CSPSolver currSolver;

/*** setup*/public void setup() {size(SCRN_WIDTH, SCRN_HEIGHT);

grid = new Grid(150, 150);currSolver = new Solver01();

ellipseMode(CENTER);frameRate(30);}

/****/public void draw() {background(255);if (record) {// Note that #### will be replaced with the frame

number. Fancy!

b e g i n R e c o r d ( P D F , saveToFolder + "/frame-####.

pdf");}

if (isAuto) {currSolver.clear();currSolver.solve();if (currSolver.isSolved) {if (saveToFolder == null) {saveToFolder = selectFolder(); // Opens file chooserif (saveToFolder == null) {// If a folder was not selectedprintln("No folder was selected...");}else {// If a folder was selected, print path to folderprintln(saveToFolder);}}beginRecord(PDF, saveToFolder + "/frame-####.pdf");grid.draw();currSolver.draw();endRecord();}

//delay(1000);

}else {grid.draw();currSolver.draw();}

if (record) {endRecord();record = false;println("pdf saved...");}

}

/*** key pressed*/public void keyPressed() {if (key == ' ') {currSolver.clear();currSolver.solve();if (currSolver.isSolved) {println("complete solution.....");}}if (key == 'c') {currSolver.clear();}if (key == 'p') {if (saveToFolder == null) {saveToFolder = selectFolder(); // Opens file chooserif (saveToFolder == null) {// If a folder was not selectedprintln("No folder was selected...");}

else {// If a folder was s e l e c t e d , print path to folder

println(saveToFolder);}}record = true;println("saving pdf...");}if (key == 'a') {isAuto = !isAuto;println("is auto: " + isAuto);}

}

//// constraint satisfaction solver//abstract class CSPSolver {int TRY_THIS_MANY = 2000;ProgressMonitor progressMonitor;boolean isSolved;

////public CSPSolver() {} // end CSPSolver ()

//////public void solve() {}

//////public void draw() {}

//////

转型中的城市类型：在编码的整体中演习 Urban Typologies in Transformation: Exercises in Coded Wholes 项目/汤姆•沃瑞伯斯+OCEAN.CN // AADRLProject/Tom VEREBES + OCEAN.CN // AADRL

OCEAN.CN开发了一系列城市组织模型，即生成集结类型和密度计算阵列。这一设计演习激增了城市集结原型的新混合品，并令与当代中国城市相关的建筑形态种类更多样。

类型转换人口与密度数据提取自若干中国城市，应用到四个主要集结类型的变种

中（多层建筑；低层/大进深平面；高层塔楼；豪华独栋别墅）。所得出的原型空间的参数逻辑包括了空间限制，比如高度、建筑容积率、建筑覆盖率、制图面积和可建面积总量。

五个中国城市的不同导致了城市原型的差异化，即初始的参数变量。这些城市原型通过道路网络，优化基础设施，划分界限，以及这五个城市（北京、上海、广州、深圳和东莞）的地理/地形特征和现有的城市格局，将细分化的土地整合起来。

设计的最后阶段还有一个并行的目标，就是超越简单的欧几里德几何学，它是正式表述更具体的建筑原型的基础。一组针对一般化街区模型的修改，生成了形式上仅限于当地地形、环境条件的反应，并得出平面图及其分支的曲变度的层级结构。

OCEAN.CN has developed a ser ies of urban organisational models, generated as computational arrays of massing typologies and densities. This design exercise proliferates new hybrid urban massing prototypes, and varied species of

architectural configurations associated with contemporary Chinese cities.

Typology TransformationsPopulation and density data was initially

mined from several Chinese cities, and was applied to the morphing of four dominant massing typologies (tier buildings; low-rise/deep-plan; high-rise towers; luxury detached

villas).

The parametric logic of the resultant prototypical spaces embodies dimensional constraints such as height limits, FAR, architectural footprint density, plot area, and the total buildable surface area.

The urban prototypes are differentiated in relation to the five Chinese cities which initially briefed the parametric variation. These urban prototypes incorporate the subdivision of land by road networks, infrastructural optimisation, lot boundaries, and the geographic/topographic features and existing urban patterns of each of the five cities (Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Dongguan).

The final stage of design has a parallel objective of surpassing simple Euclidian geometries as the basis for the formal articulation of more detailed architectural prototypes. A set of modifications to the generic block models generates formally specific responses to local topographic and environmental conditions, resulting in a hierarchy of degrees of curvature of the ground plan and its subdivisions.

[email protected] www.oceanD.com

第七步STEP

7

网格：网格左右了范围内建筑物的类型，而公共属性也已嵌入它们的设计之中。虽然缀上了高速公路和大道，中国的城市却仍然不以多向性网格系统为基础。表面的灵活性来自于基础设施的过度配置：大面积单一功能分区的结果是——纸上的公共面积十分可观，而现实的公共空间名存实亡。更高效、更灵活、更亲密的城市依靠的是尺度与人谐调的直角网格。

GRID：A grid fosters an inherent set of building typologies. As such the quality of public is embedded in their design. Though laced with highways and avenues, the Chinese city is not based on a multidirectional grid system. Ostensible flexibility is derived from over-dimensioned infrastructure: the framework for extensive mono-functional zoning of ample public square meters, but zero public space. More efficient, flexible and intimate cities rely on embracing orthogonal grids of human proportions

网络：今天，即使是直角网格也过于静态，我们要设计的是流畅的城市空间。在本质不变的前提下，网格需要适应各种地理条件，并发生形变。这让网格可适用于更广泛的类型范畴，更精准地定义基础设施和建筑的关系亦成为可能。

NETWORK：Today even the orthogonal grid is too static for the fluid urban spaces we want to design. The grid itself needs to be able to adapt to geographic conditions and morph without loosing its generic properties. This opens the grid up to a broader range of typologies and offers the possibility of more closely defined relationships between infrastructure and building.

中国城市编码Coding Urban China

项目/泽纳尔/霍克工作室[柯特•弗朗兹+约翰•霍克+酒井智彦+彼特•泽纳尔]Project/ZELLNERPLUS/HOUCK Studio[Kurt FRANZ+ John HOUCK + Tomohiko SAKAI+Peter ZELLNER]

生成一个国民的城市我们想象一个可能没有边界、不停蔓生但又人口密集的城市化中国，它包含了几乎无限多种建筑形式和无限多个类

型学重构。我们想象，在中国有这样一种国有的城市化――目标理想上趋于一致，实践执行上因地制宜。我们的目的是为有凝聚力的国民城市结构创造一种新模式，从而让公共和私人空间可自由转换或互换，并且不

影响或扰乱私人住房及大街区。具体来说，我们竭力将个体与公共职能都注入城市街区，为街区的内部和边缘营造一种模糊的特质。

我们希望能创造这些条件，既不过快确定目标，也不诉诸重复生产的简单方法（比如模拟）去制造某种变化的假象。归根结底，我们试图创造一套策略，用以开发具有随机性及生成能力的语言模式，它可以根据预先设定的限制和规则进行自动编辑。

Generating a National CityWe imagine a potentially limitless, sprawling yet dense URBAN China composed from an archive of

almost endless architectural varieties and unlimited typological re-compositions. We imagine in China a nationalized urbanism- general in ambition yet specific in execution.

We aimed to create a model for a cohesive national urban fabric in which public and private spaces could be freely swapped or interchanged without disrupting either the individual house

or the larger block. In particular we sought to inject each city block with private as well as public functions, creating an ambiguous quality to block interiors and edges.

We hoped to generate these conditions without immediately over determining intention or resorting to simple (e.g. analog) methods of iteration and reiteration to produce

an artificial rendition of variation. Ultimately, we sought to invent a strategy for developing a randomized, generative pattern language that could automatically

edited according to a predetermined set of constraints and rule sets.

56 5756 57

NEW URBAN SPECIES

GROW STRONGER IN THE STRUGGLE FOR SUNSHINE

LIFT UP THE PEOPLE, TUCK IN THE PUBLIC

JEFFREY INABA, JURY MEMBER

THE CITY AS ONION

WITHOUT BOUNDARIES THERE ARE NO OPPORTUNITIES

LIVE LATERALLY IN THE URBAN CANOPY

RETURN TO AGRICULTURE WITHOUT LEAVING THE CITY

URBAN VILLAGES WILL CONSUME THE CITY

CONSTANT CHANGE IS HARMONIOUS

TWIST TOWARDS THE FUTURE

FLEXIBILITY IS THE NEW INFRASTRUCTURE

TOP-DOWN LIVING

DOUBLE DIVERSITY MAKES DOUBLE HAPPINESS

HYPER-MESH THE VOIDS

MODEL PRODUCTION UNIT FOR THE NEW ECONOMY

LIBERATE THE GROUND, REINTEGRATE THE ENVIRONMENT

PROMOTE UNDESTRUCTIVE CONSTRUCTION

LEARN FROM HAKKA HOUSING

RAISE THE LIVING OF FLOATING POPULATIONS

URBAN DOUFU CAN TAKE A HUNDRED SHAPES

MAKE IT LIVABLE

GLOBAL CONNECTIVITY WITH LOCAL CHARACTERISTICS

The Chinese University of Hong KongLau Hung Ching, Leung Yiu Ming, Ng Shuk Wai, Wong Chun Wai, Ray Yip Tak Kei; Advisor: Laurence Liauw, Shinya Oduka

What if an incremental, serial approach to the Mega-block could set up a dialogue between city and nature through evolutionary types of the city block?

Rad NaturesDong-Ping Wong, Carolyn Matsumoto, Aimee Chang, Noah Sherburn, Oana Stanescu

How can high-density housing be formed by the demands of energy independence—a power-driven architecture—and exploit the collectivity of urban living for mutually beneficial social, economic and ecological gains?

Charrette WinnerRice University School of ArchitectureMatthew Crnkovich, Quyen Ma, Viktor Ramos, Peter Stanley; Advisor: Clover Lee

Can the tower-podium formulation of the typical superblock be re-imagined with more dynamic relationships between public and residential zones?

“Can the design be taken even further, not only to create public space on the plaza level but also to more polemically redefine the plinth? Can vertical connections—waterfalls, bike paths, car parks, garbage chutes, music—be introduced as elements that make the space above and below the plinth less absolute in their distinctions?”

Columbia University, GSAPP + Grad. Sch. of Public HealthTat Lam, Meg Andrews, Chao-Jung Chen, Yongjun Do, Danielle Radel, Eirini Tsachrelia, Bret Quagliara, Alvin Wong;Advisor: Jeffery Johnson

Can the human desire for bigness be taken to its illogical extreme, to produce a maximized network within the 3D block?

University of Waterloo, School of ArchitectureTammy Chau, Bill Chan, Joseph Lo, Rosanna Ho;Advisor: Anne Bordeleau

Can the Mega-block enclosures, as containers for mixed programs, be developed as opportune zones for social dynamics to unfold?

Rice University School of ArchitectureW. Amanda Chin, Katherine Green, Nkiru Mokwe, Beth Wieber;Advisor: Clover Lee

Could the growth of a manufactured jungle end the segregation of discrete towers and the disconnects between open space and program in the Mega-block?

University of Southern California, School of ArchitectureAnthony Laney, Brad Zuger

Can China reclaim agriculture as the open heart of its Mega- block?

Rice University School of ArchitectureRobert Crawford , Beatrice Eleazar, Curt Gambetta, Richie Gelles; Advisor: Clover Lee

Can the model of the urban village be intensified then re-carved to produce channels of connectivity?

Columbia University, GSAPPAndy Yuan, Luoyi Yin, Shao W. Deng, Xin Wang, Ziyu Zhuang; Advisor: Kenneth Frampton

Can a new, open framework accommodate both stable and unstable programs over time?

Columbia UniversityHelen Cao, Lily Parshall, Dana Pillai, Jeff Shrader, Mercy Wong, Tom Wu

What repeatable formal logics might allow the necessities of natural light, interlocking public and private green spaces, and energy awareness to become visible in the Mega-block?

Jury RecognitionUniversity of Southern California, School of ArchitectureJamie Wu, I-Ting Chen, Hua Li; Advisor: Eui-Sung Yi

Can a flexible, changeable infrastructure system reconcile the disconnects between the city and the home, between horizontal and vertical growth, and between interior and exterior environments?

Rostov Architectural Academy Bellini Daria, Platonov Pavel, Levoshina Diana, Maltsev Ivan, Muchtarov Eldar; Advisor: Doynicin Andrew

How can services and living spaces be stratified and densified to take greater advantage of environmental resources like air, light, and water?

Columbia University, GSAPPEgbert Chu, Yuka Terada, Sid Wichienkuer

How can the illusion of security and serenity be exposed, to move towards the co-habitation of rich and poor, enabled by gradient zones strategically placed to encourage contact without forcing it?

Jury Recognition / Columbia University, GSAPPMark Bearak, Dora Kelle, Seth Ruggiero, Dana Fantauzzo

Could a prosthetic construction of parks, residences, and services hyper-activate the ‘community space’ voids within superblocks?

Columbia University+Bard Graduate SchoolKatie Shima, Aidan Flaherty, Robin Fitzgerald-Green, Keith Greenwald, Chris Altman

How much energy can a single Mega-block capture, and can it start to feed the city?

Univeristy of WaterlooJason Hong

Can the existing ‘social infrastructure’ re-animate the superimposed housing system?

Ecole Spéciale d’ArchitecturePierre-Antoine Bonamour; Advisor: Kenny Kinugasa Tsui

In what ways can the autonomous urban microcosm of Hakka housing be integrated into and inform a greater urban system?

Columbia University, GSAPPChristopher Guerette, Andrew Jacobs, Marlo Brown, Xu Chen

Can density become an advantage by creating a microclimate within the Mega-block?

Jury Recognition / Columbia University, GSAPPAmanda Brookins, Jenny Chou, Kevin Wei; Advisor: Brian McGrath

How can Megablock Urbanism avoid obliterating already functioning lands (AFLs)--vast tracts of agricultural land, traditional villages, worker housing?

Columbia University, GSAPPMicheal Young, Michael Ka'ainoni; Advisor: Mark Rakatansky

Can the Mega-block and its individual units become doufu, absorbing existing and imposed cultural flavors, and changing character as they interact with their neighbors?

Columbia University, GSAPP+SIPATao Liu, Matt Flynn, Bing-chi Sung

Houw might the traditional concept of jia shan shui—an alternative landscape composed of mountains, earth and water—shape profit and community, twin ideological pillars of the new China, within the megablock?

University of California, Berkeley, School of ArchitectureGina Siciliano, Melissa Smith, David Bowen-M. Arch, Adrianna Navarro-Sertich; Advisor: Renee Chow

Can the complexity of street activities bring life to the typical patterns and technologies of global urban connections?

ERIC CHANG, JURY MEMBER

“The massing of the scheme is extreme, oppressive, and unlikely to be hospitable at the inner layers of the onion, but provocatively asks whether it’s possible to create a Mega-block that is even more dense and massive than current Mega-blocks.”

DOREEN HENG LIU

“A possible conceptual solution to urban and human rigidity.”

DOREEN HENG LIU

“In between flexibility and rigidity in a slightly poetic way.”

从“极大”到“米塔”：极大城区项目Mega to Meta: The Megablock Project项目/杰弗里·约翰森[哥伦比亚大学建筑研究院]Project/Jeffrey Johnson [China Lab, Columbia School of Architecture Planning and Preservation]

“夏季工作坊”的“从极大城区到米塔城区”的项目﹐以系统设计为基础﹐尝试改造并重新整合零散化的北京城市结构﹐共享各组成部分的资源。

极大城区并没为北京城超大规模的基础设施增光添彩。是一种有机的、整体逻辑，通过连接各个层级和不同生态系统，弥合了环路和私家花园亭阁间的空隙。这也是在大与小之间维持平衡的尝试：它并不否认实用性、大规模框架的存在价值，但同时也在重拾中国传统建筑的历史价值，即建筑维系并协调着大的宇宙与小的栖居。

从当下的轨迹来看，极大街区的发展，在各个现实层面上都不具有可持续性：不论是社会、环境、经济或作为城市环境的组成部分。向“米塔城区”的转型将可持续战略重新置入现有的城市结构中：“米塔平面”（多层次、跨街区互联，轻松进入公共空间）、“米塔交通”（将行人与自行车交通系统优先设置在大规模汽车网络之上）、“米塔生态”（实现居民与城市自然环境之间的互动）、“米塔基础设施”（提升当地的电子通讯、水处理、能源和垃圾回收能力）、“米塔经济”（维系多样化人口结构，包括增加低收入住房，启动新的基础设施建设等）。

您还在等待下一个庞然大物吗？您还在等待下一个平民区被拆除﹐下一个单位大院被私有化﹐或下一个小区失去它的光彩吗？不用等了﹐“米塔城区”来了。这不是一个普通的小区﹐而您也不是一个普通开发商。地产发展终于迈向三维化。而您不只可以享受纵向多层面的发展模式﹐还可以展望更多的回报机会。在我们不断对城市系统的迅速发展的研究下﹐我们完成了一个新的地产产品﹐“米塔平面”。它解决了中国小型社区发展模式千篇一律的问题﹐及人口分布﹑环境和经济层面造成的不可持续性发展。请浏览我们的网页www.china-lab.org﹐成为未来中国“米塔城市”发展的一部分。

The Summer Workshop's 'Megablock to Metablock' project constructed a systems-based approach to retrofitting, re-integrating, and sharing resources between fragments of Beijing's city fabric.

The Meta-Block is a de-monumentalization of the mega-scale infrastructure of Beijing. By linking multiple levels and ecological systems, it is an organic, holistic logic that complements the ring roads and towers-in-the-private-park. And it is a balancing act between Big and Small: it does not negate the value of the pragmatic large-scale framework, but rather recalls the historical value of Chinese architecture as a mediator between the larger cosmos and smaller habitats.

Mega-block development, in its current trajectory, is unsustainable in all aspects of the world: socially, environmentally, economically, and as a part of the built environment. The transformation into Meta-Blocks reinserts sustainable strategies into the existing city structure: Meta-plane (multi-level and cross-block connectivity and access to open spaces), Meta-transport (reprioritizing pedestrian and bike circulation above the massive vehicular grid), Meta-ecology (localized interaction between inhabitants and constructed nature), Meta-infrastructure (upgrading local telecommunications, water filtration, energy, waste revitalization), and Meta-economy (linking more diverse demographics, including the insertion of low-income housing, to new infrastructure).

Are you waiting for the next big thing? Are you tired of waiting for the next slum to be evacuated, the next work unit compound to be privatized, and your next gated community condo to lose its luster? Wait no longer; the Meta-Block has arrived. This is not your typical superblock, and you are not a typical real estate investor. Real estate development has finally gone multi-dimensional: not only can you enjoy the benefits of vertically layered development, but you can also see new returns as the meta-block develops over time. Based on intensive research into the hyper development of urban systems, a new real estate product, the Meta-plane, addresses unsustainable problems—demographic, environmental, and economic—of the overused gated community model that has made your city feel like every other city. Visit www.china-lab.org to learn how to become part of the Meta-Block future.

Guangzhou

Beijing

Shanghai

Shenzhen

58 5958 59

该成为支撑一座城市的精神和尊严之源。在新加坡，除了不断抹除城市物质印记外，人们的

思想与职业也被政策不断推向新方向：在70年代是制造业和工程业，在80年代是工商管理﹑生物科技业和银行业，从90年代开始是设计和创造业。整个教育体制都为这些经济题材更新。没有对“新行业”有兴趣或才能的人们很容易被社会抛弃。在一个没有失业救助计划的社会里，这些被抛弃的人会觉得更加无望。

新兴都市合同。新兴都市的专家统治需要极高的政治手腕和商业敏

感。然而它的成功主要依靠的是政府对社会的控制并把治国方略包装成持续经济繁荣和城市化的“多赢策略”。在新兴都市里人民与政府之间没有“社会契约”，而只有“新兴都市合同”：一种交换财富的政治共识。

新兴都市的特征是1)一个以经济为主体的；2)专政政府；3)舶来的城市规划；4)强制的社会性格；5)贫困的近代史；6)只发展经济的治国方针；7)消极的政治态度。中国城市的经济特区、自由贸易区、国家即经济技

术开发区以及高新科技开发区都因为主题十分单一，所以有成为新兴都市的危险。

中国城市很容易通过完成“理想城市的清单”上所有的项目，而成为“取悦外资”的新兴都市。质量和单调的问题将不可避免。大规模交通基础设施、摩天大楼、著名设计师的新建筑、崭新的博览中心、为旅游业新建的丰碑、(为展示有文化的)新表演艺术馆、“超五星”的酒店、干净的环境虽然都能被又快又经济地修建，但是这些建筑质量往往被忽略，这些都市的特征只有短暂的视觉的现代化冲击，却对城市的遗产毫无贡献。如此炮制城市的方式所创造的只会是一个缺乏文化依据与身份的都市。

高速和大规模的开发让中国新兴都市没有本地化的时间。基础设施、都市计划和住宅发展都是根据外来模式拷贝，或由外国顾问设计。新加坡在70年代和80年代也靠进口都市模型来提升它的城市规划——例如荷兰圆环城市(Randstad)模式和勒科布西耶的高层住宅，并且成功地把这些外国

"新兴都市”麻醉品Urban Narcotics in Boomtown China 文/陈威廉与张婷婷Text/William TAN and Ting-Ting ZHANG

经济的繁荣让城市开发在过去十年已沦为商业投机的猎物。吸引投资成了城市开发的唯一目的，官僚政客都成了商人，把所管辖的城市包装成商品，以便卖出。比如：毕尔巴鄂、迪拜、阿布扎比、成都、海得拉巴等。

政府摒弃了为人民提供社会﹑法律﹑经济保证的宗旨，变成了追逐利润的商业机构。一种独特的政治形态也随之生成，它既非美国政治“政府是财团、党派竞争的裁判”的模式，也非马克思主义“政府是当权经济阶级的独裁工具”。我们称这种现象为“新兴都市效应”，这些城市则是“新兴都市”。

新兴都市的创造过程是“技术统治论”(Technocratic) 的贯彻结果。城市规划和社会建设的每个方面都通过管理、后勤或科技的角度来决定。在这时空被全球化压缩了的世界经济中，市政规划异化为吸引快速流动着的有限资源（如资金和人才等）的商业实践。新兴都市政府有整顿、规范整个社会人力和财力的政治权力。新兴都市政府能把整个城市改造成一条流水线，产品是市场经济。

不少中国城市仅仅通过吸引外资来开发，其庞大的规模与极端的速度必将导致出乎预料的社会和政治后果。这篇文章试图参考新加坡的实例，为中国城市的发展提供经验与教训。为什么选择新加坡呢？这是因为新加坡有可能是世界上或亚洲城市第一个成功掌握新兴都市发展策略的城市。新城的技术统治 (Technocratic)至上，混合亚洲价值观以及福特-泰勒主义（Fordist-Taylorist）管理方式，从而促成了一个全面受控而且满足感强烈的社会，国家资源和人们的情绪亦得到有效地动员。更重要的是，新加坡以民族和经济发展为基础的发展策略与中国颇为相似。我们相信，新加坡是中国城市未来的一面明镜。

从新加坡1965年独立以来，卫生与环境标准一直是吸引国外投资的主要优势。整个城市都为了“清洁、绿色”的市场营销战略而规划发展。绿色的城市景观是新加坡的主要魅力，庭院、公园和绿色草坪与沿街的绿化带以及绿树荫荫的停车道相连，这是吸引外资和游客的重要因素。中国城市必须了解，没有健康的环境、社会和文化发展目标的都市化必然不能长期维系。

向新加坡学习。在新加坡，所有与最新发展规划相抵触的建筑都会

被拆除。街道与人行道都一铺再铺，以保持整洁感。高效的现代城市规划为外资准备好了重要的基础设施。好比北京，浩大的监视系统详细地监视着整齐的、带绿化的交通网，并为意外事故派遣救护车。地铁﹑电车与巴士把人们从家门口送到市中心。有井盖的走道为公共住宅与公共停车场提供连接; 冷气走廊将办公大楼与商场相连，以便消费者和办公室员工无需暴露在炎炎烈日下。

这在许多开发中的中国城市听上去，更象是个理想的都市，但是对于一个社会来说，单纯的物质累积仍是不足够的。这些看上去很美的设施的功能效率以及如此大规模城市化的社会与环境后果更应该被重视。而新加坡不间断的城市改造消灭了所有历史的遗迹与社会根源。这虽然保证了让外人赞不绝口的妥善打理的崭新的都市景观，但损失了社会的记忆。这不是社会的失忆，而是对社会集体记忆的不断消磨——这记忆本

都市和建筑模型与当地的社会和气候需求相结合。换句话说，如今运用外国发展模式新建都市在所难免，但中国城市必须避免不顾后果地剪贴复制，仅仅像新加坡一样把外来模式略加以本地化。

新加坡的发展意识一向被它呈现“现代的、崭新的”都市景致，和消除殖民地遗迹的欲望所主导。结果在80年代后期，当新加坡发现保存有历史价值的建筑被视为有利于旅游业时，值得保留的区域已所剩无几。中国领土广阔，不需为了新建工程而拆除有文化历史价值的旧建筑。如果当地政府让地方和外国开发商随各自的利益而发展，一不小心中国城市将很容易成为存放外来设计的棋盘。但戏剧性的是，尽管新加坡像是能瞥见中国城市未来的水晶球，能为中国借鉴如何吸纳外来城市设计的方法，新加坡的开发商却在今天的中国开发了迪斯尼主题公园般的住宅项目，比如“新英格兰”风格的分户式住宅。

新兴都市是乌托邦吗?从纯经济的角度来发展社会的一个大问题，

即是把复杂的人道与文化问题简化成了人口统计的数据。此类基于消费的规划只把社会划分为各个“收入阶层”以及与之匹配的“生活方式”，然而这些新兴社会缺乏土生土长的中产阶级文化根基，规划师和建筑师亦无从参考。事实上，新生的中国中产阶级无法很快忘却离去不久的贫困，从而也对一切外来事物产生扭曲、过度膨胀的期待与兴奋。

要创造一个成功的新兴都市，城市的一切都得以经济为首要目标。政府要将财政和法律往吸引投资的方向调整。这是需要全民参与才会成功的行动。所幸的是，在经济利益的诱惑下，人民会很容易就被说服并服从所有的政策。与抽象政治乌托邦所不同的是，经济繁荣主义很有说服力。一旦人们认为某项政策是符合个人利益的，即使没有直接效益，新兴

都市公民也容易支持该政策。因为新兴都市政府的政治标题是“发展经济” 和“现代化”，它所有政策都可以自称是为了经济发展和稳定而确立的。一旦大家习惯于都市化的舒适并积累了一定财富，持有异议的机会成本便增加了：当你有一个待遇优厚的事业、住在封闭的住宅小区、拥有崭新的进口汽车时，和自己没有直接关系的不合法的拘捕则更容易被忽略。

新兴都市是政治麻醉品。在新加坡，财富的增加和苛刻的内政法律让平

民相信，只有支持新兴都市政府的强权控制才是有利的。新兴都市“幻觉效应” 让第一代新兴都市公民屈从于政府以换得更好的生活水平。这一代公民则继承了上一代对新兴都市的麻醉品的成瘾性，加上后来的社会教育让他们深信，没有比现在更好的社会了，他们丧失了为社会发奋向上的意志——他们已成为新兴都市意识形态彻头彻尾的追随者。这是新兴都市合同所培育的政治后果。

培育过程消灭的不仅是政治意愿，还磨平了人们的创业精神。近年来，新加坡人民缺乏创造性的社会问题已开始削弱了全球化对新加坡的兴趣，亦降低了它在亚洲市场的竞争能力。政府现在设法通过组织公共运动给“创意工业和艺术”赋予重要性和意识，从而改变缺少动力和想象力的社会症结。正在开发的中国城市可从新加坡的特殊困境中学到：为了短期经济目标而忽略社会文化影响的政策，终将伤害国家和人民的利益。中国的经济自由化让人民重新信任政府，而这信任可以成为中国城市发展的巨大社会资本，但也很容易被滥用。发展中的中国城市必须认真保护这广袤国国土上多元化的文化和社会财富。由社会不同阶层对话产生的政策才能迎合不同人的志向、天赋与才能，也许能防止像新加坡那样的单一发展的问题。

新兴都市的生活水平和经济机会吸引着向往新兴都市生活并愿意服从新兴都市合同的移民。来新加坡的移民往往来自政治或经济稍逊的邻国，如东南亚国家或澳洲。也有移民是印度的专业人士或俄国的寡头，他们发现新加坡护照在今天要比美国护照更为好用。不认同新兴都市合同的公民也会离开。在新加坡，那些才能在政策并不惠及的行业 (直到近期也包

括创造业和表演艺术) 或不同意执政方针的人民都只能去海外发展。这些新兴都市支持者和反对者的出入循环创造了人口的自我审查——“不喜欢的不来”;“不喜欢新兴都市的请离开"。

自由市场无自由。北京08年奥运会的壮观宣告了中国不再是沉睡的巨

龙，而是需要严正对待的大国。媒体对这一宣言的成功报道将刺激人们对新兴都市公式的全盘接受。新加入（资本主义模式）的中国人民往往天真地认为新兴都市兼具两重世界的优点——一个“完全自由，各取所需”的经济并期望政府支持他们的经济诉求，并在跌倒的时候将他们扶起。

发展中的中国城市必需从富有的文化传统中找到现代文化和社会的支撑来平衡贸易增长与现代生活。现今的新富阶层只依靠他们在西方受教育是吸取的、或从奢侈品广告所倡导的形象来塑造他们的生活方式和社会地位。这样的模仿只会形成虚伪的舶来文化。然而，如果这些发展中的中国城市持续地鼓励本地的社会和职业的多元化发展，整个社会将带有当地文化的印记。

应对高速发展的中国城市。事实上，中国城市的规划委员会采取谨慎而多元的

规划观不是没有道理的。除了借民意起草的多元社会政策会更具有经济和政治的可持续发展性以外，开发中的城市必须了解复制纯粹自上而下的城市规划的弊端。这些成熟的公式或许能更快被有关当局批准，也能更快吸引外资，但它们不是为这些城市多样的社会和文化需求而量体设计。城市和社会的发展不但是由直接的经济成果来计算，也得通过社会和政治的持续发展来衡量。进口的都市模式和开发方案(不论是中国还是外国事务所设计)都得经过一番本地化，才能真正改进人民的生活质量。政府只有让人民生活得到真正的、长期的改善，国家才能长治久安。

而具讽刺意味的是，人们反而更难相信新兴都市发展论

的副作用。中国近年来经济发展的非凡成就是中国人民辛勤劳动换来的。所以我们应该如何避免这些人民患上“再喂食综合症”——因为突然而来的财富的而对物质过份依赖？

当人们全力以赴地提高生活水平时，怎么向他们解释文化尊严和民族身分这些无形的问题呢？即使我们能说服新兴都市政权选择有利人民的社会发展计划，我们又能给中国人民什么比迅速致富还要更有吸引力的远景呢？我们如何才能事先避免为了社会经济的复苏而长期努力后又陷入社会的昏迷状态呢？

从新加坡成功的案例，中国的城市将了解保护环境和缜密的城市规划对社会经济的重要性。新加坡由于侧重经济发展而产生的社会与文化的问题，证明了社会文化发展的持续比财富积累的速度要更为重要。中国开发中的城市也会明白城市、社会和文化的多样化将影响到城市发展的寿命。如果中国城市的发展允许并鼓励社会的参与，它们将不但会有新加坡财富积累的效率，也不需要以后再来弥补在发展中失去的文化财富。

巨亲近Meticulous Bigness 项目/何新城+萨斯基亚·范德尔

Project-/Neville MARS + Saskia Vendel

北京生活梦工厂The Beijing Boom Tower

“北京生活梦工厂”是满足真实市场需求的理论化尝试：是位于市中心的郊区的奢侈。在“北京生活梦工厂”里，鱼与熊掌可以得兼。北京极度粗糙的城市景观只能与巨型塔楼街区相配。以曼哈顿十倍的密度设计以提供洛杉矶别墅的生活方式，“北京生活梦工厂”重申的是遗失在大型街区中的小尺度及弹性的品质。12,500居民都拥有阳光充足的宽敞阳台，还有与公路干线连接的停车场、两个地铁站，以及八个广场。这一没有妥协的设计预示了在紧凑的城市环境中保证个人奢侈的生活需要作出的种种牺牲。

“北京生活梦工厂”为中国的城区提出了一个无围墙的解决方案。共产主义时代社会的军团化已经自然演进，并形成了隐私与财富的社会阶层之色谱。只有房地产仍然依赖于粗劣的社会疏离。不同的住宅小区代表了不同的细分市场。他们从街道旁突兀地围合起来，彼此之间亦无联系，社区空间则无法形成。“北京生活梦工厂”事实上是城中城，为解决这一问题，它为居民提供了大量可供彼此遇见的配套设施，建筑的大型底部也以内部地铁和公路相连。

住宅楼由桥接形成了三个独立的组团，每一组团在核心位置有一个空心塔。这些组团折射出不同社区社会地位的微妙差异，并在周围配以适当的设施。空心塔是电梯的集合，通过相连的桥接，它们也与拥有极致奢华的私人电梯、外形极细的高端别墅相连。

The Beijing Boom Tower is the theoretical product of a genuine market attempt to supply

according to demand: suburban luxuries in the center of a major city. In the BBT you can have your cake and eat it. Beijing’s extremely coarse urban landscape can only find its match in giant tower blocks. Designed to offer LA style villa’s at precisely 10 times Manhattan density the BBT is able to reinstate a minute and erratic quality lost in China’s generic mega blocs. The 12,500 inhabitants are all accommodated with big balconies, and orientated towards the sun. There’s drive-in parking, 2 subway stations, and 8 public squares. The uncompromising design indicates the kinds of sacrifices which need to be made to allow luxurious future living standards within a compact integrated urban environment.

Socially conscious, the BBT presents a wall-free solution for China’s inner-cities. The regimented society of the communist era has naturally progressed to form a sophisticated gradient of privacies and increasing opulence. Only the housing sector still depends on a very crude form of segregation. The different residential compounds, represent well-defined niche markets. But bluntly fenced-off from the street and disconnected from each other they lack any real communal space. Effectively a city in a city the BBT aims to overcome this problem by offering its residents a radical diversity of facilities. They form the massive base of the building with direct internal subway and highway access.

The apartment towers are connected with bridges to form three distinct clusters, each with a hollow tower at the core. These clusters present a soft social gradient through the different neighborhoods, served by tailored facilities in the vicinity. The hollow towers contain extra vertical infrastructure, connected to bridges with the skinny villa skyscrapers all the high-end homes enjoy the perfect luxury of a private elevator.

60 6160 61

upper class

middle class

lower middle class

expr

ess

elev

ator

priv

ate

elev

ator

high above the parkinglot:

3 di�erent living typologies linked to di�erent transportsystems:

high end, elegant stacked villas (directly connected to the parkinglot)

middle class living blocs (connected with express elevators to the underground)

lower middle class social slabs (connected with escalators to the ground�oor)

some towers are divided into cheaper and more expensive appartments according to:- accessability: the easier to access, the more expensive- sungradient: the more sunlight you get, the more expensive your apartment

overall structure:

the whole complex can be devided into 3 sections, based on sun orientatien and tower type:

A: most expensive section, is orientated totally towards the south and contains mostly stacked villa towers

B: middle priced section, is orientated partly towards the south and contains all kinds of tower types

C: cheapest section, is orientated towards the North and contains the biggest hub - towers

just above the parkinglot:

in between the di�erent towers squares are unfolding

directly accessable from the di�erent squares you �nd all kinds of service providing facilities (sauna, swimmingpool, clotheshops, KTV, bars, restaurants,...)

spare space:

40% of total buildingsite is kept building free so there’s space left for green space

parkinglot:

Clearly divides building into up and under;with sunlight and without

under parkinglot:

A wall less city, people can walk in and out freely

Big Box retail inside the towerroots

small shops and o�ces on the outside of the towerroots giving the customers the possibility to shop in a halfopen space.

C

BA

sungradient

THIRD RING ROAD

THE THEORETICAL PRODUCT OF THE MARKET RESPONDING TO ALL FUTURE DEMANDS: SUB-URBAN STYLE LIVING IN THE HEART OF CHINA’S CAPITAL.

12,500 PEOPLE 5,000 APARTMENTS 6 HECTARES OF LAND 10X MANHATTAN DENSITY!

62 6362 63

狂野北京[或一切存在]Wild Be[ij]ing 项目/王硕 Project/Shuo WANG

北京奥运为我们呈现了一幅城市整体化路线图。在这瞬间的表象中，整个城市——政府有如一个目标明确的巨大系统一般同步运作。然而矛盾的是，如果放大城市表面来看，在一个完美的稳定的意象之下，正涌动出更多细小的，看似不受控制的城市形态。这个城市正在被许多前所未有的剧变所冲刷着，无法抑制的动力正从城市底层喷发出来。我们正在经历一场城市的突变。狂乱的北京，一个生长和复制的逻辑总在重新被定义的城市，一个无法约束的“城市野生物种”泛滥的典范。

经济暴发带来城市的疯狂生长，导致北京对于无数孤立自闭的城市“飞地”的纵容。巨大的与外界隔绝的居住区填满了整个地表。这样倒置的乌托邦吞噬了人们所有对于城市的憧憬。在少数几个试图应对失控的快速增长的策略中，推行某种“秩序”大都成为一种当务之急。然而北京却推翻了这些企图，并证明了类似“净化”的措施用来对付城市中各种汹涌而至的张力时显得毫无用处。

Wild Be[ij]ing为突变中的城市书写一段前瞻性的历史。它并不力图真

实表达北京的现状，而是试图通过将突现的细小城市

生命体激发到巨大的城市尺度

中，来唤

醒这城市潜在的疯狂，并最终将之彻底改变。这一项目采取了一种将相反的两方面合而为一的路径：大尺度的将发展视为建立封闭区域的自上而下的规划 vs. 覆盖城市每一个角落的细小的不受约束的城市生活。它推广一种新的城市进程，将利用广大的城市化发展作为各种街头商业活动衍生的框架。这些日常的随意活动不再是寄生性的，它们将与现有的巨构体交织在一起，像病毒感染一般取而代之。一旦它们超越了临界的数量后，将成为能够自我展开的系统。整个城市终将演变成一个能够承载一切生活所需的、连续不断的、超高密度的人造景观。

基地：大红门地区——北京城南三环至四环路之间为在不断改变的城市环境中同时协调住户、小商户、市场和政府等各个方面， Wild Be[ij]ing提出一种动

态的设计过程。下面是三个不同尺度不同阶段的发展提议，分别面对当前系统中的不同方面。它们并不试图对基地现状给出一套完全的解决方案，而是尽可能描画出可实现的城市未来场景。

The Beijing Olympic Games presented us the image of a total integrated approach to the urbanity. It put up an extreme appearance that the city-state works as one mega-system with clear determination. Yet paradoxically, if you zoom in to the urban surface, out of the aesthetic of a perfectly manufactured stable image, emerges the fine grains of the proliferation of seemingly uncontrolled urban substances. The city is inundated with innovative urban upheavals – “vertical” eruption of the underground dynamics. We are witnessing the mutation of the city, in which logics for (re)production of urban substance are constantly reinvented. It is a paradigm of urban wildness that thrives against any discipline.

The wild growth driven by the economic boom has lead to the city’s heterotopias of countless lockdown enclaves. Huge segregated residential compounds have exploded to the point that architecture has swallowed any urban vision. Of the few strategies trying to deal with the uncontrolled rapid growth, many are preoccupied with domesticating order. Beijing simply subverts all those, and proof that the purifying procedure failed in registering the inherently turbulent mode of the multi-dimensional dynamics and tensions by which the city actually develop.

Wild Be[ij]ing inscribes a prospective history for the mutating reproduction, attempts to evoke the wild city rather than claim to represent it. The project responds to the all-encompassing paradigm of wildness with an approach that merges two seemingly opposing concepts of urbanity into one: the mega-scale top-down planning that treats developments as lockdown enclaves vs. the unregulated mobile activities that flood the urban ground. It propagates a new urban process by utilizing the vast urban developments as framework to proliferate street commerce – instead of being parasitical, unregulated activities can weave into the rigid structure of existing mega-blocks and disturb it like a virus infection. Once they reach the critical masses that catalyst the ferment, the city will become a self-unfolding system that ultimately reinvents itself as an uninterrupted hyper-dense artificial landscape, capable of accommodating all manners of life.

Site: Dahongmen Area - South of Beijing between 3rd-4th ring road

Wild Be[ij]ing proposes dynamic design procedures as a means of choreographing simultaneously the inhabitants, small initiatives, market and governmental forces in relation to the continuous changing urban environments. Below are three tests on pieces of urban fragments - of different scale, different stage, attacking different aspect of an existing system – they aren’t providing a complete set of answers to the site in present, nor do I desire to offer one, rather, they are possible scenarios of a desirable future.

STEP7

全能广告墩座All-inclusive commercial podium

第八步STEP

8

大：中国打破了有关大型的所有纪录。爆炸性增长的城市已找到了无数与之匹配的庞大结构。大——商业上诱人、技术上快捷、政治上强势。其实在超大型结构内用心设计，细腻的、独立的尺度也能再现："大"已死，"大"永恒。

BIG：China has broken all the records when it comes to size. The exploding cities have found their match in countless suitably gargantuan structures. Big is commercially seductive, technically fast and politically formidable. With careful design within the mega-structure the minute and independent can be safely reintroduced: Bigness is dead, Long live Bigness.

小：中国的建筑设计已突破临界、扮演起城市规划的角色来。在管理与效率层面，公共空间都被巨型小区的围墙吞没。中国城市最可贵的品质是静谧、宜人，比如胡同。要复兴宜居城市，小尺度项目需要在新城市景观中被允许、被发扬。

SMALL：Chinese architecture has exploded to the point it has taken over the role of urban planning. The public domain has administratively and effectively been swallowed up within the walls of mega-compounds. While the most cherished qualities of the Chinese city are the tranquility and intimacy of environments such as the hutong. To revive these qualities, small scale projects must be promoted and allowed to survive in the new cityscape.

64 6564 65

同时学校必须也向外看，与外界建立更好的连接。中国各地有大量优秀的艺术家、文学家、科学家、表演者、运动员、政治领导和企业家，必须将他们带入课程，并入更多的互动交流计划。在这样的环境中，学生将被鼓励从自我探索以及社会交流中学习。通过促进这种多元性，实验性和互联性的学习文化，中国可以培养出更有创造潜力的下一代。

Many Chinese children are not creative enough. Given that creativity has become a key ingredient of cultural as well as economic competiveness worldwide, China needs to develop intelligent means of nurturing more creative kids. We see the Beijing Olympic event as the culmination of a top-down, nationalist endeavour. The “One World, One Dream” campaign is symptomatic of the socialist ideology of collectiveness that diminishes the individual. If future visions are top-down defined, what role can children play in defining their own visions of the future? More fundamentally the Chinese education system is not conducive enough to enhance children’s imagination and creativity. Conformity, cram schools, and academic competition all but define and take over the lives of children. The problems become apparent as many Chinese students face difficulty when they travel abroad and encounter a more self-initiative based system. Many Chinese student need constant hand-held guidance, step-by-step ‘procedural manuals’, before they can tackle a given problem. (to be continued...)

想改变中国城市的面貌么？So,You Want to Re-Image the Chinese City? 概念图/洛克• 杨森Concept Sketch/Lok Jansen

如何产生良好的建筑师？ How to produce good architects?项目/水晶石空间设计实验室[何新城+安健生+戴夫·哈兰德 ]

Projects/Crystal Urban Creation [Neville MARS + Jason ANDERSON + Dave HARLANDER]文-建筑/何新城Text-Architecture/Neville MARS

中国城市进步的一大困难就是缺少好的设计师。该问题本身又可归结为缺少好的设计教育。后奥运时代的建筑学校必须停止生产制图者，转而培养全国各地都大量需要的设计师。我们不能指望为数不多的几个“海龟”变身明星建筑师来拯救中国的城市。相反，我们应该探讨如何创造一种教育结构和课程，培养出能应对两大特色的设计师：快速变化的城市景观，以及中国城市居民快速变化的需求。事实是，相较于中国的转型，教育进程显得十分缓慢。为了适应未来的需要，现在就必须培养多样性，并保证不预先施加任何建筑意识形态或固定的设计方法。那应该提供些什么呢？或者说，什么是现代建筑学校的X因素（X-factor）？

为寻求答案，我们分析了16所闻名于世并各具特色的设计学院。其中三个方面似乎对设计学校的质量影响最大：

future needs today, diversity should be nurtured and no architectural ideology or no fixed design method should be pre-imposed. What then should be on offer instead? Or, what is the X-factor of a modern architecture school?To find out, we’ve analyzed the composition of 16 renowned but radically different design institutes. Three aspects seem to most affect the quality of a design school:1. Organization and Curriculum: Schools tend to teach architecture either as an art form (design driven), a discipline (technology-driven) or a field (research driven). 2. Environment: The building typology, the urban setting, size, population, languages offered and online presence.3. Community: Links with the professional community and industry, relations with other faculties, other design institutes, number of exchange students, profile of teachers and professors.

The X-factor of a design school is to Mix and Connect.We have designed a new school system, accommodated by a new (intentionally introvert) architecture. The school as a satellite that aims to adapt to local conditions, but operates within a network of institutes that exchange and build on each others experiences. Our objectives can be described by three design concepts:MINICAMPUS: Design studios are created throughout the buildings’ flexible framework. Residences and commercial uses are integrated into the campus to produce a slowly developing, dense, porous low rise structure of maximum exchange. MALL: Offer a variety of courses; the student shops around, mix and matches courses according to his personal skills and future ambitions. MOTHER SHIP: In a global market understanding local conditions is crucial. The design institute must become a node in the knowledge network.The research reconfirms one of our profession’s long-standing premises; that spatial conditions impact on social interaction. Secondly, that rather than building a platform where existing ideas can be taught, it is more sustainable to create an environment that encourages students to develop and exchange new ideas.

1．组织管理和课程设置：学校在教授建筑时通常将其设定为一种艺术形式（设计主

导）、一门学科（技术主导）或研究领域（研究主导）。2．环境：建设类型学、城市背景、面积、人口，通行的

语言和在线信息。3．社群：与专业社群和产业界的联系，与其他教职员、

其他设计机构的联系，交换学生的人数，教师与教授的简介。

设计学院的X因素就是混与连（Mix and Connect）我们设计了一套新的学校制度，容身于一个新（刻意不

向外开放）建筑。作为一个卫星组织，学校希望能适应当地条件，但又需在一个互相交换、借鉴经验的学院网络中运作。我们的目标可以描述为三种设计理念：

迷你校园：大楼的活动框架中到处都开设有设计工作室。校园整合了住宅与商业用途，在保障交流最大化畅通的同时，创造一种缓发展、高密度又通透的低层建筑。

购物中心：提供各种课程；学生货比三家，根据个人能力和未来志向进行课程混搭。

母舰：身处全球市场，掌握当地条件是致胜关键。设计学院必须成为知识网络中的节点。

这项研究再次证实了我们业内一大宿论，即空间条件对社会互动的影响。其次，相较于为教学既有观念而搭建一个平台，创造一个鼓励学生开发、交流新观念的环境才更具可持续性。

A serious hurdle on the road to better Chinese cities is the lack of good designers. This itself can be attributed to the lack in good design education. In the post-Olympic era architecture school must move away from producing drafters and begin producing designers of which large quantities will be needed across the country. We cannot depend on the handful of ‘sea turtles’ turned star architects to save the Chinese city. Instead we should investigate how to create an educational structure and curriculum that can produce designers who are able to respond to two unique features: the fast-changing urban landscape of and the fast changing needs of China’s urbanites. The fact is the educational process is very slow compared to the transformations of China. To comply with

那就还原那些我很怀念的事实真相吧！那些不大和谐的、出乎意料的以及设计外的都是令人宽慰的。中国式的规划是为了实现静态的光滑整洁而牺牲自发、自然的一切。我在研究真菌的菌丝体，它是一种能将化工肥料分解为肥沃土壤的菌类。它能生长一千年，其根茎能蔓延整座城市。设计师和规划人员或许能从中获取灵感，也许应当顺应每座城市自发、自然的过程，并接受一个事实：有时候放手是最好的选择……

和谐社会C - 教育政策：创意儿童- 新学园概念A Harmonious Society C - Education Policiy: Creative Kids - Concept of New School文/王帷泽+王帷新Text/Richard Wei-Tse WANG+Stephen Wei-Hsin WANG

许多中国孩子缺乏一些创意。既然创意是全世界文化以及经济竞争力的关键成份，中国需要逐步采取一个“创造性改革”的过程。一部分的答案在于社会对“学校”的再构想。一方面，学校可以更多元化。“教室”也许不再成为教育的唯一核心空间。例如，未来学校将合并“美术画廊”以及“企业实验室”，并由学生们，地方艺术家和企业合作策划办理。这些将提供崭新的场所让学生来参与及体验艺术表现及企业家精神。

Bring back some of the nit and grit i've been missing so! Discords, the unimagined, and undesigned are such a reprieve. Chinese planning is eradicating all things spontaneous and natural to reveal only static slickness.I've been investigating Mycelium, a fungus that can break down chemical waste and transform it into fertile soil. It grows over millennia, expanding its rhizome to the size of

an entire city. This should inspire designers and planners to work with the spontaneous, natural processes that already occur in every city - and to accept that it is sometimes better to simply let go...

,

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Architecture, Urban Planning, Business, Journalism, Law,

Medecine.

Tuition: 2650 Tuition: 2880 Tuition: 2726

Tuition: 1300

Star Professors:Zhu Wenyi, Cui Kai

Star Professors:Star Professors:

Connected: Online Public Information. Profiles.

Star Professors:Bernard Tschumi, Steven Holl, barry Berqdoll, kenneth Frampton, marry McLeod, Joan Ockman, Jorge Otero-PailosFelicty, Scott mark, Wigley Gwenndolyn Wright

Star Professors:Kolo Moser, Alfred Roller, Oskar Kokoschka, Henrich Tessenow, Franz Cizek

Star Professors:Star Professors:S h i g e r u B a n , D a n i e l Libeskind, Karen Bausman, Elisabeth Diller, Toshiko Mori

Connected: Online Public Information

Connected: Online Public Information.

Profiles.

Star Professors: Cedric Price

Star Professors:Tom Mayne,

Language : EnglishLanguage : English, GermanLanguage : French

Star Professors: Yong - He Change

T33LM X-FACTOR

TSINGHUA

EINDHOVENBERLAGEETSAB

AA SCI ARC PEKING HKU

COLUMBIAANGEWONTECOOPERUNION

Star Professors: IM PEI, Kevin Lynch, Saul Griffith


Star Professors: Eric Milalais

MIT

EAPLA

DELFTNUSAO PAULO HARVARDTSINGHUA

X number of factors that could better position BK_Delft within the market, principally by producing more diverse, better equipped designers. To achieve this, we have defined X-change as the central goal; knowledge X-change and social X-change. This goal is translated into three spatial concepts:

* MALL: Architectural layout and urban setting have a profound impact on the interactions a student has. Inner-city schools and dense, particularly low-rise structures maximize opportunities for X-change. The TU district lacks such urban qualities. However, as outlined in the universities 2010 urban plan, BK_Delft will gain prominence as one of the main entries to the district.

We aim to expand on this opportunity by creating a porous structure on top of an underground parking and retail deck. The ground level of BK_Delft becomes a lobby for the TU area with public services and facilities. Atriums connect to the underground shopping level and parking. These atriums become a controlled buffer zone and offer ample day-light throughout the building as the bases for a sustainable approach. The mall concept reduces the educational facilities to three levels stimulating predominantly horizontal movement. In plan BK_Delft’s four departments are organized in vertical neighborhoods. During the course of their schooling students get exposed to all aspects the school has to offer, encouraging them to shop around for knowledge, mixing and matching the products they feel are essential for their future.

* MOTHER SHIP: In a market that has architects working around the globe, we feel a school the size of BK_Delft should establish international research labs. BK_Delft becomes a mother ship with global satellites. This means at any given point as much as a third of the graduate students may be abroad. The unoccupied spaces become the lab exhibitions moving around the¬¬¬¬ studio floors; small two-way x-change rooms between the school and the world.

* MINI-CAMPUS: Today’s architect is required to respond to increasingly complex circumstances. Beyond the spatial dimension, a growing amount of societal issues needs to be understood. We urge BK_Delft to take the lead in offering a broad range of social studies to all students in the TU area. As a first step we have included 1/3 more lecture auditoriums to realize this. The design studios are created in three types; an open curving landscape for under graduates, flexible private studios for thesis students and auditorium style studios for larger teams of graduates to work together, listening to each other presentation from behind their desks. The top floor is all residential, accessible from a private gallery for guest professors and post-graduate students. The building, designed with minimal architectural articulation is a growing system, presented here in its maximum formation for the site.

A good architecture school makes good architects; a place that produces designers who can adhere to the changing needs of society. No ideology, no method can be pre-imposed. Then what should be on offer instead, and within which framework? What is the X-factor of an architecture school?

To find out, we’ve analyzed the organizational structure, environmental factors and community make-up of 16 design institutes. We have mapped the following 12 factors:

Organization: Type of curriculum, degree and its educational character - distinguishing schools that approach the profession more as an art form (design driven), a discipline (technology-driven) or a field (research driven). Environment: Building typology, urban setting, size, population, language, online presence. Community: Link with the professional community and industry, relations with other faculties, other design institutes, number of exchange students, profile of teachers and professors.

X-rated :: How does BK_Delft compare?+ Its large scale allows it to offer a broad array of different courses and facilities.+ BK_Delft provides an open learning environment and does not adhere to a dominant school of thought._ Although BK_Delft is known for its research orientated design, disciplines that train students to do research are few._ Students (until recently) worked predominantly at home and not in studios, limiting opportunities to work in teams._ The four departments that make up BK operate very autonomously.+ Its position is very central within the Western European Network and well connected within the conurbation of Holland’s Ring City. _ At the same time the TU Delft is isolated, has few services, residents or urban program._ The TU Delft campus is techno-centric, lacking diversity in supporting studies and courses. + _ Although BK_Delft is accessible to many exchange students, and has many program, little effort is made to create strong research labs abroad.

BK_triple X :: Creating a strategic learning environmentThe architectural profession is changing. BK_Delft has the type of rare opportunity that only comes with great tragedy. It can conceive how its architectural setting can support its long-term educational goals. Globalization and unpredictability prove dominant forces, also in our field. We have defined a

GlobalB i l a t e r a l C o o p e r a t i o n Agreements

ContinentalIDEA LeagueEuropean Leuven NetworkBilateral Cooperation

NationalTU3

LocalCivil EngineeringIndustrial Design TRAILLibrary

X-Factor

How to make good architects?

5

4

3

2

1

0

Language : English

BK DELFT _ NETWORKS

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ARTFIELD

CRAFT

ART

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

FIELDCRAFT

ART

FIELDCRAFT

ART

FIELDCRAFT

ART

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3v

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3v

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

5

4

3

2

1

0

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

5

4

3

2

1

0

A r c h i t e c t u r e , C i v i l Engineering, Industrial Design, Aerospace, Tech-Policy management, Applied Sciences

ArchitectureArchitecture

Business, Engineering, College, Government, Dental, Law, Design, Medical, Public Health, Education.

Architecture Architecture

Architecture, Arts, Business and Economics, Dentistry, Education, Engineering, Law, Medecine, Science, Scoial Science

Architecture, Information Engineering

ArchitectureArchitecture

Architecture, Engineering ArchitectureArchitecture

Institutional Focus Institutional Focus Institutional Focus Institutional Focus

Institutional FocusInstitutional FocusInstitutional FocusInstitutional Focus

Institutional Focus Institutional Focus Institutional Focus Institutional Focus

Institutional FocusInstitutional FocusInstitutional Focus

Graduates/Year :400 Tuition: 1537 Graduates/Year: 210 Graduates/Year: 305 Graduates/Year: 500

Graduates/Year: 120Graduates/Year: 30Graduates/Year: 442Graduates/Year: 180

Graduates/Year: 300 Graduates/Year: 200 Graduates/Year:5 Graduates/Year: 220

Graduates/Year: 361Graduates/Year: 170Graduates/Year: 246Graduates/Year: 191Institutional Focus

Tuition: 11167Tuition: 27544

Tuition: 20944 Tuition: 20860 Tuition: 0 Tuition: 7124

Tuition: 29784Tuition: 725Tuition: 1076

UrbanSuburbanUrbanSuburban

Urban Urban Urban Urban

SuburbanUrbanUrbanUrban

Urban Urban Urban Urban

Architecture, Urban Planning, geological Sciences, health and Science technology.

Star Professors:Frank Gehry, Fumihiko Maki, IM, Pei

Tuition: 7340

Star Professors: Star Professors: Herman Hertzberger,Winy Maas



Profiles.





Curriculium. Profiles.


Profiles.




Curriculium. Profiles.


Profiles. Curriculum

Language : English, DutchLanguage : Portuguese Language : English, Chinese

Language : English, DutchLanguage : English, DutchLanguage : EnglishLanguage : Spanish

Language : English Language : English, Chinese Language : English, Chinese

Language : English

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

STAR PROFESSORS

TUITIONGRADUATESINSTITUTIONALFOCUS

MIX0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

LANGUAGE ONLINE PRESENCE

CAMPUS LOCATION

DEPARTMENTALMIX

FIELD

CRAFT

ART

5

4

3

2

1

0

LEG

EN

D

Connected: Online Public Information.Architecture

Language : English

Star Professors:Ralph Learner, Anderson Lee

Tuition: 520

studio:49%

conference rooms:5%

other educational facilities:16%faculty labs:11%

library:5%lecture halls:11%

office:44%

Studio 49%

Office 44%

Lecture Halls 11%

Library 5%

Other Educational Fascilities 16%

Faculty Labs 11%

Conference Room 5%

Storage 1%a

Residential 49%

Commercial 49%

???

ORGANIZATION

COMMUNITY

ENVIRONMENT

MOTHER SHIP

MINI-CAMPUS

MALL

xxx

加一步STEP8+1

视觉：城市的繁荣推动了建筑可视化技术的飞跃。建筑、城市的电影不再只是仿真电脑动画，而是可被迅速更改、设计的虚拟现实。只需鼠标一点，不论专家还是外行，都能了解并掌控先进、复杂的城市环境。

Visual：With the urban boom, architectural visualization technology has taken a quantum leap. Movies of buildings and cities can soon, not just be viewed in lifelike computer animation, but altered and designed in real-time. Then the progressively complex urban context can be understood and controlled with the click of a mouse by specialists and laymen alike.

概念：华丽的图像让建筑设计堕落为纯粹形式化、甚至肤浅的实践。门把手和天际线的眩光让概念黯然失色。一个严重的问题是：决策者们以为理解了设计渲染图的幻觉，会勾起他们控制设计的更强欲望。本是空间缔造者的规划师和建筑师，却被耽误了。

Conceptual:Slick imagery has reduced architectural design to a purely formal, even superficial practice. The concepts are obscured by lens-flares in doorknobs and skylines. The serious implication: the illusion of understanding the rendered proposals further tightens the grip Chinese policy makers have on the design process. The emergence of planners and architects as significant spatial problem solvers is postponed.

66 6766 67

Stereotype to Prototype

剧院绽开THEATER UNWRAPPED通常剧场的延展部分环绕在其技术核心――听众席――周围，掩盖了自己的特征。本设计返璞归真，展示其基本结构以令机制本身自言自明。将三座地下剧场、空中桥梁连接起来，使每个建筑物在空间与功能上都独立，并解放地面部分以作为公共空间。Typically, the malleable program of a theater is wrapped around the technical core of its auditorium hiding the characteristic features. Stripped down to its fundamental structure this design aims to let the machinery speak for itself. This is possible by connecting the three theaters underground, and with bridges in the air, leaving each building independent and efficient, while liberating the ground surface as public space.

绿舰THE GREEN

CARRIER 除了最大程度吸收被动式太阳能，以太阳能为主导的设计理念也值得考虑。这一设计将一个庞大建筑置于公共领域上，从而解决了巨大阴影的问题。其如锥如舰的造型令阴影面积达到最小。Solar oriented design concepts deserve consideration beyond maximizing absorption of pas-sive solar energy. This design addresses the vast shadow a large building casts onto the public domain. Its cone or carri-er shape minimizes this shadow silhouette.

塘沽展厅TANGGU

EXHIBITION HALL博物馆的柯布西耶式曲线将许多理性设计理念隐藏起来。站在飘浮的甲板上，参观者们俯瞰整个CBD，映入眼帘的是悬浮在城市上空的新规划发展，和四周倾斜玻璃立面中的倒影。The Le Corbusian curves of this museum conceal a number of rational design concepts. From a floating deck visitors look down over the CBD, and virtually see the new planned developments floating over the city, reflected in its tilted glass facade.

葱翠大塔LUSH TOWER标志建筑处处风靡，但怎样的建筑才是可持续式区域的标志？这座空心巨无霸高60层，外部立面上布满了植被，是当今世界上最大的垂直公园。大塔本身就是一面美丽的生态墙，排除大气毒素、净化我们的空气。Icon building is all the rage, but what is the icon of a sustainable district? This 60 story hollow giant has vegetation lining its façade, creating the world’s largest ver-tical park. The tower becomes a beautiful biowall, purifying the air of atmospheric toxins.

上海火车馆SHANGHAI TRAIN PAVILION 铁轨与车站不再只是功能性基础设施，它们代表了中式大都会的两大目标：向网络城市的转型，和以公共交通为居民现代生活方式核心的都市社会。本建筑展示了这种复杂三维交通节点的冰山一角。Tracks and stations are no longer just func-tional infrastructure, they represent two quintessential goals of the Chinese metropolis: a shift to-wards the network city, and an urban society where public transport is at the heart of its residents modern lifestyle. This building reproduces a section of such a complex three dimensional transportation node.

拼拼可持续PUZZLE PIECE SUS-TAINABILITY何不更新换代让你的绿色社区赶上迭升的保密级别，在公共绿地上稳健地建起盘根错节的住房与服务网络。Why not stack your green commu-nity into levels of increased privacy and achieve a meandering network of housing and services, tightly nestled in a green parkland?

电视塔TV TOWER最初，在尚无任何前期条件之时，建造地标式电视塔就是一桩梦幻任务。一项针对全球现有电视塔的基本调查揭示了另一种现实。它们拥有同样的外观――完全出于正当原因。它们唯一的目标就是以更少的结构性付出（比如，成本）盖到更高。这注定它们都是内部中空，并大多在塔身3/5高度的位置设有向外延伸的观景台和餐厅。下面三个议案则一方面延续了固有结构逻辑，同时又有效地突破了这一传统。Initially the request to make a landmark TV tower, without any preconditions, seemed a dream assignment. A basic sur-vey of the word’s existing TV masts revealed another reality. They all look identical - and for good reason. Their sole objec-tive is to achieve height with minimum structural effort (i.ae. cost). This reduces them to a basic hollow core with a pro-trusion as a viewing deck and restaurant at roughly at 3/5 of the height. These three propos-als effectively break with this tradition while maintaining the inherent structural logic.

世博动态图EXPO LIVING DIAGRAM目标是让本建筑的整体造型成为上海世博会的典范式图解：神形具备地展示全球增长规模最大、速度最快的城市。图解建筑体上的每座山头代表一座超大城市。宽度对应城市的大小，高度则代表城市的发展速度。山体内部是投影放映厅。The shape of this building is aimed to be the Shanghai Expo’s quintessential diagram: the state of the world’s largest and fastest growth cities. Each hill of the diagram building represents a mega-city. While the width of the hill reveals the size, the height of each hill represents the speed with which the city grows. Inside the mountain are projection halls.

立面旋转购物中心ROTATING FACADE SHOPPING MALL

森林停车场PARKING LOT FOREST太阳树（树形太阳能装置）占领了中国城市中心的混凝土海洋。仿佛钢铁树冠一般，它们为你的车辆带来荫凉，挡风遮雨又减弱城市的热岛效应。噢，如果要接入树干为你的混合动力车充电，千万不要客气。Solar trees take over the concrete seas of China’s urban centers. Like a steel canopy, these trees pro-vide shade for your car, shelter from the rain, and reduce the urban heat is-land effect. Oh, feel free to plug your hybrid vehicle in its trunk to recharge the battery.

天津博物办公塔TIANJIN MUSEUM TOWER中国公共建筑之大不幸在于其根本不面向公众。博物馆与政府大楼两者功能互融，令我们可以穿越传统的桎梏，既允许展览向上延伸至高塔的中心，也允许办公室向下渗透到博物馆之中。如整体式可持续发展工程般的设计，塔身就像博物馆的天然通风烟囱。两座建筑的地下部分互相连接，利用博物馆的空旷部分将新鲜空气送到顶端。Chinese public buildings have the unfortunate quality of be-ing particularly non-public. The combined commission of a museum and government building allowed us to blur the traditional borders, al-lowing the exhibition to crawl up into the tower atrium and the offices seep down into the museum. Designed as an in-tegrated sustainable project, the tower functions as a natu-rally ventilating chimney for

the museum. Underground the two buildings are con-

nected, drawing fresh air through the voids

of the museum to the top.

子弹大厦BULLET BUILDING上海火车馆的设计大胆地表现了中国轨道交通闪电般的实现速度。数天前还需几天才能到达的地方，如今只需几个小时就能抵达，全国数百万人的时空体验已被火车大大压缩了。This design for the Shanghai Rail Pa-vilion boldly represents the lightning speed at which rail transportation has been realized in China. Connecting places in hours, that until recently took days to reach, the train has dramatical-ly shrunk to time-space experience for millions of people across the nation.

分散的与折射的SCATTERED AND REFRACTED渐渐地，写字楼内的背光区域越来越多。这里将所有的背光办公室集中在大厦内部，通过缝隙将光线汇聚到大厦深处，从而避免将大厦建成又一座黑暗高塔。Increasingly office towers contain more and more dark program. Rather than making an-other gloomy silo, this tower concentrates the dark office space inside the building, while drawing in light deep into the building through craveses.

类型到原型From Stereotype to Prototype

项目/水晶石空间设计实验室[何新城+安健生+戴夫·哈兰德 ]Projects/Crystal Urban Creation[Neville MARS+Jason ANDERSON+Dave HARLANDER]文-建筑/何新城Text-Architecture/Neville MARS

设计产业高度分割、各自为政。规划者、研究员和设计师之间很少或几乎没有互动，尽管他们的工作之间本有深刻而紧密的内在联系。中国的规划文化――批评其为公然的实用主义也未尝不可――挫败甚至破坏了塑造我们所处环境的传统的学科间平衡。在地方上，大片土地被大学和设计单位公然圈占，填之以形形色色的城市类型。同时，建筑本身的规模也在膨胀，这令城市规划师的角色更趋边缘化，仅能分割原本互联的城市动脉。规划师的根本任务――提供可适应发展需求的弹性框架及设计建筑间的空间（这一公共领域曾被我们视为城市本身）――但它们却在巨型工业用地和微型规划建筑群所限构的版图中被侵吞殆尽。大型建筑受困于方寸之间，扼杀了其作为城市肌理整体组成部分的潜能。而从俯视角度出发的设计则忽略了人的维度。这一规划实践最终否决了除官僚阶层外其他所有人对于城市未来的责任。

为真正实现整合式布局，决策者必须学会接纳尚显抽象的规划，并寄望建筑能令城市景观繁复多姿。取悦开发商的焦虑应让路于积极迎接挑战与创造的雄心壮志。决策者应少一点对陈腐形象的在意，而多一点对当下城市生与息的关心。

正是这样一种理想催生了这一系列设计方案，吊诡的是，这些方案却来自于世界顶级影像制作公司，水晶石数字科技有限公司（Crystal CG）。作为建筑效果图方面的专家，水晶石通过将业务扩展至概念建筑、从生产转向创新，勇敢地填充了这一块空白。这种拼贴正是我们为中国城市所设计的“积极型城市原型”在初级阶段的表现。

The design industries are highly fragmented. Planners, re-searchers and designers have little to no interaction with each other, yet their work is profoundly and mutually related. Chi-nese planning culture - we can blame blatant pragmatism - has discouraged, even disrupted the traditional balance be-tween the disciplines that shape our environment. The urban

designer is squeezed out in the process. At the regional scale large swaths of land are simply gridded by universities and design institutes, to be filled in with generic urban typologies. Simultaneously the architectural scale has exploded, margin-alizing the role of the urban designer to plotting out connect-ing arteries. The essential tasks of the planner, providing an adaptable framework for growth and designing the space in between the buildings (the public realm we once understood as the actual city), are swallowed up within the confined lay-out of mega-industrial fields and micro-planned compounds. Big buildings are simply locked into place; their potential as integral components of the urban fabric is lost. Designing from a birds-eye view fails to consider the human perspective. Ul-timately this planning practice denies anyone other than bu-reaucrats the responsibility for the final outcome of the city.

To achieve truly integrated schemes policy makers will have to learn to embrace plans that remain abstract, yet anticipate the role architecture should play to give intricacy to the city-scape. The anxiety to please developers should make way for the ambition to challenge and inspire. Policy-makers should concern themselves less with a stale image, more with the workings of a living city.

It is this ambition that has resulted in a series of design pro-posals, ironically from the worlds leading image maker; Crys-tal CG. As an expert of architectural renderings it has taken the bold step to address this void by expanding its business into conceptual architecture, moving from production towards in-novations in the process. This collage presents the first phase of our ‘pro-active urban prototypes’ for the Chinese city.

68 6968 69

水晶石的大脑 ——卢正刚: 多样化、破坏与混乱的制造者Interview LU Zhenggang - CEO Crystal CG：On Creating Chaos采访/何新城 Interview/Neville MARS

何新城：我们似乎正处于特别的一刻，中国过去三十年的高速发展在奥运会实现顶峰，之后的经济形势则发生了变化。水晶石在经历了十年的快速成长后，是否也处于一个相似的时间点？

NM: We are at a very special moment in time. Thirty years of relentless growth, topped by the Olympics, directly followed by a new economic reality. Is Crystal at a similar point in time, after ten years of amazing growth?

卢正刚：2008年的结束的确是个转折点。水晶石是中国近十年来的发展、尤其是奥运会的主要受益者。从1998年申奥开始，到奥运会宣传、教育，奥运会场馆的建设以及后来的奥运会开幕式，水晶石参与了整个过程。仅奥运会这一个机会就让水晶石从1998年60来名员工发展到如今2000多人的规模。下一个推动我们的事件将是世博会，但合作方式已有所不同。

LZG: The end of 2008 is a turning point. But Crystal is in fact just a very small company in the large economy of China. We got seriously involved with the Beijing Olympics, right from the bid in 1998, to the PR, building the stadiums and the opening ceremony. The size of Crystal and the brand has been elevated tremendously during the ten years of hosting the Olympics. This single opportunity made Crystal grow from a company of 60 to more than 2000 employees today. We are one of the main beneficiaries of the Olympics in the last ten years. The next event that will push us moving forward will be the Shanghai Expo in 2010.

何新城：水晶石当时的竞争优势是什么？ NM: What was the competitive advantage of Crystal?

卢正刚：水晶石是中国最早从事图像服务的公司之一，在奥运会筹备的早期，水晶石在图像渲染、模拟和可视化效果等方面拥有绝对的技术优势；第二，水晶石在图像服务的专业化方面也绝对领先于提供图像服务的国有企业。

LZG: Crystal was one of the first companies in China that produce computer graphics. during the early stage of the Olympics preparation, Crystal had absolute cutting edge technology in rendering, modeling and visual effects. Secondly, Crystal was way ahead of the state owned enterprises in terms of professional service.

何新城：水晶石今天还具备最前沿的技术优势么？

NM: Today still have a technological cutting-edge advantage?

卢正刚：水晶石今天的综合技术优势在中国仍然非常明显，除了个别单项技术需要提升以外，一些独有技术仍然相当先锋，比如水晶石能将一座城市数字化并放在互联网上。这一技术目前正用于网上世博会。将世博会所有的场馆、展示都放在互联网上是2010年上海世博会的亮点之一，也是本届世博会的创举。

LZG: Overall Crystal still has a technological advantage, however, computer graphics technology right now is much more diversified and some technical aspects needs to be updated. On the other hand, now Crystal can produce an entire city in virtual reality and upload it online. Such technology is absolutely cutting-edge and is being applied in the online World Expo in 2010. All the museums and exhibitions of the Expo will be replicated. This is one of the major highlights of the Shanghai World Expo. That’s unprecedented.

何新城：你所说的实际上是通过创新从而引导市场，是否可以这样理解，水晶石的科技事实上在重新定义建筑行业的工作方式？

NM: Creating new products shapes the market. This seems to me to suggest that Crystal’s technologies are actually redefining the architectural profession.

卢正刚：是这样，这是我们与客户双向互动的过程。水晶石一开始只有一种技术，就是建筑表现渲染，客户也集中在建筑业，而现在的客户群已经非常多元化了。我们的确拉动了客户的需求，而有想像力、走在前沿的客户也在促进我们成长。水晶石是一个高度市场化的公司，所以我们总能比同行更先了解到市场需求的变化。

LZG: True. Crystal only had one technology in the beginning which is architectural rendering and all of our clients were from the architectural fields but our client base has much diversified now. On the one hand, we create new demand but at the same time, those clients who have great imagination and who are ahead of us have helped us to expand. Crystal is a highly market-driven company. We know the change of demands faster than our competitors.

何新城：当虚拟建筑变得日益重要时，传统意义上的建筑表现市场是否越来越不重要了呢？

NM: As the importance of virtual architecture is expanding, does that mean the market of architecture in the

traditional sense is becoming less important for you?

卢正刚：现在还看不到对传统建筑表现的需求有任何萎缩的迹象。越来越多的建筑师能熟练地运用各种建筑表现工具，与此同时，建筑师对于表现图行

业的依赖之深也是前所未有的。对于水晶石这样的供应商来说，则意味着要面对越来越挑剔、精明、有成本意识的建筑师。我还能看到一个时间差，即目前国外建筑师在可

视化方面的需求基本上是中国五年前的水平。这说明，经过十年的发展，建筑表现已经从一个高精尖的技术变成了一个建筑师的必备工具了，其需求正在趋于稳定。

水晶石的海外客户目前占到一半左右，但是当我仔细研究我们在海外的客户时，我发现我们还不是真正国际化的公司，水晶石在美国、欧洲和中东地区的客户都是以前在中国发展认识再转移到当地的。从市场占有率、品牌乃至客户认可度来说，水晶石都还不能说已经国际化了，这是我对目前的一个理智的判断。

LZG: I haven’t seen any sign that the traditional rendering is diminishing. Yet market structure has certainly changed. More and more architects know how to use architectural rendering tools. However, the dependence of architects on renderings is also unprecedented. It means that service providers like Crystal will face ever more critical and smart architects who are ever more aware of costs. At the same time, i can also see that the foreign demand of visualization is five years behind that of China. It means that after ten years of development, architectural rendering has evolved from an advanced cutting-edge to a popular tool and the demand for the service is ever more stable.

In fact, about half of Crystal’s clients are foreign architects nowadays. But recently, as I’m studying our foreign client base more carefully, i realized that we are still not a truly international company. Most of the clients in our offices in the States, Europe and The Middle East have emerged in China and expanded to those places. In terms of either market share, brand recognition or client satisfaction, Crystal hasn’t even started to become international. That’s my observation of the current situation.

何新城：水晶石走向国际市场似乎是坐标变化的指针。过去的十年都是全球化

的公司打入中国市场，而现在水晶石是第一批真正走出去的先锋之一。

NM: Crystal entering the world market is one of the indicators of a real paradigm shift. The last ten years global companies have fought hard to enter the Chinese market, now Crystal is among the frontrunners of Chinese companies expanding it’s horizon.

卢正刚：水晶石向海外发展并不是因为中国市场的衰退。水晶石的海外拓展目前有两个挑战，一是人才瓶颈，既懂语言又懂业务还懂当地文化的中国人才奇缺，二是水晶石的规模是适合中国的市场需求的。如此大规模的公司要适应不同国家多样化的需求对公司内部的结构是一个巨大的挑战。

LZG: Crystal’s overseas expansion is not because the Chinese market has receded. There are two challenges in terms of Crystal’s overseas expansion, one is the lack of talent. There’s a major shortage of Chinese who speak the local language, and understand the culture and Crystal’s business. Secondly, the size of Crystal suits the Chinese market. It will be a major challenge to the business

structure of such a big company to meet the diversified demands in different

countries.

何新城：商业领袖都会思考公司的可持续发展的问题而不是短期的利润。对于水晶石来说，这方面的努力是否体现在对员工的培训和构建内部交流平台的尝试？

NM: Every great business leader thinks about sustainable growth rather than quick profit. I know for Crystal this means educating it’s people and trying to build a community.

卢正刚：实现水晶石的平衡是我长期的目标。一是商业与专业的平衡，太商业则无法进步，太专业则只能成为一个小工作室，这是一个非常艰难的平衡；二是短期与长期的平衡，短期的利益最大化不能造成长期竞争力的下滑。

保持长期的竞争力永远是我的第一任务，而核心又在于如何创新的问题。对于我来说，要实现创新就必须对这个组织有一定的破坏。不破坏老的结构就无法产生新的结构。破坏会产生混乱，混乱也会产生创新。

除了破坏以外，竞争也会产生创新。我要保持内部有不同的思想、观点、视角，让它们共存，让它们碰撞，又不让谁灭了谁。多样化、破坏与混乱是保持创新的三个关键词。

LZG: it has always been my primary mission to achieve a balanced growth. Primarily the balance of commercialism and professionalism. Not too commercial yet not too professionalized like a small studio. Maximizing short-term profits should not diminishing the long-term competitiveness. Maintaining long-term competitiveness is always my first priority mission, essentially by promoting innovation. I believe to a certain extent innovation means damaging the organization. If you don’t destroy the old structure there will never be a new one. Damage will cause chaos and chaos will promote innovation. Besides damage, competition will also result in innovation. I need to maintain the co-existence of different ideas, viewpoints and opinions, allowing them to clash with each other without destroying each other. Diversification, damage and chaos are the three key words in my dictionary to promote innovation.

何新城：作为商业领袖，你如何看待四万亿的经济刺激计划？

NM: Finally, on the topic of competition, as a business leader how

do you feel about China’s stimulus package?

卢正刚：我对这个四万亿计划持一定保留意见。四万亿其实是个口号，中央政府只出一万亿。我觉得它可能会让中国的经济保持两三年高增长，但它

会让中国的市场经济倒退。这界政府似乎在不断强化国有经济，且坚信政府的强势可以拯救经济，但这多少会有一些抑制创新的作用，会使市场经济缺乏活力。这

也是为什么在有四万亿的经济刺激计划下，中国企业还是要坚持要走出去面对更高层次竞争的勇气的原因。我现在下了一个巨大的赌注，就是赞助伦敦奥运会，一千万英镑的赞助费还只是投

入的一部分。公司内有很多人反对，理由在于伦敦奥运会对水晶石来说不是一个像北京奥运会一样巨大的商机，而且英国现在面临衰退。当其他人都不看好伦敦时，我却异常坚决。

现在的压力非常大，但我相信，再经过四年的锻炼和洗礼，水晶石一定会大不同。

LZG: I have my doubts about the four trillion RMB stimulus. Other than the fact it is just an empty slogan, and the central government will only spend one trillion, i think the stimulus

package will make the transition to the market economy in China move backwards. I oppose such economic policies of this government. They are increasingly empowering the national

economy and they firmly believe that a strong government will be able to save the economy. It might have some short-term effect the next two or three years, but it will kill innovation and damage

the free market economy. I’m not worried about our business but i don’t like the political economic environment. I don’t like that i will need to face up to an ever more powerful government.

This also explains that why we decide to expand the overseas market even though China has a four trillion RMB stimulus package lined-up. I made a huge bet which is to become a major sponsor of London Olympics. the ten million sponsor fee is only part of the investment we will make. Many people within the company are against it, arguing that the london olympics is not

as big a commercial opportunity like Beijing. Yet I insist to invest. I’m under huge pressure at the moment, but I believe that after another four years of struggle and self-reflection, Crystal will have its rebirth.

70 7170 71

土生土长的城郊Home Grown Hangzhou摄影-文/何新城Photograph-Text/Neville MARS

户口制度已在中国的城郊催生了大范围、自觉的城市化。就在城市的边界以外（边界的认定因人而异），自觉的农村开发蔓延成片，深入乡村腹地。通常情况下，这些原生态的城市化与那些驱逐它们的政府倡导项目顽强地竞争着。亦有例外。当规划者们还在为最时髦的“都市农业”概念议论纷纷时，像杭州这样的城市已经催生了令人耳目一新的“土生土长”的城郊。在当地政府的基本支持下，城市与农村的交战凝固成了令人瞩目的农业与别墅的混合体。

其产生的结果是多样化不亚于任何其它中国都市边缘的中间地带，它没有近年来中国主流郊区化悬殊的贫富差距。主要的建筑体征是童话般颜色鲜亮的五六层别墅，它们的后院都有菜地，有的还在车库搭有迷你作坊。我们的访问结果显示，它们大多数是本地人修建并居住的；是农户在规模农业太局促、地价却不断攀升地带的投资。

它们在运河及灌溉渠岸上紧密排开，是中国式的务实催生了这非中国式的城市布局。被污染得漆黑的运河让这里同样具有城市的明显体征。而此地除了开创混合使用、都市农业及社会－政治的细分市场以外，还为城市规划之要旨提供了强有力的例证——规划不过是为开发商（或个人）提供最基本的城市格局，好让他们实现各自想要的建筑项目。这半独立、相对密集、且以公交联系的土生土长的郊区栖息在城市的核心区域外，而拥有城乡之间“绿色边界”的一切烙印。

Around China’s cities the urban registration system has spawned extensive in situ urbanization. Outside the administrative border, where

you’d expect the edge of the city, informal rural developments often continue far into the countryside. Generally this is primitive

urbanization staunchly competing with the official projects of the city that chases them, but not always. At a time when among

planners urban farming is all the rage, the periphery of cities such as Hangzhou have produced an entirely new kind of

‘home grown’ suburbia. With basic support from the local authorities, here the struggle between city and

countryside has consolidated into a compelling hybrid of agriculture and private villas.

The result is an in-between zone as diverse as any Chinese metropolitan periphery but without the staggering spatial and social contrasts that have dominated suburbanization in recent years. The main typology is a 5 or 6 story villa designed like a colorful fantasy palace with

a vegetable garden as a backyard and sometimes a workshop in the

garage. Our survey shows they are built and mostly occupied by locals; an investment for rural families in an area whit little room for large-scale farming but with increasing land-values.

Tightly aligned shoulder to shoulder along canals and aggregation systems Chinese pragmatism has produced an entirely un-Chinese layout. Though still pitch black with pollution these canals make this a truly unique urban system. Beyond the mixed use, the urban farming, and the socio-political niche that is fills, it’s an powerful example of what urban planning should be about; providing developers and individuals only with the basic framework to realize their architectural projects. Nestled against the urban core, semi-autonomous, relatively dense, and served by public transport the home-grown suburb has all the qualities of a Green Edge* wedged between city and countryside.

72 73

Organic farm?

76 77

你关于梦的调查

文/何新城

和谐的城市首先必须由懂得城市学的专家来规划。他们完全自由地制定他们的规划，一旦规划出炉就必须毫无反对地执行。――柯布西耶

也许，在提高环境和谐上，最强大的手段就是把控制权交到那些既有资金又有良好运作知识的直接受益于环境的人们手里。如果环境受益者可以掌控的话，那么一个好的配合就很有可能出现了。――凯文 • 林奇

YOUDREAMS 2020Text/Neville MARS

The harmonious city must first be planned by experts who understand the science of urbanism. They work out their plans in total freedom... once their plans are formulated they must be implemented without oppositions.—Le Corbusier

Perhaps the most powerful way of improving the fit of our environment, is to put the control of it in the hands of its immediate users, who have the stake and the knowledge to make it function well. If users are in control ... then a good match is more likely.—Kevin Lynch

在柯布西耶自上而下和凯文•林奇自下而上的规划理念中，人们可以想象的所有可能的设计策略都被包含了。但在中国的现实中，既非设计师也非使用者在掌控，而是另外两者粗略地界定了城市环境的结果：国家和市场。最后一部分探讨的问题正是中国房地产开发及其对城市的影响。

民主设计1.0——环链模式这个城市是你的？我的？大家的？还是谁的？如果城

市不仅仅是我们聚集与建设冲动的副产品，如果我们可以对形式产生影响，超越一般化的、既有的模式，那么应该有人——也许是我们大家——开始思考城市最终会成为什么样子。

方式：显而易见，让城市超速发展需要付出代价。不论处在哪个社会阶段，推土机和巨型铁锤都在为新事物和现代化开辟着道路。从商业中心到贫民区，从工厂到乡村，我们都被承建商和他们的建筑大军无休止的奋战包围着。反过来，他们又变成图书馆，存满着十几万名设计师、规

Between Le Corbusier's top-down and Lynch's bottom-up visions of planning one would imagine all possible planning strategies are covered. In the reality of China, however, neither the designers nor the users, but two other parties grosso modo define the outcome of the urban environment: the state and the market. This last segment raises questions about the process of real-estate development in China and its effect on the city.

Democratic Design 1.0 – The Loop Model

Is the city yours, or mine, everybody's, or anybody's? If the city is more than a mere byproduct of our urge to coalesce and to build, if we can influence its form and evolve beyond the generic, beyond pre-existing models, someone - maybe all of us - should consider what it could ultimately be.

Performance: It is obvious there is a price to pay for urbanization at hyper-speed. At every level of society bulldozers and sledge hammers are clearing the way for the modern. From CBD to suburban slum, from factory to village we are surrounded by the ceaseless efforts of contractors and their army of construction workers. They in turn are

划师、工程师、市场顾问和建筑师们创造的图纸，他们被越来越多的开发商雇佣，拥有一批设计机构的协调支持，同时还受到各种政府机关和部门的监管。中国城市化产业效率惊人。为追求这样的效率，建筑本身――我们住的楼房、新街道和商店――都做出了适应性调整。这让今日施工明日建成的中国城市光鲜华丽；概念与材料都不够份量，绘图与装配倒是技艺卓绝。性能就是我们所付出的代价。

显然，城市是无法一劳永逸地建成的。华丽的外观很快可以建起，但会有无数毛病随之而来。抱怨城市简直是一场全民运动（全世界皆如此）：它太大了、污染太严重、密度太大、生活成本太高、市容太糟、太拥挤；或者是它太小了、没有就业机会、没有空间、没有绿化、没有公用设施、没有社区还没有马路。每个人都有不同的抱怨。私车车主和建筑工人之间很可能在城市建设问题上存在冲突。有无数互相抵

fed libraries of drawings produced by over 100.000 designers, planners, engineers, market consultants and architects who are hired by a growing number of developers, coordinated by an array of design institutes and kept in check by several government bodies and ministries. The efficiency of China's urbanization industry is astonishing. To achieve such efficiency the architecture itself, the buildings we live in, the new streets and shops, have inevitably adapted. It has made the Chinese cities under construction today and finished tomorrow into slick cities; light in concept and material, sophisticated in their ease to be drafted and assembled. The price we pay is performance.

It's obvious the city can't ever be solved. Slickness may be fast to construct, but it comes with countless glitches. It's a national sport (as in any country) to complain about the city: it's too big, too polluted, too dense, too expensive, too harsh, too congested; or it's still too small, with no work, no space, no green, no facilities, no community, no roads. What to complain about is different for all of us. Car owners and construction workers most likely have conflicting ideas about what the city should be like. The list of opposing needs and interests to address is endless. So while the city can't be

触的需求、利益需要调合与解决。既然城市问题无法彻底解决，那它可以被引导吗？

选择：参与中国城市建设的绝对人数令人惊讶；但设计师与和决策者却极少。那么是谁决定你这位公民的利益呢？他们知道你的想法吗？

我们再不必住在成片成片、千篇一律的街区了。现在有各种各样、大小不一、颜色各异的公寓楼和别墅出售。市场知道该建什么，商品就是它决策的基础。这是在反复实验与错误中前行；随着需求达到平衡，竞争走向稳定，出售商品的种类也将多样化，城市从而继续进步。这就是正在发生的事――可持续性住房慢慢流行；就地订

solved, the question remains: can it be steered?

Choice: The absolute number of people involved in China's reconstruction is staggering; the number of designers and decision makers is minimal. So who decides what's good for you as a citizen? And do they know what you want? No longer do we live in rows and rows of indistinguishable blocks. On offer today are all sorts of apartment towers and villas in different sizes and colors. The market knows what it wants to build, and it decides based on what sells. This is trial and error; as demand levels out and competition stabilizes, the assortment on offer should broaden and the city will evolve. And this is happening - sustainable housing is slowly more en vogue, and tailor-made local projects are on the rise over copy-paste solutions. Still, in reality the tens of thousands of residential projects scattered across China follow very similar design principles. The level of luxury may differ, but the way they function, their living environment, and particularly the urban context they produce are

制的项目行情也逐渐超过模仿复制的方案。但现实中，分布在全中国各地的数以万计的住房工程仍遵循着极为相近的原则。豪华程度也许不一样，但是它们的功能、居住环境、特别是它们营造的城市语境却都差不多。中国城市在变得千人一面。城市开发不断进步与加速。今天已经完成了2020年建设目标的绝大部分。为了建造能满足上升的城市阶层需要的、性能更好的大楼与城市，发展进程本身还需要变得更成熟。这将涉及一场国家、开发商、设计师

all but identical. Chinese cities are all becoming the same. Urban development has progressed and accelerated. The majority of buildings for 2020 have today been realized. In order to produce better performing buildings and cities that keep pace with the blossoming urban class the development process itself will need to become more sophisticated. This involves a more intense dialogue between the state, developers, designers and users; a continuous loop of information will be necessary.

Developers: In this highly aggressive market, innovation is a dangerous luxury – eighty eight of the top one hundred of Chinese real estate companies have been taken over since 1994. Understandably developers have been walking a tight-rope, careful not to stray from the success formula of previous projects. From a commercial standpoint, the real-estate industry has indeed become so refined it's hard to imagine there is room for any new paradigms. A resilient misconception that innovation in design always means added costs - not only in direct costs, but in more complicated architecture - pervades. The developer knows these sort of considerations will be beyond the carefully calculated budget of new inhabitants. But there is of course innovation all around us. A Beijing company has recently

和使用者之间更激烈的对话；持续性的信息链变得非常有必要。

开发商：身处竞争如此激励的市场，创新是种危险的奢侈品——1994年以来，中国 100家最大的房产公司中已有88家被收购。可以理解，开发商一直在走钢丝，谨慎遵循从过去项目中获得的成功准则，避免走弯路。从商业角度看，房地产行业已过于成熟，很难想象还有空间容乃任何新的范式。有这样一个普遍存在的误解：设计中的创新总是会提高成本——不仅直接成本提高，建筑类型也将更繁杂。开发商知道，新住户们并没有将这些考量纳入他们精打细算的预算。但我们周遭还是有创新的。日前，一家北京公司推出了一种嵌板系统，使整个房子可在5小时内建完。这项惊人的创造可能会使高速发展的中国房建发展更快。但大多数情况是，关于我们如何生活，使用者将来会需要什么等方面的问题，却很少探讨。中国的开发商，借助市场顾问的鼎力支持，希望能解人们的需求和购买力。但很不幸，业主与问卷得出的答案不足以成为创新的坚实基础。而且改进也局限在高级住宅和门禁小区之内；作为

produced a panel system that allows an entire house to be built in less than five hours. This is an amazing novelty that may further accelerate China’s building boom. For the most part, however, explorations on how we can live, and what the user might need tomorrow, remain scarce. Developers in China, with an unusually strong input from market consultants, try to map what people want and can afford. Unfortunately simply listening to home-owners with surveys is not a profound basis for innovation. And the improvements are restricted to the level of the building or the (gated) community; the city as a whole, as a product of thousands of connected real-estate projects, is not addressed.

Designer: If we believe Le Corbusier the harmonious city is just around the corner, if only the visionary architect could have his way. Ironically China has by and large been constructing a Le Corbusian landscape, complete with repeating apartment towers, flyovers and mega-projects, but without involving many architects. At this moment, at this speed in China’s history the role of the designer is still dismal. Based on output Harvard researchers have argued the efficiency of the Chinese architect is 500 times that of

分屏2020插画/杰弗里·卢德洛

Split Screen 2020Illustration/Jeffrey LUDLOW

“梦想调查”是对城市年轻人在2020年的个人抱负和对城市期望的问卷调查采访/阿德里安·霍恩斯比+动态城市基金会

The Dream Survey asks young urbanites what they hope to achieve in 2020 and what they want their city to be like - Adrian Hornsby / DCF

78 79

在中国，个性是一个新概念，但完全不亚于一个城市的复兴，一个由你、数百万新市民和第一代都市人所引发的复兴。是你在向城市搬迁，是你在重建设乡村家园。是你在推动经济发展；是你在买车、买楼、买公寓，是你在运作市场的传送带、买着别墅。这一切让你成为了中国的新领袖。

动态城市：那你是怎么想的呢？慢城市，像斯堪的那维亚半岛上那些首都，它们都是全球最受欢迎的宜居城市。一个街区一个街区、年复一年地发展，随着时间的推移，这些城市已经能够调节市民不同的需求。这些城市和我们从问卷中听到的环境很像，但它们并没有为中国迅速成长的新中心提供可借鉴的选择，抄袭它们的外表也无济于事。另一个途径是采取70年代初在欧洲试行过的方法，放手让使用者参与进来。这是真正的民主化设计，但也因速度过慢而夭折。中国的建设不会减速，新社区和开发区脆弱的质量问题不会在一夜之间改变。中国现代化发展的下一步需要是发展自身的改进。我们需要围绕城市未来、在各方间展开一场

公开对话：在决策者、开发商、设计师和同样重要的市民之间需要一个信息循环链。正如2010年上海世界博览会所倡导的：城市，让生活更美好！为了中国未来的10亿城市居民，城市环境质量和城市生活质量之间的相互关系必须凸显出来。这个对话交流毫无疑问会使发展速度变慢。但是它会提高发展的质量，在光鲜外表下铺上一层层基石。它会赋予所有城市的成员控制力。最重要的是，以一股合力让我们大家更好地主导城市发展的方向。这个方向既是确定的但又不明晰。而你，市民们，未来想要什么也是不确定的。城市就应该有能力应对这种不确定。为中国这样的动态语境所设计的方案，即使制定完成了也应该能继续成长和进步，这样才不会阻碍它们自身的发展。城市必须能够适应现实的不断变化，考虑每个层面上的成员。这就是动态城市，以研讨性对话和高瞻远瞩为基础的动态进程的成果。

In China individuality is a young concept, but nothing less than an urban renaissance has been sparked by you the individual and by the millions of new citizens and first generation metropolitans. You are moving to the cities and you are rebuilding your villages. You are driving the economy; you are buying the cars, building the apartment towers, operating the conveyer belts and buying the villas. That makes you the new leaders of China.

Dynamic city: So what do you want? Slow cities, such as the capitals of Scandinavia rank high on the world list of favorite cities to live in. Evolving block by block, year by year they have been able to mediate the different desires of their citizens over time. These cities resemble the environments described in our survey, but they hardly present a feasible option for China’s burgeoning new centers, and copying the style of their facades won’t help much either. Another approach is hands-on user participation of the kind we have tried in Europe in the early seventies. This was truly democratic design, but it proved horrendously slow and subsequently failed. Construction in China will not slow down soon. The paper-thin features typical of the new neighborhoods and development zones will not evolve overnight. The next phase of China’s modernization efforts requires the refinement of the development process itself. An

open dialogue about the future of the city is needed that involves all parties: a loop of information between policy makers, developers designers and, new to the equation, citizens. The theme of the 2010 Shanghai Expo is appropriately called: Better City, Better Life! For the one billion Chinese soon living in cities the correlation between the quality of the urban environment and the quality of their life will be evident. This dialogue will undoubtedly slow things down. It will thicken the process; give layers and layers of detail to slick cities. It will give control to all those who partake in the city. Above all, operating as a single force we might gain control to steer the city in a distinct direction. This direction must be distinct, but will always be unclear. What you, the citizens will need or might want tomorrow is uncertain. The city must be able to respond to this uncertainty. Proposals for a context as dynamic as China must be able to grow and evolve after completion—if only so as not to impede their own development. The city must be able to adapt by anticipating the reality of constant change, acknowledged at every level by all parties. This is the dynamic city; the result of a dynamic process, based on research dialogue and foresight.

一个整体的城市，作为一个由成千上万楼盘连接组成的产品，并没有得到关注。

设计师：如果我们相信柯布西耶，只要有远见的建筑师能自行其事，和谐城市就不远了。讽刺的是，整体上说中国一直在建设柯布西耶式的景观，配备了不断重复的公寓楼、立交桥和巨型建设项目，但却没有许多建筑师。此刻，当中国达到了史无前例的建设速度时，设计师的角色却依然是消沉。哈佛的研究者表示，在产量上中国建筑师的效率相当于美国同行的500倍；但即使有所改善，中国建筑师在设计和决策方面的表现却与前例正好相反。建筑师和开发商在方案上的拔河战是开发过程中最重要的部分，它应具体呈现每个涉及的成果。双方应该都努力表达住户的需求，竭尽全力发挥到极致。但在中国，作为

his American counterpart; though on the rise, his role in the design and decision making process should be reduced by a similar amount. The tug of war over a proposal between architects and developers is a crucial game at the heart of the development process that should crystallize the outcome of any design. Both parties should meet as equals to interpret the needs of the user, and struggling to explore the limits. In China however, the designer as an interpreter of user needs simply does not yet exist.

Government: The city is a mediated space. Its density, the proximity of its citizens to each other, the ease to interact, is the key to its success. This proximity should be voluntary and produce equal opportunity for all citizens to explore their lives. This proximity however is also undesired; more space is more comfortable. To optimize the city as a mediated space the input of the

住户需求阐述者的设计师还不存在。

政府：城市是一个调和的空间。它的密度，市民彼此间的紧密度，互相影响的程度，是城市取得成功的关键。人与人之间的紧密度应该是自发的，并为所有人提供平等的探索生命的机会。但这种近距离并不受欢迎；越多空间才越舒适。作为一个调和的空间，城市的最优化需要国家的努力。那么中国所期待的城市融合就无法自由进行。规划政策无法既灵活又严格地让城市脱离空间规划和设计去发展。国家应该维持个人、公司的需求与公共利益之间的平衡，并设计能维护公共利益、具有连贯性的形式。在集中计划的经济环境中，俯瞰全局的视角是必须具备的，至少理论上应如此。长期的地区发展规划应该具有现实的空间影响力，除了划定计划开发区，最应该影响的是土地使用

state is needed. China's anticipated urban mix can't grow freely. Planning policies can't be both flexible and restrictive enough to let the city grow without spatial planning or design. The state should balance the demands of individuals and companies against the common good and envisage some form of coherency that captures the common good. In this centrally planned economy an overarching vision should, at least on paper, be able to be implemented more effectively than anywhere else. Long-term regional planning should have an actual spatial impact, beyond assigning economic and development zones - notably on land use efficiency. The large, generally successful state-owned developing companies are a unique means to supplement an architectural landscape solely produced by the market - notably the introduction of small scale projects. State-run

效率。大型、成功的国有开发单位是唯一可以克服市场经济缺陷的企业——尤其是在一些小型工程上。政府主持的项目在质量和速度上比任何其他的都要高；他们有能力也应该推动整个产业采纳更具战略眼光的方案、接受更缓或更周期更长的收益回笼。

使用者：只剩你和我了。作为空间的使用者，我们真的不知道自己想要什么。我们只是挑选市场上有的商品，我们买得起的房子，有好学校的社区，形象友善的城市等等。但是你，作为个体来讲，如果想要市场上没有的东西，你就得全身心投入了。

projects are realized with higher quality and faster than any other; they can and should push the entire industry towards more strategic proposals and accepting slower or longer-term revenues.

User: That leaves you and me. As users of space, we really don't know what we want. We simply choose from what's on offer; the house we can afford, the neighborhood with a decent school, the city with a friendly face. But you, the individual will have to start to participate if you want anything more than what's on offer.

80 8181

英文版《城市中国》（部分）English Version of Urban China (Partly)

黄页Yellow Pages

1. CHINA KEEP GROWING!

We’re in the midst of a global twister. America is on its knees begging for cash injections; banks are creaking, prices falling, and container ships bumping emptily against the docks. Yet China — one of the world’s most globalized nations — has explicitly stated that its “greatest contribution” to global stability will be to keep its own economy running smoothly. Essentially, when seas are high, it will look to home.

There is good reason to believe this actually is in the world’s best interests. With the slowdown in the West, the global economy is increasingly reliant on China for maintaining some show of growth; and were China now to fall into a slump, it could roll the entire world off into a downward spiral. Fortunately though, the world is well assured. China’s growth, it is widely assumed, is dependable because it is not based on a single finite resource, such as oil (as in Russia), but on the continuing productivity gains of the Chinese workers. And why would they stop working, and gaining?

A little more scrutiny however reveals a markedly more fragile picture. Over the last two decades, Chinese economic growth has been driven by a twin-burn engine, fueled on either side by urbanization and exports. Exports are now drying up. Against a fifteen year trend of 26% annual export growth, recession in the West has led in 2008 to a 2% fall in exports. Thus exports have become a drag, not a driver. At the same time, central government has become increasingly concerned about urban land acquisition. The last fifteen years have seen cities across China mushrooming to two and half times their size. Now fear of further loss of arable capacity has led to a stipulated minimum of 120 million hectares of farmland. Seeing as this is just about as much as there is now, cities are left with precious little room to grow into.

The sudden drop off of exports and of urban expansion, taken together, constitutes a terrible double blow for the growth wave. The rapid urbanization model, formerly so dominant in transforming the physical and social landscapes of China, is now gagging on the prospect of no new land to develop, no investment capital with which to develop it, and no foreign markets to sell to once development is complete. It turns out that China’s growth, far from being resource-independent, was in fact heavily reliant

upon two distinct resources — resources which until recently people somehow assumed to be infinite. These were the affluence of the Western consumer, and the vastness of the Chinese nation. Right now, right when the world needs them most, they’re both looking disconcertingly exhausted..

2. BUT NOT LIKE THAT!

In truth, this should have long been apparent given the fundamental unsustainability of the rapid-urbanization-export-maximizing attitude. Firstly, exports, in the greater scheme of things, ultimately have to balance. Over the last ten years and more China has been running a huge trade surplus with the US, exporting far more than it was importing, and stashing the dollar proceeds. The effect of this was to flood the US with cheap credit, thereby sustaining the boom, but only through supplying debt. And as any shopkeeper knows, you can’t keep on lending to your customers so that they can keep on buying your products. The current global financial crisis is in no small way an expression of precisely this — the necessary unwinding of impossible global imbalances.

Secondly, imbalances were equally at work within China through the rapid urbanization component of the growth model. Again starting in the early nineties, central policies were introduced which incentivized local officials to boost GDP by acting entrepreneurially. This sparked a multi-scalar urban rush. The best means to grow local GDP was to stimulate urbanization, and the best way for local officials to raise the necessary capital to urbanize was to start selling the thing they had most of: land. Officials at every level across China acquired land, stripped it, and resold it in the form of use-rights to urban developers, using the cash to lay down promised infrastructure, and elaborate slick downtown masterplans. According to the principal of market reform, these operations were left largely to play themselves out, and assessed chiefly on the basis of reported GDP figures. The result was a chaotically atomized pan-China construction boom, with thousands of small and mid-sized cities exploding horizontally — or even summoning themselves into existence out of previously rural areas — competing frenetically for investment. Given the fiercely appetitive climate that was developing, fledgling cities entered into internecine undercutting wars, with land being offered to industry at cheaper and

cheaper rates, with more and more favorable tax packaging, and with fewer and fewer regulatory constraints. What followed was exorbitant land consumption in largely unstructured patterns, notwithstanding more stringent regulations, planning and building quality remains dire.

Protected by sweetheart deals with local officials, factory bosses were able to run amok, largely unbeholden either to central planning schemes or to market realities. Sure enough they produced cheap exports, but the resultant macrostructures were characterized by local protectionism, and riddled with land abuses. A stark demonstration of this comes from the people who formerly held the land themselves. In 2007 80,000 large-scale protests were officially recorded across China: more than 10x the figure for 1992. Over half of these were directly related to land issues. Things couldn’t just continue.

3. I’M NOT SAYING STOP!

Yet what makes the atomized urbanization model so essentially ill-suited to post-Olympic China is a fundamental structural confusion. At the same time that policies encouraged ubiquitous local-level bureaucratic entrepreneurialism, there was an inherent bias toward the megacities. The Shanghai-model of the urbanizing ‘90s, pioneered by former Shanghai bosses Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji, inevitably favored the coastal Special Economic Zones (SEZs). These areas were able to use their peculiar export and import status, as well as their superior level of global recognition, to leverage more foreign investment, and thus outpace the brawling rabble of interior cities. A further structural advantage was awarded the megacities in their ability to attract human capital, both from within China’s pool of freshly mobile graduates, and even internationally as the megacities became global cosmopolitan centers.

It is on this issue of migration that urban incoherencies become most apparent. The continuing existence, if under terms of somewhat mitigated relaxation, of the hukou system, ensured the continuing restriction of rural to urban migration. Thus while national growth efforts favored the urban poles, urbanizing migrants were encouraged to leave the village but not the countryside, creating to high levels of intraprovincial migration, and a massive pool of floating migrants. Existing in a regulatory grey area, the floating migrants remain urbanites of the least stable kind — a rolling component

CHINA KEEP GROWING! BUT NOT LIKE THAT! I DON’T MEAN STOP! HURRY UP AL-READY! ONLY BETTER!Text/Adrian HORNSBY

within the population, who greatly contribute to the city, yet are barred from integrating into its essential fabric.

Unstable migration of this kind has deleterious effects upon city growth in two key ways. Firstly, necessarily uncommitted to the temporary situation in which they find themselves, temporary migrants exhibit much lower levels of personal or financial investment in their immediate surroundings. Without committed residents, local environments tend to degenerate toward substandard living conditions, which are more readily tolerated as they are regarded as short-term. Crucially however, while they are short-term for the floating migrant, they are on the ground realities for the growing city. And thus the city suffers. Secondly, the financial investments which floating migrants are not making into the urban environment are instead being diverted, in the form of remittances, to places which are regarded as more permanent — i.e. the migrants’ point of origin. The result of this is that capital generated through urban productivity is leaking out of the city, rather than funding its growth, and flowing into the village. Thus the place most deserving of investment (i.e. where money is actually being made, and therefore where more money should go to further development) is starved of cash. Not only is this backwards conceptually, but it is made all the more desperate by the fact that migration levels, far from slackening, are set to accelerate over the coming period. While previously the urban population was significantly swollen by the physical act of cities swelling, and thus engulfing formerly rural populations, future city growth is likely to come primarily from a rural influx. Mid-size cities can expect 40–50% of their future populations to comprise of migrants. Can these all have such temporary expectations? What would it mean for a city to have up to half of its population regarding itself as not truly living there at all?

4. HURRY UP ALREADY!

The oncoming wave of migrants constitutes for China its greatest challenge yet: graduating from the rampant ad hocism of the pre-Olympic urban boom, to a more sophisticated and sustainable post-Olympic urban society. This perforce will be less space extensive. It will also be more people intensive — with more people traveling into cities, arriving with greater expectations, and forming a larger incontrovertible presence.

China’s grand contribution to the world of keeping its own economy running smoothly will center upon its ability to manage this influx, and reorientate its growth. These are the two things it has to do. And fast.

5. ONLY GROW BETTER!

The urbanization of the recent era (i.e. atomized development driven by rampant land acquisition and temporary populations) can be characterized as driving forward on five wheels. It was urbanizing everywhere all at once. This is exactly the form of unidirectional irrational exuberance that the global financial crisis has wiped out at a stroke. China’s 4.2 trillion RMB stimulus package however represents an end to such approaches. It is an explicit acknowledgement on the part of the central government that, if left to themselves, the five wheels would probably come off, and the whole barouche crashes into the ditch. The package is a guiding hand taking up the reins.

Notably, the largest single component of the stimulus is investment in national infrastructure. The configuration of new road, rail and airport networks will inevitably enforce a rationalization of the tiering of cities according to their varying levels of connectivity. Even more significant will be the development of the national power grid, which will dictate the shape and weighting of future urban growth. Heavy industry may follow the route of on-site generation, locating itself ever further from the city at the end of a coal-truck road. Urban centers however, as they become more sophisticated and I.T. dependent, will increasingly be strung together and suspended from the cross-weave of power lines. Central engagement in the distribution of these lines and power stations will to a large extent assume the hitherto missing role of national and regional planning.

At the lower level, engaging users with the emerging urban property market will be the principle route to improved urban integration. The atomization model encouraged fervid competition among cities, with all the concomitant volatility and shortsightedness of a new market. However, given the level of control exercised by local officials and state-owned banks over the actual land deals and investment structures involved, the market within cities, from the point of view of the urban resident, was in fact excessively constrained. Shifting the emphasis of where

market freedoms take place from competition among urban nodes to competition for urban space, will bring the consumer into play, and form a second, this time “invisible”, guiding hand. Rather than a market composed of local officials flogging GDP area-figures, the real competition in post-Olympic urban China will take place among actual apartments, shops, offices, recreational and cultural spaces etc. On this floor, the key actors become the people living in the city, and buying the program. Restructuring urban growth to be more demand-aligned will protect against future bubbles, and simultaneously capture more residential investment capital.

An important move in this direction, and again part of the new measures, is to reduce mortgage down payment requirements from 30 to 20%. The more accessible the property entry level becomes, the greater the user response to urban development, and the lesser the role of the speculator (though too low and speculation rises again, as does risk of negative equity). A further and equally stimulating implication of this shift is to put more money into the pockets of consumers themselves. Cash formerly constrained within housing is freed up for urban retail, which is the one true bull market left unravaged by the global crisis.

While Chinese exports are contracting, domestic consumption is strongly on the rise, with retail sales growing by 22% in 2008. This is all more encouraging for the fact that the Chinese consumer is a relatively small contributor to overall GDP (less than one quarter, against almost three quarters in the US), offering tantalizing room for significant further expansion. Indeed, it is the newly cash-flush consumer, fresh into the city which he now feels is his home, and in which he plans to spend his paycheck, who will carry the growth wave through. Getting him there is all that’s needed to shift growth from collapsing state-led export-orientated operations to consumer-led domestic-orientated sales.

As the global twister sweeps its way east, the Chinese middle class urban shopper — with bags in one hand, and a real estate brochure in the other — stands right in its eye, staring up.

1. A Working Model?

A new town strategy has been adopted for the Beijing New Masterplan 2004-2020. Planning and design have been prepared prior to the Olympic Games. It was plotted by Beijing municipality that large-scale new town development would commence shortly after the Games, as part of a post-Olympic economic stimulus. In fact, over a hundred new towns are being or about to be constructed in China. Needless to say how well this strategy is implemented will have great impact on social economical even political aspects. However, this top-down planning concept has long been criticized as hard to implement, even as utopian. The discrepancy between theory and practice manifests itself in most of the existing cases. That raises a serious question: how certain are we on the reliability of this model in the Chinese context?

2. The Personal Satellite

Suburban new town emerged as a self-organized activity initiated by pioneer social reformers, like R. OWEN and F. FOURIER in early 19th century, as the result of the individual efforts of an industrialist with good intentions for his employees. However, such individual attempts became the prototype for a popular urban model. By the time it came to be the Garden City initiated by E. HOWARD in early 20th century, it had evolved into something halfway between a public and private settlement. Although still individually initiated and financed, it aimed to serve the benefits of a mixed unknown group who would be attracted to the new town by its distinct qualities. In other words, the early adopters organized themselves by making a personal and free choice.

3. Tried and tested

It is easy to imagine this early success was inspirational to planners and policy makers: if an individual could achieve this, a municipality with stronger financial and administrative power could naturally make the process easier. This was part of the reasoning that triggered a global new towns offensive in the fifties and sixties. Countries in Western Europe incorporated the new towns in their post-war reconstruction plans, as did Brazil and China too. Since 1958 Beijing planned to build 40 new towns (see table) to alleviate the booming center and scatter the distribution of industries. Though sometimes partially a success, globally the new towns suffered from their own ambition: to forcefully serve the will of people.

4. Post-planning

In doing so, the nature of the new town dramatically changed to become top-down, rigid and out of touch with the market. The Chinese new-town however, by virtue of its political context, was able to align work and living much closer and for much longer than its western counterparts. In fact, the ‘moving out of the center’ policy is in effect still at the heart of the Beijing Masterplan 2004- 2020, to reduce the old center from 1.4 to 0.8 million inhabitants. More importantly, even though only 3 of the 40 initially planned satellites made it to fruition, this reasoning has been neatly adapted to become the bases for the 2020 plan under the name of the poly-centric model. The naturally scattered shapes Beijing has produced are retrofitted with a seemingly intentional plan to develop them into distinct sub-centers and satellites. The pro-active satellite model is in fact at the mercy of Beijing’s organic logic.

5. State-Market Hybrid

The problems of empty office space and under-used public facilities of the French and British new towns can be found across China. Taking Shanghai as an example, the construction of a dozen new towns started more or less in the same period in late 1990s. Each of them has been using suburban style housings as a strategy to attract inhabitants. A free market incentive in Chinese socialist market hybrid has resulted in over-saturation and mono-sprawl. It indicates the consequences of market-driven unintentional development within context of crude fast forward urbanization. We have reached the point that we need to give the new town its self-organizational character back. That is to say that the large-scale decentralization and re-agglomeration of urban functions and population should develop in relation to ‘free-market’ rule instead of trusting in ‘intentional manipulation’. Government agencies are actively fueling urbanizing, operating like market actors, but without the constraints of the inherent logic of the market. The traditional division in roles between public and private is lost, with essentially nonsensical urbanization as a result. 6. Dynamic Growth

So what is the impetus of the public sector? Preemptive investment in public transportation, roads and faci l i t ies is a burden that a municipality can not, and should not have to carry. The imbalance in China - illustrated by busy cities without connecting roads on the one hand, and fully equipped cities without

people on the other - needs to be restored. In different developing phases, a new town will have different competitive advantages for different target groups. In the case of Dutch new town Almere, in the early stages, most of the early settlers considered better housing as the most important attraction of the new city; social life still heavily depended on its parental city Amsterdam. As city progressed and societal development needed to keep pace, it successfully delivered a mixed fully functional stylish new center. It shows that the foundations of a new town need to be firstly and gradually laid down, before a certain ‘critical mass’ (Charles Landry) can be achieved. Critical mass is concerned with the achievement of appropriate thresholds which allow activity to take off, reinforce itself and cluster.Secondly, as the precise time of ensuing steps are unpredictable, planning needs to follow the rules of ‘dynamic growth’ and ‘supply-on-demand’. That means that a plan or design is flexible, editable, and open to change. When the artificial pressure to develop is lifted from the Chinese new towns in post-Olympic phase, this issue deserves our primary attention. This concerns practical quantitative and qualitative questions of the fundamental nature of poly-centric model, such as the optimal distance from the parental city and a new town; population size, land use pattern, zoning regulation.

7. Organic Reality

For the first question, the challenge is to safeguard natural areas and prevent urban areas from merging. However, is that a feasible concept? We can address this question by looking at ‘self-organization’ theories which adhere to the character of a complex system. The Complex System theory applies in many disciplines, such as economy, physics, biology, cognitive and artificial intelligence, sociology and evolutionary studies. The qualitative definition can be that ‘complexity is situated in between order and disorder’; ‘two or more distinct components that are connected in such a way that they are difficult to separate’ (Francis HEYLIGHEN). Each component in such a system is interacting with others, adapting to an external environment with self-organization as a result of the internal dynamics. Translated into urban scheme, it suggests that each individual is a planner, and his decision is the result of interaction with others; each urban development is a process of self-organization, which is always naturally trying to connect its internal structure to the external environment. Simply put, a new urban area wants to connect with the existing urban fabrics in order to

SUPER SATELLITESText/Jing ZHOU

take the available advantages. In this sense, separating a new town from an existing city is to a large degree in denial of self-organizational rules, as the interaction, continuation and interdependencies are deliberately cut off.

8. Bottom-down, Top-up

However, not all organic growth in the city is desirable; neither all self-organization correct. There is a need to safeguard the ‘collective good’. One of the important characters of self-organization is its ‘trail-and-error’ trademarks - characteristic of the formation of the Asian Tigers of the early nineties. Dense, and often admired for their remarkable resilience they reveal short-comings on a collective and individual scale, that a good planning framework could have circumvented. Interestingly enough, in contemporary China, although the top-down planning appears to be strong, market development is often unbridled and chaotic. Compared to countries like Holland and Germany, it means planning in China does not yet function as an effective tool to coordinate market-driven self-organization. Notable examples in Beijing are the eaten up of the planned ‘green-belt’ and the erection of Financial Street at the western end of Chang’an Avenue. Admittedly the relation between planning control and market force is still in a primal trail-and-error process itself. The balance between planned and unplanned; fixed and flexible is still unexplored. In developing Chinese cities, the top-down planning institutes and the diverse market actors are busy self-organizing, without a clear framework for communication or goals for the ‘collective good’. The dilemma remains that the many rules remain obscure, self-contradicting and can still be bended, while reasonable requests and suggestions by individual actors are confronted by masterplans made behind closed-doors. Evidently there is a need for a revolution of the planning system itself.

9. [2CP]

One essential alteration should be improving public-private partnership (PPP). The concept itself is familiar, but the concrete and effective methodology is still under research even in western societies. However it is of special importance for urban China because this planning issue closely correlates with the current social and political reform calling for stronger transparency and democracy in government management. Apparently, public-private partnership is different from the simple juxtaposition of top-down and bottom-up, but rather it emphases the efficient interaction linking the two sides. It confirms the positive

role that an authority can play as coordinator; at the same time it requires more freedom for various stakeholders to pursuit its own optimal benefit through self-organization. The concept can be described as 2CP: Communicative Planning; Collaborative Planning.

10. Talking Cities

How communication can be effective and efficient relies on both spatial and managerial tools at the hands of by planners and decision-makers. Taking new town planning as an example, instead of the current hierarchical relationship between different actors, it should be an open process involving interactions in different stages. We can conceive of a new planning and decision making structure for the production of new town masterplans (see diagram). The current planning communication in China is improving but is still far from functional. Plans are rather reluctantly revealed in publications or on internet without the intentions of adapting it according to feedback. Productive interaction actually requires new skills from planners. They should be ready and keen on explaining plans and designs to others, including layman. This means policy-makers need to learn to be good listeners and adopt the role of negotiator. Especially in the case of new towns, such active communication can give a boost to city promoting and attract private investors and trigger a sense of belonging with newcomers.

11. From Static Image to Flexible Concept

Meanwhile, spatial plans should become the materials on which the dialogue is based. They will need to become more communicable. In general it means these drawings should become easier to interpret; more adaptable and f lex ib le to changes. Instead of a masterplan which contains extensive research and analysis, a more flexible format or Strategic Plan should be adopted. The latter intends to contain only the main strategies and principles, main locations, phasing plan and types of intervention. It is usually illustrated in a more indicative and expressive way rather than detailed and designed. There are several ways to achieve flexibility, for example, by designing only the fixed elements (usually infrastructure and public facilities) and leave the rest open to smaller plot orientated design initiatives; by designing as many alternative plans as possible for the choice of end-users; by designing a group of urban typologies and leave the final result of collage to the interaction between actors, and by integrating urban design criteria into a zoning plan. All

these suggested concepts need to be put into practice in Chinese urban context, in order to find the most effective and applicable ways to implement.

12. Chinese medicine

We can conclude that planning remains an essential tool to tackle market failures. However, the rules of the game call for improvement. Ironically we can suggest China should make a shift away from Western medicine to Chinese medicine to heal the city. Depending less on crude single-minded, top-down aggressive interventions such as the Olympics, and instead more on an approach of broad self-diagnosing and the individualized holistic approach of Chinese medicine. Public-private partnership is part of such a Chinese recipe. On a broader scale, Beijing’s ‘big pancake’ needs to be weighted against new centralities in the Greater Beijing Metropolitan Area, even in the larger Jing-Hu trans-provincial region. When a serious malfunction does occur, such as in case of Beijing’s its traffic congestion, deterioration of urban environment, lack of available land and water resources etc. then a strong and clear public planning intervention can be performed.

13. Super Satellites

There are so-called successful new towns; in Beijing namely Tongzhou and Yizhuang. Located just 15-20 kilometers away from center to center and with no more than 5 kilometers of open space to separate them from the city, they already suffer from the proliferation of urban sprawl. Yet if we choose to accept the main principles of the new town as desirable and feasible, then technical problems during execution can be gradually solved by the suggested ‘Chinese medicine’ method. The new town, is the most popular component of Chinese urbanization yet requires the most careful and sophisticated balance of market incentives and regulation to succeed. In addition the procedures of creating new towns need to encompass the challenges that China’s economical structure faces as a whole; to harness the self-organizational principles without loosing sight of the common good. As such New Towns planning challenges the very foundation of China’s planning culture. Finally the model itself needs a radical make-over in relative positioning spatial constitution, social mix, and phasability. It means since we choose the satellite as a planning tool, we will need to design and develop high quality Super Satellites.

We see in the past decade of economic boom a phenomenon whereby city-building is reduced to a business venture. Attracting foreign investments becomes the sole purpose of developing a city, bureaucrats posing as businessmen and the cities branded and packaged as commodities: Bilbao, Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Hyderabad.

The governments of these states move swiftly from a model of providing basic social, legal, economic security for citizen’s pursuit of happiness to a technocratic, profit-minded amoral corporate entity. This results in a unique style of governance – a new kind of state different from the Western politics where the state acts as ‘a referee of competing interest groups’ and different from the Marxist definition where state is a tool of ruling economic class – a business-oriented authoritarianism. This phenomenon can be called 'Boomtown effect' and these cities 'Boomtowns'.

Boomtown-making is a singularly technocratic process - every aspect of urbanism and society is appraised through managerial, logistical or technological lenses. In this time-space compressed globalizing world economy, city planning becomes a business development exercise to attract the limited resources (material, financial and human) that roam swiftly and freely in search for investment opportunities. Boomtown has an authoritarian political power that allows it to reorganize and standardize its entire productive social and financial capital into ‘assembly lines’ that meet the demands of the targeted market objective.

Many Chinese cities are developing singularly by attracting and utilizing foreign investments. The incredible speed of these developments and their gargantuan scales will have unique physical, social and political consequences that can hardly be foreseen. The purpose of this article attempts to examine Singapore's unique situation, to draw parallel lessons from the making of the city-state and to envisage possible outcomes of Chinese developments, while accepting shortcomings of such speculative explorations. Why Singapore? Singapore is arguably one of the first Asian cities (if not one of the world's first city) to have successfully mastered the Boomtown method of city-making. Its brand of technocratic hegemony utilizes a micro-management method that blends Fordist-Taylorist methods with Asian social morality to create a systematically controlled and complacent citizenry so that national resources and popular sentiments can be effectively mobilized. More importantly Singapore's ethnic composition and the economic-development based urban development have many similarities with Chinese cities and we believe will provide a good future subjunctive for its Chinese counterparts.

From Singapore's independence in 1965, one of the main identities the city-state uses to attract foreign investments is good environmental, hygiene and health standards and the city's urbanism has been systematically altered to furthering this “Clean and Green” marketing strategy. Gardens, parks and green pockets are linked with street-side pastures and tree-laced park lanes. This green image is an important basis of Singapore's attraction and this becomes a great pull factor for investors and visitors alike. Chinese cities must understand that instant

urbanization without long-term environmental, social and cultural development plans is not sustainable and will eventually have adverse effect on the economy.

Learning from Singapore?

In Singapore any building no longer in the latest masterplan is demolished. The entire city is tiled and re-tiled, paved and re-paved regularly to upkeep the sleek look of efficiency. Its highly effective modern urbanism is designed to provide the vital infrastructure for foreign-investment. Not unlike Beijing, the well-pruned roads networks are monitored by vast CCTV systems that scrutinize and analyze traffic conditions and dispatch accident recovery where necessary. A punctual and reliable public transport system of subway trains and buses that link the entire city is supported locally by ‘feeder’ buses that transport commuters from virtually their doorsteps to the town centers where they transfer to subways or express buses to their places of work. Covered walkways provide sun-shade for residents walking from their public high-rise housing to the bus-stops and car-parks; air-conditioned arcades connect office towers and shopping malls to each other so that consumers and office workers need not be exposed to the retarding equatorial heat.

This may all sound like an ideal urban dream for many developing Chinese cities but mere physical accumulation of these urban features is not enough. Attention must be given to actual performance of such physical amenities and even more care should be placed on social and environmental consequences of such urbanization at large. Case in point, the constant revision in Singapore’s urbanism removes all provenances of one’s past. While this ensures the presentation of a ‘well kept and renewed’ city-scape to wide-eyed foreigners, the society has nothing from the past to remember. It is not so much collective amnesia but a constant annihilation of the collective memory - a memory that in due course should become the backbone of the city’s spirit, pride and provenance.

In Singapore, in addition to the constant erasure of the city’s physical record, its people are constantly driven forward, driven towards new professional destinations prescribed for them: manufacturing and engineering in the 70s, business administration in the 80s, bio-technology and banking in the 90s and presently, design and creative industry. Singapore's education system is altered for such economic themes. Those who have no affinity or aptitude for the 'industry-of-the-month' are often left behind. There is no unemployment benefit scheme in Singapore which leaves its people compromised en masse toiling after one-sided development.

Boomtown Contract?

Boomtown technocratic hegemony requires a calibrated statesmanship and more importantly, business acumen. However, its success relies largely on the state's ability to uphold an authoritarian grip on the society and the reduction of governance to the “winning formula” of continual financial prosperity and urbanization. In Boomtown there is no 'Social contract' 1 but a 'Boomtown contract' 2 between the

state and the people: a wealth for political consensus that started with a general consensus for wealth.

A Boomtown can usually be identified with these distinctive features 1) An Economic-themed alter ego 2) Authoritarian government 3) Transplanted urbanism 4) Forced-fed Identity 5) An immediate past that is all too painful 6) State policies driven mainly by economic gain 7) Political apathy.

Chinese cities in the Special Economic Zones (SEZs), Free-trade Zones, State-level Economic and Technological Zones and New and High-Tech Industrial Development Zones by virtue of their collective themed identities run the risk of becoming Boomtown cities.

Chinese cities can announce themselves as 'foreign investment-ready' Boomtowns by following the trialed and tested ‘Ideal City Check list’ 3. The problem of quality and banality remains. Large-scale traffic infrastructure, skyscrapers, buildings by famous architects, a new exposition center, monuments for tourism, a new performance arts center (to demonstrate a cultural dimension to the city), 'Beyond 5-Star' hotels, smog-free environments and Ferris Wheels 4 can all be built cheaply and quickly but since quality of these constructions are often overlooked, these urban features are merely signs and symbols of modernization that may have immediate visual impact but do not contribute to the legacy of the cities. Furthermore, such cookie cutter mode of city reproduction lacks the vital cultural reference that creates an attractive urban identity.

There is no local precedence for the Chinese boomtown. The speed and scale by which Chinese boomtowns develop offer little time to develop localized solutions. Infrastructure, urban-planning and residential estates are designed by foreign consultants or local authorities that use templates loosely based on foreign models. Singapore in the 1970s and 1980s depended greatly on the import of urban models to upgrade its urbanism - from the Dutch Ring City (Randstad)5 model to decentralize the island and Le Corbusian high-rise for mass housing and is successful in appropriating these foreign urban and architectural models to suit its social and climatic needs. The use of ready-made urban methods is inevitable for newly developing cities, but Chinese cities must avoid ‘cutting-and-pasting’ and adapt these imported models to their own context like Singapore did.

Singapore was much blinded by the limelight of presenting a “modern and new” city-scape and was relentless in removing traces from its colonial past from its urbanism. Consequently when it was deemed necessary to conserve old district for touristic purposes in late 1980s, there was little left to preserve. With ample land, Chinese cities may not resort to demolishing culturally and historically important sites for new constructions. However Chinese urbanism will become template depositories for alien designs if cities are not careful with what are being built by both local and foreign developers. In this case, it is ironic that while Singapore offers Chinese cities the privilege of hindsight, in preserving their urban histories during the expansion and construction for the future, Singaporean developers should be constructing housing communities in China

URBAN NARCOTICS IN BOOMTOWN CHINAText/William TAN + Ting-Ting ZHANG

with Disneyfied themes such as “New England” style single-family-housing.

Boomtown - The Utopia??

One distinct problem of city-building purely from an economic standpoint is reducing matters of a humane and cultural nature into statistics and demographic data. This consumption-based planning sees the society only as 'income groups' with preconceived 'lifestyles' to cater for. However there is no prior native middle-class culture for planners and designers to take reference from. In fact the newly-minted Chinese middle-class may find that their immediate history of economic deprivation cannot be forgotten soon enough and therefore often find themselves having inflated and misguided expectations and aspirations towards all things foreign.

To create a successful Boomtown, it is imperative that everything about the city be primed for economic activities. The state has to implement political, fiscal and legislative policies tuned to attract investments. Being a labor-intensive exercise, citizens have to participate fully for this development to be successful. In this case, there need be very little convincing for the citizens to comply with the state policies. Unlike abstract political utopias, economic prosperity is a convincing ideology to solicit a following. Boomtown citizens find it easier to agree with state policies once they think these policies ultimately benefit them even if they do not have immediate appeal. Since Boomtown government focuses on economic development and ‘modernization’, all policies can be alluded to economic development and stability. Once everyone is used to the comfort of urbanization and has accumulated reasonable wealth, opportunity costs of dissent become greater: Unlawful arrests of political dissidents of no relation to oneself is easier to ignore when one has a well-paid office job, lives in a gated community and drives a brand new imported car than when being underpaid, living in low-standard housing and having no access to material goods

Boomtown is a political narcotic.

In Singapore, rising wealth and an illiberal internal security act compel the general populace to believe they can only gain from supporting the hegemonic control of the state. The Phantasmagoria of Boomtown convinces the first generation of Boomtown citizens to give in to the state for better living standards. Current generation of Singapore citizens inherited their parents’ addiction to Boomtown narcotics. Having been born into this addiction and educated to believe there is no better alternative for the society, they have little motivation to work harder for the society - they become thorough followers of Boomtown ideology. This is the political neutering effect of Boomtown contract.

This neutering process unfortunately removes not only the political will but also the entrepreneurial will. In recent years, Singaporeans’ lack in initiative is reducing the country’s responsiveness to global trends and thus reducing its ability to compete with upcoming markets in Asia. The government is trying hard now to amend such lack of social impetus and imagination in the people by organizing public campaigns to bring importance and awareness to

“Creative Industry and Arts”. Developing China’s cities citizens and government alike may learn from Singapore’s predicament - state policies when treated as 'ideology du jour' to meet only economic goals or as socio-political tools to engineer the society may ultimately impair the people and the state alike. Economic liberalization in China prompted a renewed trust in the government, this trust is a great social capital that can either be a strength to these Chinese cities’ development but it can also be easily abused. Developing Chinese cities must consciously preserve the cultural and social wealth of being in a large and heterogeneous country. Policies that evolve with constant dialog between diverse representatives of the society – in their varied ambitions, talents and aptitudes may prevent one-dimensional development like that in Singapore.

Boomtown’s living standards and economic opportunities attract migrants who aspire to Boomtown life and are willing to subscribe to the Boomtown contract. Migrants moving to Singapore may come from adjacent Southeast Asian and Australasian countries which are worse off in political or economic conditions. Migrants may also be well-heeled professionals or oligarchs from countries such as India or Russia who find ownership of a Singaporean passport more travel-friendly than American passports nowadays. On the other end of the migration cycle, citizens of Boomtowns who do not wish to subscribe to Boomtown Contract can leave their native cities. In Singapore, individuals whose aptitude lie in professions that are not preferred by the state (which recently include creative industry and performing arts) have to seek greener pastures abroad. Individuals who do not agree with the ruling party’s governance but find no avenues for political dialog would also seek residences in other countries. This transfusion of Boomtown seekers and quitters creates a self-censorship – "if you don't like the theme you needn't join"; "if you don’t like Boomtown, you should leave".

Nothing is Free in the Free Market?

The spectacle of the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing is China’s proclamation of no longer being a “sleeping dragon,” but an international power to be reckoned with. The media success of this proclamation will produce a stronger urge from the people to be coached into a more powerful Boomtown formula as they will seek quicker financial gratification. It is possible that the newly initiated Chinese (into this capitalistic mode) may na?vely assume Boomtown to have the best of both worlds – a “free for all, grab all you want” economy and expect the state to facilitate their private economic pursuits and catch them when they fall.

Developing Chinese cities need to cultivate from their rich tradition a modern cultural and social scaffold to support their mercantile growth and contemporary life. At present the new financial elite can only rely on Western imageries they absorbed keenly when they are receiving education abroad or from advertisements of luxury goods to fashion their lifestyle and social disposition. This mimicry can only result in a disingenuous borrowed culture. However, if governments of these developing Chinese cities continue to encourage native social and professional

diversity as mentioned earlier, this social character will bear the hallmarks of native culture and not just a borrowed one.

What then for fast-tracked Chinese cities??

It may not be hard to make an argument for Chinese planners to take a more cautious and pluralistic view on their development plans. Besides understanding that pluralistic social policies drafted with public opinions are more economically and politically sustainable6, developing cities in China must see the adverse effect of repeating centrally designed urban plans. These pre-packaged formulae may get quicker authority approval and faster response from foreign investors but they are not carefully designed to suit these Chinese cities’ varied social and cultural needs. Growth must not be measured by the immediacy of economic success but also through sustainable socio-political development. Imported urban models and development proposals (from Chinese institutions or foreign firms) must be calibrated to meet local social needs so that these developments can truly improve the citizens’ lives. A government that tries to meet the people’s need and actual improvements to quality of life of the populace can only build a stronger society, economy and consequently a stronger China.

Ironically, the party that is harder to convince of the downside of blinkered Boomtown developments are the citizens themselves. The extraordinary success of Chinese economy is in no minute part contributed by the pragmatic and industrious nature of the Chinese people. So, how does one prevent these people from suffering a “Refeeding Syndrome” – a material excessiveness as a result of a sudden reinstitution into a financially abundant system after such prolonged material starvation?

How does one explain intangible ideas of cultural dignity and identity, when the temptation of tangible and marked elevation of their living standards is so huge? While we can propose to the state alternative plans of development and even alternative method of sustained hegemony that prevent the creation of Boomtowns, what alternative can we give to Chinese citizens that can better the prospect of quick wealth and material comforts? What proposition can one conjure that will pre-empt the people of developing Chinese from falling into social coma after working so hard and so long towards their country’s economic awakening?

From the success story of Singapore, China will learn that environmental care and meticulous urban planning are vital to create a platform for economic excellence. Singapore’s civic and cultural inefficiency that comes from an economic biased society demonstrates that there social sustainability is as important (if not more important) as the speed of physical and financial growth. Developing Chinese cities will also learn that urban, social and cultural heterogeneity affects the longevity of a city's development. If Chinese cities are built with strong and modern local identity that allows and encourages social participation, they may ultimately have the efficiency of Singapore and the cultural wealth that it has not.

Urban China - How to be Holistic?

Design

Transcript of Urban China - How to be Holistic?