THE SOURCE-PATH-GOAL SCHEMA IN POLITICAL SPEECHES N. TINCHEVA

8/11/2019 THE SOURCE-PATH-GOAL SCHEMA IN POLITICAL SPEECHES N. TINCHEVA

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THE SOURCE-PATH-GOAL SCHEMA IN P

SPEECHES

N. TINCHEVA


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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

I. 1. Why political speeches?

The idea of the present investigation originated from a developme

linguistic thought. In Classical Rhetoric times, political speeches (PSs) em

object of interest (e.g. The Linguistics Encyclopaedia, 1991: 380). Until

practical medium of communication, rhetoric was nearly synonymous wi

(Gill and Whedbee, 1997: 158). For that reason, the analysis of PSs can b

forerunner of modern text and discourse linguistics (Van Dijk, 1997: 12)

as a whole, not as consisting of separate sentences, lexical items, phonem

linguistic evolution, the adoption of an atomistic approach to language m

out of fashion. Basic units had to be defined and situated along the levels

language (e.g. Saussure, 1966; Bloomfield, 1933). The integration of such

into unified wholes was struck out of the list of linguistic objectives.

With the advance of Text linguistics, Sociolinguistic and Psycho-l

(1960s, 1970s), new, integrated approaches emerged which aimed to situa

in whole texts. The new questions were how to define text boundaries, the

etc. Along the way to the answers, researchers felt the need to reassess th

themselves. The idea of the text as being more than the sequence of sente

came as a natural consequence (e.g. de Beaugrande and Dressler, 1983; B


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This contradiction between the pervasive original interest in PSs a

near-slight towards them gave rise to the present investigation, which see

better understanding of PSs and their influence on people (and linguists).

I. 2. The simplicity of PSs

What can hardly be contradicted is that there should be reasons fo

emergence of PSs as a primary object of pre-linguistic interest. Those rea

historical and/ or economic, given the then-new open system of governm

interest in PSs arose, it was in parallel with (a) the arising need for people

themselves in court, and (b) with the arising need for politicians and lead

virtue of their eloquence (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1988, vol. 10: 20). H

explanations suggested cannot provide an elucidation as to why in those e

emerged in the language form they did, and why this form has hardly bee

time in contrast to other genres, e.g. novels, poems.

In the search for an alternative explanation of (a) the early emerge

interest in, (c) the present neglect of, and (d) the enduring language form mentioned simplicity emergesas a possible clue. What is more, simplic

explanation of all the above four issues. Early in early emergence wou

evolution from simple into complex forms, PSs being thus simple for em

original past interest could mean interest in basic structure at the early sta

explorations, PSs then exemplifying basic structural features. This last pous another angle on why PSs are dispreferred by modern, i.e. latest-stage

early, present-day research tends to focus on more complex forms. If ba

simplicity is evident in PSs, that could also explain their immutability.


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Based on the belief that simplicity is the key to understanding PSs

investigation has the following main objectives:

I. 3. 1. The fi rst objectiveis to try and relate one Cognitive Construct (MM

1.) to a PS as a whole text. The dominant precept of the study is the conv

lower-level language structures (e.g. on the lexical level, see Lakoff, 19

a process (see Fauconnier, 1997) are susceptible to analysis based on MM

overalltext structure (van Dijk, 1997: 12) can also be proved to be gove

MMs.

A main objective here is to show that it is possible to isolate and d

analytically the MM related exclusively to PSs as a text-type. Moreover, t

to be statistically ver if iableand its resulting superstructure (III. 5.) can albeing of prototypical (III. 1.) character.

As the same cognitive principles are at work in semantics, pragma

structure (Fauconnier, 1997: 5), it is again the same MM which is also lik

the lower levels as well as the discourse processes employed in communi

particular text-type. This unifying effect is what brings about the pervasivfunction of the metaphoric mappings (III. 3.) employed along all levels o

Lakoff, 1987).

I. 3. 2.The second objectiveis to determine the prototypical PS superstru

the prototypical PS MM and the relationship of interdependence betweenThe investigation will aim to prove that a linguistic key to both me

MMs and SSs) is the overall structure (OS) of PSs. Following van Dijk (i

overall structure will be used throughout the investigation to refer to the


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I. 3. 3. The thi rd objectiveis to investigate, on the basis of the hypothesiz

superstructure of PSs in English and Bulgarian with the aim of finding ex

well as similarities between the two language codes used.

I. 3. 4. The four th objectiveis to use the prototypical PS MM to illustrate

in PSs for manipulative purposes.

I. 4. Limitations to the present investigation

One area of linguistic study which will not be taken into consideration

aspect of delivering PSs. This is not a suggestion of its being an aspect of

insignificance. On the contrary, together with the complementarity of lanlanguage codes (e.g. body language), phonetic and phonological peculiari

an abundance of relevant information. Some examples:

(a) a number of stylistic devices (irony, sarcasm, etc.) rely on

distinguishing between different meanings of the same utterance;

(b)

body language and accent are key factors in interpersonal/ enhancement of meaning, disambiguation, etc;

(c) body language differences point to intercultural difference

decoding the textual world.

There are two major reasons for this limitation. The first one is coObjectives 1, 2 and 3: MMs, as interpreted here, are invariant structures s

individual culture and sometimes even across different cultures (e.g. Engl

culture). The present investigation is targeted at establishing the most bas


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CHAPTER TWO

HYPOTHESIS, METHOD, CORPUS

II. 1. Grounds for the hypothesis

II. 1. 1. Study N 1

The first thing that prompted to the hypothesis were the results fro

conducted with 100 third- and fourth-year students at the Department of B

Studies, Sofia University, who were asked to fill in a questionnaire with 2

yes-or-no questions (see Tincheva, 2002). The questions were formulated

previous class discussion of PSs with a different group of students. The s

allowed to provide additional information they perceived as relevant. Wh

questionnaire, quite a few of them needed to reformulate the questions the

provide more precise explanations. In the subsequent analysis of the resu

answers and the reformulations were considered as valid test results. The

especially, as well as the additional remarks turned out to be rarely reveal

understanding the students have of PSs.

The first, open-ended, question was to give a definition of a PS. T

almost unanimous (92 %) in saying that it is a speech delivered orallyby

non-politicians. No other parameters of the communicative situation wer

relevant, and, therefore, were not mentioned.

The second question offered a change in one of the parameters of


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parameters. When asked to still give an answer without introducing other

participants status, 62 % said in both cases they would rather notcall it aInterestingly, it was as late as this stage that the students thought i

introduce the parameter of topic of the PS(the suggested parameter they

needed to introduce). In case they thought the topic to be political, 56 % w

speech political even if pronounced by non-politicians before politicians.

definitely perceived as political was not enough for as many as 96 % of thoverrule the noanswer in cases of non-politicians delivering a speech b

politicians.

The next question concerned the setting. When asked whether they

if it was delivered by a politician before non-politicians but, for example,

gathering, only 20 % wrote yes. For 4 % the number of the relatives seeimportance, one subject supposed the politician was rehearsing his speech

The last, open-ended, question was to define a political topic. Th

answers which can be summarized as almost exclusively (98 %) referring

situation in which there is something problematic, a task, or, to put it mor

The answers differed in regards to the types of situation and the domain oto. They thought, for example, both a speech about economic problems an

political ethics to be on a political topic. In other words, a PS, to them, ha

socially significant issue.

Implications:

(a)

What listeners expect to be there in a PS and what allowschunk of speech as being one whole (or, gives them a sense of it

is an expectation in terms of a particular language-signalled MM.

first and foremost, interpreted as a mentally constructed situationa


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of different texts. In other words, the MM of a text is a function of

of the way in which the content is linguistically signalled.

(b) As the answers reveal a significant percentage of agreemen

the uniformity in their opinion can safely be interpreted as caused

single, conventionalized, relatively stable MM they were all scann

describing on answering each question.

(c)

The study shows that the most important factor in definingis social status difference/distance. Prototypically, the speaker is a

higher social status than the addressee(s). The reason for that can b

of the politician as a leader of society - a fact reflected in the less p

the situation in which social status distance is the same but the rol

non-politicians speaking before politicians. Hence the fact that in tpoliticians were gradedinto members of political parties, party l

State, etc. The more leaderish the status of the politician, the mo

be identified as the prototypical deliverer of PSs. This is also the r

pronounced by politicians before other politicians were unanimou

being in fact PSs; however, they were never present in the originaprovided in the answers to question N 1. In other words, PSs whic

the leaders higher status and social distance from the led, do coun

prototypical ones. In a subsequent discussion, the students reporte

exclusively share the perception of the politician speaking before o

being elevated to an even higher status, since he is assumed to sthigher-social strata representatives.

A more culture-oriented conclusion follows from the previous poi

well-founded democracy is, nor how well-educated people are (th


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speech. Even more interestingly, the listeners of the PS were pictu

and undistinguishable from each other, the grey mass stereotype(d) In addition, and related to the previous statement, the politi

referred to as he. A she reference was of practically 0% freque

subsequent discussion, when offered the alternative of the politicia

100% of the students agreed that they would still call the person a

female. Deeply entrenched and quite stable as a mental configurat(i.e. a kind of a MM) never suggests first the image of a woman w

politician in ones mental picture. Prototypically and not solely th

strong and better ones, those who have the right to be leaders are i

The results prove that there are beliefs which permeate our

experience of society, democracy, etc. at a level beyond the conscissues about political correctness (e.g. can women be politicians?)

students, approximately 65 % females) were quick to respond as th

taught to be appropriate, complying with modern standards of hu

society. Even if declaring that there is no gender differences as to

social roles, the subjects, with no exception, still perpetuate the pepertaining to the social spheres. In other words, consciously the st

women unfit to be politicians. Subconsciously, the figures in the S

What controls the MM of PSs, or any MM of a text-type, is not th

evoked theory but the most deeply entrenched, most difficult to ab

mental structuring.(e) Another point of interest is that in only 4 % of the answers

directly linked to the solution of the problem. Theoretically, the ge

politicians occupy their position in society precisely because they


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To conclude, Study 1 proves participants roles to be of greatest saimportant roles are specified: speaker (prototypically a politician, very rar

and listener (prototypically a non-politician, but a politician also a possibl

problem, task or issueis also prototypically present. It comes second in im

participants roles. Prototypically, the issue is related to domains of Politi

(in the same order of importance).A last point to note is that the roles discussed are salient whenever

politics is discussed. The question remains of how the structure from the

transferred to result in the structure of the PS. Discovering it is the main o

study and is the basis for the hypothesis.

II. 1. 2. Study N 2

Another Study conducted for the purpose of clarifying the present

meant to shed light on the organization of the OS of PSs. The results show

regardless of their educational background, have relatively the same percebeginning and end. (Relatively because beginning and end reflect me

as such, have fuzzy boundaries (term as in Rosch, 1973, 1975).

25 subjects of different background (5 linguists, 5 computer scient

engineers, 5 school graduates without a University degree) were asked to

and end of a PS. The subjects were differentiated along two additional pa

subjects from 21 to 35 years of age, 8from 35 to 50, 8 - from 50 to 65)

female and 12 male subjects). They were presented with a recorded versio

influenced by the graphic divisions made by the author as, statistically, th


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(e) in 88 % the end (on second hearing) spanned a passage in which again

and a task were mentioned.

Implications:

(a) all percentages are very high and prove that the audio vs. v

relatively insignificant in discussing text beginning and end;

(b)

all percentages are very high and prove that distinction betand receivers meaning is relatively insignificant as far as PS begin

concerned;

(c) these high percentages make analysis based on beginning a

valid;

(d)

most importantly, they reconfirm the conclusions made in about listeners expectations in terms of the particular MM structu

the mentioning of leader, people that are being led, and an issue.

II. 1. 3. Study N 3

A starting point for the present investigation was the idea that PSs

For the purpose of verifying that assumption, a one-question study on pol

Study 3, was conducted.

As reported previously on the Study (Tincheva, 2007 d), in line w

principles (1957), 25 subjects of different background (5 linguists, 5 com

economists, 5 engineers, 5 school graduates without a University degree)

five text-types along a scale from 1 to 7. As in Study 2, the subjects were

two additional parametersage (9 subjects from 21 to 35 years of age, 8


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TEXT-TYPE AVERAGE

POLITICAL ARTICLE 3.96

POLITICAL DEBATE 2.84

POLITICAL INTERVIEW 3.20

POLITICAL NEWS 2.84

POLITICAL SPEECH 2.68

(as in Tincheva, ibid

The results support the observation about the perceived simplicity

particularly forcefully. Political debates and news turn out to be close riva

competition for the simplest political text-type. However, Study 3 indisp

significance of simplicity in investigating PSs, and, correspondingly, prov

quite feasible to approach them from the viewpoint of their perception. Rcontention that PSs are notsimple, they are still largely perceivedas bein

precisely the point needed to introduce the import of mental structures an

analysis.

Additionally, it might be of interest that a number of tendencies ar

within the limitations and brevity of Study 3. PSs are most evidently percthe subjects in the 21-to-35 age group; the older the subjects, the lesser th

PSss simplicity. All age and gender groups invariably opt for Political A

complex. The older subjects lean toward Political Debates as PSss rivals

younger subjects Political Debates and Political Interviews are of equal co

find Political News almost as simple as PSs.Focusing on the simplicity of PSs, one is faced with several ques

to what an extent, and for what reasons are they simple? To answer, one n

perception. And when one reaches the idea of perception, then one is com


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mental structure that can be summarized as follows: PROBLEMATIC SITUA

PURPOSE NOT SATISFIED -REMEDY -UNPROBLEMATIC SITUATION/NO TASK

SATISFIED.

Lakoff claims that there is a correlation between a structure in the

movement and a structure in the domain of purpose - the SOURCE-PATH-G

domain of purpose, there is an INITIAL STATEin which the purpose, or go

INITIAL STATE (IS) is then followed by a sequence of actions construed as to a DESIRED STATE (DS).In DESIRED STATEthe purpose, or goal, is satisfie

isomorphic with the subjects perception of ISSUEin PSs. Moreover, as L

thinking about a problem solution or goal achievement automatically evo

conceptualization of a PATH.

The issue under consideration here is the agreement among the subabout a problem, a goal, a task, etc. What follows from their answers is th

necessity evokes the mental construction of a PATHwhose three main par

three main segments of the SOURCE-PATH-GOALschema borrowed from th

movement. Therefore, PSs are likely to be structured analogously to th

and, consequently, analogously to the domain of bodily movement.Such structuring could be further proof of how basic the principle

mapping from concrete domains onto abstract ones is. In addition, it coul

were the first to loom large in analyzing whole texts, why as a text-type t

been altered and why they are likely to be efficient for more time ahead i

now - they are structured according to and motivated by our basic bodily

movement (in terms of SOURCE,PATHand GOAL).

Therefore, what actually listeners expect on hearing a PS is for it t

how a problem should or could be solved. Solving the problem to them is


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also leader vs. led and prototypically have the values (term as in Fauconn

1996) of politiciansvs. non-politicians. In a way delivering a PS is asleader, which non-politicians as if do not deserve.

The mental structure resulting from this stereotyping of political s

social roles is arrived at by the overlapping and integration of the SOCIAL

(providing the roles of leader and led) and the communicative situation M

roles of speaker and listeners). The PS MM is most likely a conflated (termental configuration in which the following hypothesized structure is ope

STATE(containing slots: leader, led, unsatisfied goal, time, space), PATH

leader, led, (sequence of) activities) and DESIRED STATE(containing slot

satisfied goal, time, space). (The term slot is borrowed from Minsky, 1

space were not present in the answers in Study 1 but were, nevertheless, ihypothesis for being entailed by the conceptualization of movement along

To avoid terminological confusion, e.g. GOALas the third part of t

goalas a slot in the third part of the image schema, and the communicativ

primary participants in the communicative situation, henceforth the follow

will be maintained:

(a) GOALwill be reserved for the third segment of the SOURCE-PATH-G

(b) goal, problem, problem solution, task, purpose, etc. will be all s

common heading of issueas a slot in the third part of the schema. A discu

arrangement of the acceptable fillers (term by Minsky, ibid.) for slot: issu

5.;

(c) primary participants communicative intent and communicative

replace communicative goal;

(d) PATHwill be used only in the basic SOURCE-PATH-GOALschema. I


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I t is the main objective of the present study to prove that thi s is

of the MMs governing both the production and reception of PSs.

II. 3. The method

Since any method should be determined by the authors perception

study (, 1998) and here the object pertains to language, a cognitiadopted for the purpose of the present investigation. (Throughout the who

using the term cognitive as in Lakoff and Turner (1999) to refer to all m

structures, most of them unconscious, such as visual, auditory, image pro

motor operations, etc. and not following the philosophical traditions of us

refer to propositional structure or truth-conditionals only).Further, such a method is the only appropriate one due to the natur

which relies on MMs in revealing the existing language structures.

Descriptions of the research procedures chosen under the method

in every Chapter.

II. 4. The corpus

Since (a) the purpose of this study is to investigate the MM of PSs

overall structure, (b) the hypothesis is that PSs are structured according to

perception of bodily movement, and (c) human perception of bodily mov

the same, PSs throughout the corpus are expected to reveal the same unde

specific to a single MM. If results prove otherwise, the hypothesis will be

Given the expectation for any basic MM (e.g. referring to body m


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d) encompasses a period of 413 years:

-

the oldest written British PS dates back to 1588- the oldest written American PS dates back to 1858

- the oldest written Bulgarian PS dates back to 1934

-

the most recently written British PS dates back to 2001

- the most recently written American PS dates back to 2001

-

the most recently written Bulgarian PS dates back to 2001e)

the British politicians are aged between 21 and 66; the American o

and 68; the Bulgarian onesbetween 36 and 65;

f) out of the total number of British politicians 4 are women, on the l

there are 2, the Bulgarian female politicians are also 2.

As has already been mentioned (in I. 4.above), all PSs are in writ

main reason for this choice is that many of the older PSs exist only in tha

prove universality across all the PSs means it is necessary for all texts to

the same parameters and, consequently, for the written form only to be us

The PSs were taken from sources explicitly categorizing them und

Political Speeches selected works, compilations, etc. (both books and

is an issue of importance when discussing the prototype of PSs itself. For

pronounced on anniversaries tend to differ from PSs pronounced in Parlia

issues. However, both are categorizable as PSs, although of different prox

prototype.


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CHAPTER THREE

BASIC ASSUMPTIONS, THEORIES AND TERMS

III. 1. Language and the universal bodily nature of human conceptua

Johnsons theory

A starting point for the present investigation was the idea of PSs a

are PSs really simple? Is it only non-laymen who have had to decipher th

fully understand the complexity of PSs (the major contribution to my awa

complexity has come through personal communication with Prof. B. Alex

are indeed simple, then in what sense, to what an extent, and for what reahow does one tackle simplicity? To answer any of the above questions,

PSs to perception. And when one reaches the idea of perception, then one

resort to psychological, psycholinguistic and, generally, cognitive princip

the existing notion of PSs as simple is precisely that and nothing morea

subjective notion. Considered motivated or not, linguistically-based or soperception can only be resolved and approximated through introducing m

the study of language and its social functions.

For the purpose of verifying the assumption about the simplicity

question study on political text-types, Study 3, was conducted. In line wi

principles (1957), 25 subjects of different background (5 linguists, 5 comeconomists, 5 engineers, 5 school graduates without a University degree)

five text-types along a scale from 1 to 7. As in Study 2, the subjects were

two additional parametersage (9 subjects from 21 to 35 years of age, 8


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TEXT-TYPE AVERAGE

POLITICAL ARTICLE 3.96

POLITICAL DEBATE 2.84

POLITICAL INTERVIEW 3.20

POLITICAL NEWS 2.84

POLITICAL SPEECH 2.68

The results support the observation about the perceived simplicityparticularly forcefully. Political debates and news turn out to be close riva

competition for the simplest political text-type. However, Study 3 indis

significance of simplicity in investigating PSs, and, correspondingly, prov

quite feasible to approach them from the viewpoint of their perception. R

contention that PSs are notsimple, they are still largely perceivedas beinprecisely the point needed to introduce the import of mental structures an

analysis.

Additionally, it might be of interest that a number of tendencies ar

within the limitations and brevity of Study 3. PSs are most evidently perc

the subjects in the 21-to-35 age group; the older the subjects, the lesser thPSss simplicity. All age and gender groups invariably opt for Political A

complex. The older subjects lean toward Political Debates as PSss rivals

younger subjects Political Debates and Political Interviews are of equal co

find Political News almost as simple as PSs.

Bringing our focus back on the nature and reasons for PSss simpl

one begin when confronted with the role of mental constructs in language

place where any scientist of human-centered phenomena starts fromthe

feature of human cognition, the basic significance of the way humans inte


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different importance for the survival of the human organism, human conc

basically evaluative, targeted at organizing information in hierarchic strucitems are of greater importance than others. The last point is of special sig

also explain the evaluative nature of all human cognitiona feature from

perceptions of simplicity, complexity, goodness, badness, etc. arise

The importance of evaluation also transpires in the theory of the so

the world (, 1988). It relates to Einsteins claim (1967) tthrough movement which is impermanence and so they need to step away

the world of experience with a (seemingly) stable picture of it which will

of security. In trying to thus achieve stability, humans process the inform

primarily in terms of its effect on their sense of insecurity. In other words

themselves on all the information processed by assessing it. Therefore, hu

basically evaluativeand, consequently, involves hierarchy: some things a

more pleasant, etc. than others, depending on their effect on humans fear

additional confirmation in even the earliest mythologicalperception of th

, 1996) - differentiating the self from the world around, the know

unknown, the home from the foreign, the good from the bad, etc. Yet ano

reliant on empirical testing and statistical verification, supports the fact th

perception of the world is graded along a good vs. bad continuum - proto

As all four approaches (cognitive linguistics, pictures-of-the-world theory

prototypology) converge into the same pointthe evaluative nature of hu

processing, and bearing in mind that language is an all-pervasive and hig

means of tackling information input (Fauconnier, 1997: 2), we could safe

analysis of the language phenomenon of PSs from a cognitive standpoint

explanation of bothwhy PSs come to be evaluated as simple and how


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Therefore, the focus of analysis here will center on the way perceptions o

define and structure both the production and comprehension of PSs.A basic principle of evaluation is that it comes into effect through

mechanisms - conceptualizationand categorization, two simultaneous p

with data. The former is directed at the structure of the concept and the la

concept in the already internalized conceptual network of the individual (

1975; Taylor, 1995). Both processes are realized through human experienwith the human perception of the world. In other words, neither process d

realities. Both processes render the human version of life, they perpetuate

interpretation of what the world is. Pivotal for such a standpoint is the hum

imagery (Johnson, 1987), i.e. for constructing alternative images of the sa

The nature of the human body does not predetermine an objectively realis

conceptualization and categorization. There is no direct correspondence b

reality external to human experience and human concepts. The human bo

on which there exists a specifically human way in which we interpretbo

functions and the world. Such an interpretation of interpretation uphold

earlierthat the body is so much within the mind that there is no aspec

understanding that is independent of the nature of the human organism (i

and Johnson define it as plausible that human reason in general has gro

metaphorically term it, out of sensory and motor systems; moreover, it co

those two systems, utilizing structures from them (1999: 43). Hence the fi

human concepts and the specific ways humans function in the worldit i

system which both shapes our way of thinking as well as keeps our conce

touch with the reality it interprets. This particular brand of embodied rea

be the kind of approach endorsed in the present investigation, a basis for u


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from surface distributions alone and language data suffers when it is res

alone. Sinclair (in Coulthard, 1994: 12), too, maintains that linguistics hshaped on inadequate evidence and, in a famous phrase, degenerate data

redressing the particular balance between speculation and fact in the way

about our subject. In linguistics up till now we have been relying very he

speculation. The merit of linguistic analysis, to sum up, is by no means d

placing it within the broader reach of mental structure studies which rely verification of their hypotheses.

III. 2. Mental models

MMs, Johnson-Laird (1983: 252) maintains, do not reflect reality

interpretations. The output of the representational capacity of our minds,

models in Lakoff, 1987; Johnson, 1987) are employed in order to unders

with the world we live in. As the representational capacity affects all hum

processing (Bruner, 1990: 95), mental modeling is a principle with an all-

The previous is not an argument for the position that MMs are imp

occurrences. Neither will they be considered here as static and fixed. The

cautioned against as early as 1932 in Barletts work, who introduced the i

active and developing. He argued that memory processes are essentially c

simply reproductive. From an alternative viewpoint, MMs are situationall

help make predictions and form expectations of what might/ could/ shoul

Minsky (1975: 202) defines them as data structures which represent stereo

types, e.g. buying and selling (Bartlett, ibid.), going to a restaurant (Shank

1977). Truly, the existing data structure in the mind of the normally-socia

great extent constrains his/her interpretation of the current situation. The


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obsolete, if it had no practical value in dealing with the information flow

communicative situation type. MMs, therefore, need to possess the structdevelop in parallel with the evolution of social conventionsan argumen

nature of MMs. On the other hand, social behaviour unavoidably draws o

stereotypes; the social aspect of a situation type cannot exist, nor evolve,

conventionalized information stored as MMs. This in its turn precludes th

MMs to be of a completely improvisational nature.

By way of an example, let us take the MM controlling buying and

European and North American culture. The markets of the Middle Ages n

bargaining at Harrodss is never an option, paying with livestock has ceas

possibility. What has remained fixed and set is the basic principle of exch

a transaction. In consequence, the appropriate behaviour prescribed by th

considerably, although not basically, changed. Similarly, PSs have evolve

not only to the audience sharing space and time with the speaker. TV and

exemplify two different manners of focusing on implied audiences not ac

PS delivery. The basic, and quite general, internal communicative organi

while the set of possibilities for realizing that organization has been altere

fixed features but they also possess a richly structured dynamic potential

agreement with the ever-changing social aspects of human behaviour.

The problem addressed in the present thesis is the basic set of elem

configuration which define PSs as a text-type and allow them to be perce

by both producers and receivers. Issues relating to their evolution, variab

styles of modeling, etc. lie outside the scope of the present endeavour as t

is a task of considerable length in itself. Moreover, disentangling all the a

depend on the prior establishment of the basic PS MM targeted here.


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On the issue of the nature of mataphoric mappings, there is also ge

among cognitivists - the transfer between source and target domains is barelations and structure, or the logic, of an MM. In other words, a metapho

structure of a source domain onto a target domain on the basis of perceiv

similarities between the two domains. A point which should be emphasiz

prerequisites for a metaphoric mapping to take place do not exist objectiv

hence the emphasis on perceived. An example relevant to the general su

was provided by Johnson and Lakoff in their early discussion (1980) of th

metaphor. (This mental structure was subsequently elaborated on extensiv

1995.) The major claim is that nothing in the nature of an argument sugge

However, based on similarities in structure (e.g. in both domainsarguin

exist two separate, opposed persons/groups of people as well as two div

defend) the domains become associated. Thus arguing is not construed a

building a home or a crying baby. Instead, any differences in opinion are

of aggression (e.g. we demolish an opponents arguments). Hence the u

political disagreement as leading a war against an adversary, an interpreta

social (i.e. extra-linguistic, post-conceptual) consequences. How this stere

perception has come into effect is revealed by metaphorical language use

Another simple example details how domains become associated t

experience. An infant crawls toward his/her toy in order to obtain it. The b

STARTING POINT(in which he/she does not possess the desired object), the

(along some kind of TRAJECTORYthrough TIMEand SPACE) to that toy. Th

movement is the PLACEwhere the baby possesses the toy (the PROBLEMis

on, the analogy in the structure (INITIAL POINT SOURCE,MOVEMENT TO

PATH;END POINT GOAL) will forever determine the infants perception


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In a similar vein, political goals will always be understood as dest

as starting points, desired statesas end points in motion; what stands i

trajectory linking the initial point to the end onewill be interpreted as a

is possible to reach the goal or, to use a common expression, the way in

will be solved. Nothing, however, in the objective nature of any political

be though of as the end point of movement. Purposeful motion, freed from

conceptualization as a mediator, is not objectively analogical to human po

Clearly, PSs, too, resulting from metaphoric mapping, do not reve

pre-determined, natural connection between the domain of bodily move

type domain. As metaphors are domain interpretations, there is nothing th

SOURCE-PATH-GOALthe obligatory construct to control the PS MM. This,

suggest that as products of metaphoric transfer PSs result from arbitrary

from anything to anything with no constraints (Johnson, 1987: xv). Map

the human perception of similarities between domains; they are grounde

Johnson, 1980: 61), i.e. directly deriving from, human sensimotor everyd

other words, without the perceived similarities in their organization (e.g.

above) the source domain would never be selected to donate structure to t

connection between the two, therefore, is not totally arbitrary but constrai

ability to interpret particular co-occurrences as similarities across domain

this conclusion that more than one domain can function as a source when

target and that the same domain can also produce multiple target structure

alternative ways of thinking (Fauconnier, 1997:20) about the target doma

aspects of it is thus created - a phenomenon discussed by Lakoff and John

metaphorical pluralism.The MM of PSs, consequently, is a realization o

possible ways of construing the domain of politics and of communicating


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56) concrete domain the one of human bodily experience. Second, the u

PATH-GOALschema grounds PSs in it directly. They employ structure dire

domain of human bodily experience and the mapping is not mediated by

construct(s). Concepts, Lakoff and Johnson argue, that emerge in this wa

we live by in the most fundamental way (ibid.: 57). Furthermore, metaph

on image schemas are not in themselves very rich. (Lakoff and Johnson

Orientational/ spatialization metaphors, they maintain (ibid.: 61), provide

understanding a multitude of concepts compared to which they are less ric

Those factors, including the less rich (although far fromscanty) structur

PATH-GOALmapping, are very likely the prerequisites for the perception o

than other text-types.

As long as the understanding of basic above is concerned, the ter

the atomistic sense of impossible to decompose any further. Instead, the

following Rosch (1972, 1976) and Berlin et al. (1974), will be taken to be

categories reflect differences in our interaction with things. It is a natura

1987: 34) not created by human imagination, a level where our experienc

structured (Ungerer and Schmid, 1996: 66). The original conceptual mak

that level; at it things are perceived as single gestalts, e.g. ACTIONS(Lako

Ungerer and Schmid, 1996: xiii), event categories (Ungerer and Schmid,

concepts like FAMILY,CLUB,BASEBALL TEAM(Lakoff and Johnson, 1999

categories arebelieved to be functionally and epistemologically primary

with respect to ease of learning, recognition and memory. They, consequ

cultural and interactional significance as compared to superordinate and s

(Berlins example is of a CHAIRtypically perceived as something to sit on

perception is related to the superordinate category of FURNITURE). The le


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larger mental structures. We need to employ Gradys theory (1996) of pr

another key premise which has not found its refutation in the literature so

III. 4. Gradys ComplexMetaphors

On Gradysinterpretation, which branches from Lakoffs approac

attacks the above deliberation on metaphoric mapping, there exist comple

metaphors made up of atomic, primaryones (in Lakoff and Johnson, 19

words,primary metaphors are metaphorical parts which combine to form

There are a few lines of distinctions along which the two types of metaph

summarized to diverge.

The first one is that a primary metaphor has a minimal structure, w

does not. Second, as a point of origin a primary metaphor is grounded, i.e

everyday experience, while a complex metaphor is not. Employed when t

correlation between the two connected domains, a complex metaphor doe

domain of bodily functions with the domain of subjective experience. Thi

metaphor is a neural connection which arises automatically and unconscio

everyday experience by means of conflation (as in Johnson, ibid.) while d

takes place and cross-domain associations are formed. The resulting conn

neural networks and domains are permanent. An example is the way an in

affection: the infants subjective experience of love is normally correlated

perception of warmth as the child is being held by an older individual. Th

the two domains of love and warmth are automatically associated. During

differentiation, the child learns to distinguish the two domains, neverthele

persist and that is why it is possible for the child to both understand and p

a warm smileand a close friend (Lakoff and Johnson, ibid.). There is actu


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domains and the resulting connections and new inferences. Importantly, l

connections are formed in the process and they reoccurringly coactivate a

metaphorical mappings. Therefore, conceptual blends can be either conve

completely original. But in most cases conceptual blends, and, consequen

complex metaphors, are not one-time, creatively-built imaginative structu

and entrenched, used for long periods of time. It is complex metaphors th

backstage view at the conventionalization and stereotyping which accoun

our conceptual system. As Lakoff and Johnsons observation (1999: 60) g

simply built out of primary metaphors, they add forms of commonplace k

models, folk theories, generally-accepted beliefs, etc. A complex net is th

and it incorporates both the submetaphors and their entailments.

Lakoff and Johnsons example (they adopted a linear type of prese

metaphors and their entailments, when in actuality they run in parallel) is

PURPOSEFUL LIFE IS A JOURNEY metaphor pre-defines certain manners of b

castigates a person as lost, without direction and not knowing which w

person does not impose a sense of purpose on his/her life. The complex m

operates extremely powerfully on a daily basis, runs as follows: out of the

metaphors PURPOSES ARE DESTINATIONSand ACTIONS ARE MOTIONSthere

PURPOSEFUL LIFE IS A JOURNEYcomplex metaphor, which is made up of f

APURPOSEFUL LIFE IS A JOURNEY.

APERSON LIVING A LIFE IS A TRAVELLER.

LIFE GOALS ARE DESTINATIONS.

ALIFE PLAN IS AN ITINERARY.(Lakoff and Johnson, 1999: 61)

As an alternative graphic representation, equivalent arrows are als


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relatively tangible access point as to the (often subconscious) functioning

transfers. What these expressions in particular suggest is the possibility fo

the travelling BODY. The question is how can collectives be organized so

of a single body.

In the statistically validated actual-usage results obtained in Study

high-status speaker and lower-status audience are delimited as the second

aspect defining a PS, second only to the presence of an issue to be solved

differentiation, just as any spatially-represented (in this case vertical) diff

controlled by the UP-DOWNimage schema. To cognitivists (e.g. Lakoff, 1

Fauconnier, 1997, Grady, 1996, Langacker, 1991, Sweetser, 1996) image

recurring patterns which emerge from the human perception of bodily int

CONTAINERS,PATHS,LINKS,UP-DOWN,FRONT-BACK,PART-WHOLE. They a

propositional, analog, gestalt nature, which, however, does not preclude t

individual structural elements. (The term gestalt, following Lakoff (198

throughout this thesis to denote a holistic structure in which the whole is m

its parts and an analysis of the parts and the way they are put together can

understanding of the whole). Basic image-schemas are directly derived fr

experience but are later extended, mainly by way of metaphor, to a wide v

Most often, as Ungerer and Schmid (1996:127) forcibly argue, they provi

structure and are used for the spatial conceptualization of abstract categor

claims they are thebasic structuring devices which make it possible for u

complex event structures (1987: 278). Telling examples of such metaphor

MORE IS UP,CONTROL IS UP,GOOD IS UP(Lakoff, 1985), RATIONAL IS UP,V

and Johnson, 1999: 52).

The image schema key to our investigation is the SOURCE-PATH-G


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Basic logic: If you go from a source to a destination along a path, then you m

intermediate point on the path; moreover, the further along the path you are, t

since starting.(1987: 275)

The schema, he argues, is one of the most common structures used

for being a well and simply structured one. Hence its greater psychologic

understanding of all human experience even as compared to other basic im

conclusion provides another possible explanation of the perception of the

does not run counter to, in fact, it harmonizes with the psychological imp

domain of the bodily functions as a first reason for the perception of PSs a

Indeed, due to the fact that an enormous range of categories rely for their

the SOURCE-PATH-GOALschema, and PSs are only one such category, they

distinguished solely on the basis of the schemas greater psychological sa

The presence of the basic UP-DOWNschema in the construal of a p

communicative situation is empirically attested in the subjects visualizin

above and talking to a (mass) audience. The structural suitability of preci

the suppression of other schematic possibilities could find its explanation

physical requirements on social interactionit is in order to facilitate visu

contact that throughout history public speakers have addressed crowds fro

However, it has been long since that particular type of communication fou

transformation through changes in the mode of delivery (as in Alexieva

televised and radio-broadcast public speeches and addresses do not reach

person, in them there are no pauses inviting audience response and, thus,

non-stop, etc. Despite the modifications, the high-low differentiation pers

of the current communicative situation, therefore, cannot be the only expl

phenomenon There has to be an MM which represents a broader picture


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The existence of the representation of social strata as hierarchica

higher, middle and lower classes on the one hand determines and, on

revealed by our use of expressions such as high society, move up in socie

social ladder, , . The categori

terms of UPvs. DOWNis additionally intertwined with the basic structurin

metaphoric mappings based on the same image schema, e.g. MORE IS UP,C

IS UP,VIRTUE IS UP. Hence the stereotype of individuals belonging to high

being smarter, better and better prepared to exercise social control. This l

the UP-DOWNschema throughout the political domain, however, can be su

concern interpersonal, inter-individual, social relations and not the politic

complex metaphor under deliberation. The metaphoric construal of a sing

domain of politics has been discussed by Lakoff as deriving from the met

THESTATE IS A BODYand THE STATE IS A PERSONprojections. Moreover, t

not only underlie the production and interpretation of expressions such as

; they also employ the UP-DOWNimage schema as a sour

structure.

As far as the use of metonymically above is concerned, it should

metonymy is discussed throughout cognitive literature as another mappin

similarly to metaphor, operates unconsciously, automatically, etc. It differ

that metaphor is a mapping across domains, while metonymy is a mappin

domain. Metonymy selects a category from a model and turns it into a sub

category within the same model with the main purpose of activating the s

reference to the first one simultaneously.

The interdependence and interconnection between the two metaph

BODYand THE STATE IS A PERSON,is based on the body-standing-for-the-p


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heart stands lower, it is subject to, controlled by the head. Additionally, in

specialized functions, it is again the head which contains intelligence, im

clever and makes decisions. Hence the reference to workers simply as ha

possess no intelligence. The heart on its part is a muscle; its only task is t

not to controll it. The heart, moreover, has no vacations - it unstoppably p

monotonous function, i.e., it constantly works. On the whole, as some or

the physical health and sanity of the whole organism, some social groups

important and naturally better equipped to lead society than others.

The image of the political traveller constructed as consisting of hie

organized social classes, the itinerary along which the traveller follows ne

specifications. As both the answers (Study 1) and the subsequent discussi

revealed, the itinerary of the political journey is seen as passing through a

difficulties, i.e. the PATHis a trajectory drawn by connecting points of p

and/ or overcoming. The journeys itinerary is landmarked by DIFFICULT

overcome or yet to handle. Brought into effect by the STATES ARE LOCATI

ARE MOTIONSmetaphors, STEPSalong the trajectory are typically delimite

ISSUESwhile MOTIONalong the itinerary is controlled by the MANNER OF A

OF MOVEMENTtransfer (analyzed by Lakoff and Johnson, 1999: 188). In p

ARE PLACES(EVENTbeing one of the possible instantiations of ISSUE) met

by expressions categorizing political events as the next step in his politica

cornerstone in our life as a community,

In confirmation of Study 1, Lakoff and Johnson (ibid: 202) reveal how PR

conceptualized as IMPEDIMENTS TO MOTION, DIFFICULTIESare perceived a

along a PATH(theCAUSES ARE FORCESmetaphor) and overcoming DIFFICU

along a PATH. They go on to categorize the possible difficulties into: DIFF


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The itinerary constructed, it is also left to the speaker to choose the

BODYto follow. Conventionalized directions may not be obligatory, howe

vs. right political orientation outlines lasting, entrenched preferences for p

example of an overtly specified deviation from that convention is evident

PS (N 19 in the corpus): You and I are told we must choose between a lef

suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There is only an up or do

In conclusion, it is safe to argue that the four submetaphors buildin

metaphor of A PURPOSEFUL POLITICAL LIFE IS A JOURNEYcoincide with the

within the PS MM structure. The metaphoric mappings which govern the

perception of PSs stem from this particular set of submetaphors. As the se

domain of politics in general, it is also possible to presume that the same s

text-types in PD, not PSs only. Admittedly, confirming this generalization

extensive comparative study across PD text-types - an endeavour far from

present investigation. It seems sufficient for present purposes, however, t

confirmation that the hypothesis of the prototypical status of the slots thro

perceptually well-founded, and (b) confirm the possibility for other PD te

the same slots, although by means of different image schemas (Chapter V

dedicated exclusively to these two objectives).

What I would like to add at the end of this Section is an alternative

of politics which merits a mentionthe Biblically old image of society as

by a shepherd-leader, e.g. . Even when not organized v

other BODY PARTSDOWN), society can still be hierarchically construed.

(III. 1.), human perception is invariably evaluative and hierarchically stru

alternative, horizontal organization of the concept of society - a shepherd

herdis controlled by FRONT IS GOOD,BEHIND IS BAD,e.g. lag behind,


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lower body parts tend to follow BEHIND. It is feasible to think of any lead

as being at the headof the state/ organization/ tribe/ family/ flock,

/ . Not all horizontally structured groups of individua

directly THE HUMAN BODYas a source domain. Some collective names res

the leader as the head, e.g. *the head of the flock, * vs.

. They employ the mediated prepositional construction atthe he

family and , on the other hand, use the structure in

operation of THE STATE IS A FAMILYmetaphor (for an exhaustive discussio

As far as THE STATE IS A FAMILYmetaphor is in question, it might

that many political men, at that within diverse cultures, have been calledf

A major Bulgarian historical figure, Vassil Levski, who never exercised p

not referred to through that expression. Instead, he is typically classified a

greatest son. A general observation stemming from the analysis of the co

is that the family metaphor is present almost exclusively when times of tr

Once the nation is on the right track, it is predominantly referred to as an

motion. Whenever general political directions/destinations are outlined, th

perception is evoked. Dire problem solutions, on the contrary, tend to brin

to the fore. The graver the issue, the shorter the social distance between le

What is more, the horizontal organization cannot explain the exist

other metaphoric transfers which typically control PD. A corpus-based ob

domains lending structure to the construal of politics can be summarized

(a) BODY,PERSON: e.g. a more mature Europe capable of , a muscular,

(b)

TRAVELLING: e.g. trying to derail a nationalist bandwagon, he has su

making it roll faster

(c) DISEASES: e.g. agonies were prolonged by , the arthritic economy of


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(g)ENTERTAINMENT: e.g. the war theatre

(h)HOUSE,HOME: e.g. There is a need to clean up: sort through the wrec

floor, throw open the windows, and repent.

(i) NATURAL DISASTERS: e.g. the erosion of their powers

The first two source domains are directly connected to the POLITIC

JOURNEYmetaphor. The first one, especially, unambiguously employs the

social structuring. All other sources can be seen as deriving vertical struct

it; they can all be interpreted as profiling the traveller-related submetapho

PURPOSEFUL POLITICAL LIFE IS A JOURNEY transfer.The possibility to emp

TRAVELLING,DISEASES,MENTAL HEALTH, WAR,FIGHTING,GAMES,SPORTS

ENTERTAINMENT, HOUSE,HOME, etc., in fact, can be clarified only by perc

domains of activities that a person can perform. In other words, a person

home, be entertained, etc.; if that was not the case, those domains would h

sources for interpreting the political domain within which the body-nation

accordance, politics can be construed as, for example, love-makingexp

conservatives keep wooing the pollsters, the love-in between the two part

the kissing has turned into spitting,

comfortably our model and do not sound preposterous.

The alternatives of conceptualizing politics listed above, i.e. politi

relations, entertainment (especially theater and circus), cooking, etc., do n

domain directly, neither do they structure the whole domain, while all of t

be seen as mediated by the direct mapping from the bodily-movement s

put it differently, it is only the mapping from the domain of bodily movem

and only it controls the general construction of POLITICS. Once the STATE

STATE IS A BODYconceptualization has taken place, from then on deriving


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STATE IS A PERSON, the secondary projection evokes the image of the PERS

only a tertiary derivative that allows for NEW WINDSto blow over the a

HOME. In other words, it is mandatory for such mappings to be sanctioned

HUMAN EXISTENCEin both domains; moreover, they structure only individ

general political domain and not our whole conception of politics. The WI

BLOW THROUGHa POLITICAL SITUATION, however, BULGARIAN POLITICS a

construed as A BLOWING WIND. The emergent MM has to be grounded in

HUMAN ACTIVITIES.

Lastly, the metaphor of the states HOMEexposed to FORCES OF NA

claim that information is processed in terms of humans sense of insecurit

STATEmeans being safe, being home - a mechanism for perpetuating state

social organization.

III. 5. Roschs Prototypes

Category formation and the relationships between categories used

connection to either dichotomy or typology. In both views, each category

unambiguously disparate from the others. Wittgensteins (1958) notions o

family resemblances gave rise to what Lakoff (1982: 22) evaluates not sim

approach to categorization, but a whole new world-view - Eleanor Rosch

Prototypetheory. She rejects the basic principles of classical categorizat

boundaries between categories (i.e. without border-line cases or fuzzines

(obligatory conditions for category membership), checklist theory, unif

members of the category, inflexibilityof category boundaries, objective c

category membership, etc. Instead, Rosch bases her experiments on statis

from real-language users and proves the decisive role of perception in det


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Later studies on prototypes (e.g. Rosch and Mervis, 1975; Berlin,

Kay, 1981; Fillmore 1982; Taylor, 1995) offered two different ways in w

them. One line of reasoning suggests we define the term by applying it to

of a category. That member can be deduced from association experiments

users, the underlying assumption being that the prototype is recognized m

category member. The term becomes synonymous with best example of

example, clearest case of category membership, most representative ca

typical member (Labov, 1973; Rosch and Mervis, 1975; Rosch 1978; Br

1990) . The conception advocated here lies closer to the alternative view

Coleman and Kay, 1981; Lakoff, 1986; Ungerer and Schmid, 1996) as sc

representations of the conceptual core of a category, based on the cognitiv

human mind. Each prototype will be taken to be a neural structure that pe

mental tasks on a category. In other words, no particular entity is the prot

the prototype (Taylor, 1995: 59). The internal structure of a category, acc

expected to reveal the distinction between a focus and a periphery ending

overlappings. Membership will be tested in terms of grading techniques r

choices.

At the heart of Prototype theory lies the fact that there is culturally

consequently, statistically verifiable agreement among the members of a c

example of a category. A prototype, consequently, is a very high frequenc

MM - the theoretical validation of the fact that many of the assumptions s

from the statistical data supplied by actual language users in Study 1.

In accordance with prototype theory, a PS as a category will not b

delimited from neighbouring categories (such as POLITICAL DEBATES,NEW

ADVERTISEMENTS, etc.) by rigid boundaries. Instead, the fuzzy boundarie


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which allow us to evaluate category members relative to some conceptua

exemplify the difference by comparing the prototypes for the ideal husba

husband. Here, the PS prototype, or the prototypical PS, will denote th

prototype rather than the typical-case one. Typical cases themselves are r

against the attributes possessed by the ideal-case. Therefore, the latter is b

from the former rather than vice versa.

III. 6. Minskys frame theory

Frames(term introduced in linguistics by Fillmore, who started fr

linguistic constructs, 1975, 1977, and reached a more cognitive lean, 198

discussed as representing stereotypes of situations, i.e. knowledge and be

pertaining to a situation type (e.g. Talmy, 1978, 1985, 1991, 2001; Schan

1977; Fillmore and Atkins, 1992). According to Minsky (1975), people s

memory an MM called a frame every time they need to function situation

of current communicative environment depends on their highlighting and

combination of situation elements, which allows them to compare and rec

belonging to a type. By means of this striving-after-meaning strategy peo

environment as something familiar, an evaluation which need not necessa

as a result, do not by definition incorporate correct or scientific knowledg

social beliefs only (Lakoff, 1987: 74, Taylor, 1995: 88).

The conventionally salient situational elements to be highlighted a

(Minsky, ibid.) in the frame, which contains, to use the generally-adopte

obligatory and optional slots. A fundamental, statistically-verifiable princ

theory is that the objects in the world are highly correlational in nature; a

example goes, wings tend to co-occur with feathers rather than with fur (R


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for contextual monitoring (ibid.). Emmott also argues that there are two

frames proposed in the literature - text-specific vs. general-knowledge on

general-knowledge mental constructs (e.g. Bartlett, 1932, Minsky, 1975,

Rumelhart, 1975) differ from text-specific MMs in that the latter are built

coming from the text only. Similarly, Brown and Yule discuss character c

as purely textual entities. As early as 1981 de Beaugrande and Dressler (p

favour of the existence of a text-induced textual world identical with Ta

(2000). Both original as well as more recent explorations on the subject a

importance of MM typology as to the nature of the contextual information

incorporate.

Since the introduction of the notion of contextinto text analysis b

Malinowski in 1932 the literature has been infused with alternative propo

best (meaning either exhaustive or invariant) list of parameters of the com

to characterize context. The extensive research on the problem aims at ble

parameters and communicative situation-based parameters, as the followi

Lewis (1972, in Brown and Yule, 1983: 40) suggested situating the param

co-ordinates: possible-world co-ordinate (the states of affairs which migh

supposed to be or are), time co-ordinate (revealed through tenses and adv

ordinate (adverbials); speaker co-ordinate (deictic first person reference);

(deictic second person reference); indicated object co-ordinate (demonstr

those, etc.); previous discourse co-ordinate (phrases like the latter, the afo

assignment co-ordinate (all things mentioned).Another consequential c

Hymess (1964) who worked on participants (addressor and addressee); t

(e. g. speech, writing); code (e.g. language, dialect), message form (e.g. se

(in which the message form is embedded). In brief, linguistic literature ab


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trigger a construction of different scope as compared to the previous one(

consistency of the representation of the DW throughout the same text pro

Variations in DW scope most likely depend on the number of gen

background-knowledge, MMs which are incorporated within the world. T

interpreted here, DWs are constructed of MMs perceived as contextually

need not necessarily represent only objects and people present within the

the process of text production. For example, a DW may employ only MM

for slot: listeners; alternatively, it may include MMs of MPs, senior citiz

countryside TV viewers, young mothers, etc.. A broader-scope DW, thus

more MMs unrelated overtly to the here and now of text production, wh

contextual perception will include only what the participants can see, hea

necessarily mean that all the participants can see, hear, etc. will be includ

Relevance will always be the criterion with respect to which MMs are e

for incorporation into both narrow-scope and broad-scope DWs. (This pri

revealed in the existence of varying individual perceptions of the same co

context.) The DW of a Parliamentary PS, therefore, may encompass only

present at the time of delivery. Alternatively, its DW (the way it is constr

the speaker) may also include, for example, TV viewers of the late-night n

A TW, from Werths perspective, isa situation distinct from the i

language event, and more precisely, it is the story which is the subject

together with all the structure necessary to understand it (ibid: 87). While

participant roles (i.e. speakerand hearer), a TW contains people and o

(ibid.: 82). The possibility for a DW and its corresponding TW to coincid

Werth, who interprets such instances as discourses about the discourse w

In cases like this, he maintains, the TW is the conceptualization of that p


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A representative example from the corpus which also confirms the

but is related to slot: timeis The question is what are we going to do now

call up a construction of the political PATHin the TW as, for example, aft

question is what are we going to do after that?Or should it be seen as a d

signals the DW? To complicate matters further, a third, production-orient

summoned by nowas PSs are typically pre-planned, written before the tim

delivery. The example demonstrates how the possibility to co-activate clu

a choice between a TW (e.g. a PATH-related construct in PSs) and a DW (

option). This choice does not necessarily need to be enacted, i.e. the TW-

does not have to be resolved before the end of text comprehension. Moreo

between the two is not a one-correct-answer activity but rather a matter o

perceptual specificities and the existence of this choice does not entail a p

between TWs and DWs.

Another peculiarity of TWs is the way they utilize structure from

MMs and DW MMs (in cases of TW-DW overlap). DWs, arguably, serve

realistic models of communicative situations; TWs, in contrast, may be fa

representations of what real life is. A novel, for instance, can be seen as a

ones perception of life; it can select a portion of life and so construct it a

Conversely, a sci-fi book could configure a representation of what life is

what it should be. Adequacy of representation, i.e. a fine fit between the T

knowledge MMs concerning reality, is not an obligatory requirement as a

instance, in fairy tales and Hollywood movie scripts. A TW, consequently

indefinite number of possible textualizations(Coulthard, 1994: 2). The p

TW can be postulated as constructing a coherent and convincing, albeit n

realistic interpretation of reality.


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(c) the existence of a choice between co-activated MMs competing fo

right contextual interpretation, e.g. a political novice might start from th

communicative situation to be about the solution of a problem and end w

that the same communicative situation was actually about unresolved per

the primary participants rather than actual political work.

All three points above rely on MM co-activation for making onlin

MM to another possible at any stage of discourse.

A reading of contexts as mental constructs rather than objectively

raises another consideration - the prototypological functioning of all of th

co-ordinates, parameters, etc. as elements in MMs. Context, as a represen

phenomenon, by necessity entails evaluation. With respect to mental mod

would translate into differences in salience between situation parameters

different text-types. In other words, it is feasible to assume that not all pa

play a role in the production of all text-types, or, at least, not to the same

the default slots of an MM or on interrelations between default slots, som

loom larger to the suppression of others. For example, in PSs the importa

place co-ordinates is expected to be enhanced due to the PATH-related tim

(hypothesized as) default slots in the PS MM. The highlighting of the dist

parameter (as in Alexieva, 1997) could be accounted for through the cons

- the speaker is mapped as the HEAD, the listenersas the lower BODY PA

and unity of the whole depend on the closeness between the HEADand the

Specifications, overt at that, of speaker-listeners solidarity are, consequen

frequent in PSs. In general, if requirements for every text-type to either cl

against a checklist of parameters were consistent with actual language use

related phenomena would not be positioned along scales and continuums


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Building on Talmys proposal, one could argue that the communic

text producer is to trigger an overlap between the text-signalled TW and t

by the listeners. (The text producer, importantly, has no direct access to th

and thus relies on his/her own assumptions as to what that TW may be). D

structural TW-DW overlap in PSs, however, the communicative purpose

likely to differ in comparison to the use of other text-types. As postulated

on the conflation of speaker(in the DW) with leader(in the TW) and lis

with led(in the TW). As a consequence, delivering a PS elevates the sp

a leader (Study 1), while all listeners are constructed as led. In reality, it i

conflation which almost exclusively takes effect. The listeners-ledcoinci

of 7 peoples perception of PS TWs reveals, is a less frequent phenomeno

Asked whether they construe themselves as led when listening to

Bulgarian nationals) answer that their mental representation is largely dep

general opinion they hold of the politician. In cases in which they disappr

speaker, 5 out of the 7 testees would not think of themselves as led. When

the permanent political support of the 5 testees, they would construct them

before the PS delivery has started. An important point to note is that 3 ou

supplied an additional comment: although they would not perceive thems

LED, they would still feel associated with the ledslot. The mere fact that t

PS and grant the speaker their time and attention does trigger the percepti

subordinate and following the leader, the subjects report. The answers

additional comments, support the prototypical association of speakerwit

listenerswith led. However, they reveal that the perceptions of PS TWs v

to DW-related specificities.

Therefore, the general PS communicative purpose of a speaker de


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Producing an abstraction of the addressees perceived TWs would involv

approximations of such magnitude that would transform the related part o

into a parallel investigation. What is more, the corpus has been collected w

establishing not variations across its instantiations but the basic mental PS

consequence, the PSs included represent different political eras and conte

example, speeches by Boris III, Winston Churchill, M. L. King. Response

time periods, consequently, would need to be compared and contrasted, w

attainable as a task in itself, at that it is a task unrelated to the major objec

The available resources by necessity confine this study to matching the P

by the language-signals used, against the perceived TW, as interpreted by

against the existing information on each PSs setting.

Two other, related points raised by Talmy (ibid: 433) with referen

a co-author have bearing on the understanding of PSs as a phenomenon: (

narrative time to addressee time and TW time; and (b) indications of audi

such as mid-text applauses, voiced encouragements to the speaker, etc. Bo

position of PSs along the Orality-Literacy Continuum, discussed in the ne

III. 7. The Orality-Literacy Continuum

The major communicative purpose of building a PS TW assumed

with the internal slot configuration of the PS MM and with each actual D

specific positioning of the text-type along the Orality-Literacy scale.

Formulated as a reaction to the dichotomy-based misconception o

the theory behind the Oral-Literate continuum (most notably Tannen, 198

Schlesinger, 1989) centers around the factors which condition the specifi

literate properties displayed by each text. Research in the field focuses on


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As already discussed (in III. 4. and III. 6.), the construction of the

the leader and led through the structuring of a body-nation is of special sa

type. Hence the enhanced connection between speaker and listeners in PS

increase in speakers personal involvement in the issues discussed. Furthe

characteristically is persuasive discourse (Ungerer and Schmid, 1996: 14

1997: 158), PSs serve interpersonal purposes rather than informational on

these factors, PSs gravitate toward the Orality end of the scale. No other p

apart from personal involvement rests on such solid ground and, thus, all

straightforward conclusions.

Speaker involvement, oriented toward the interpersonal componen

signalled in direct contact with the speakers audience. The closer the pro

the interpersonal effect and, consequently, the more intense the involvem

factors characterize the Orality extreme of the continuum. Present-day PS

largely mediated political events (e.g. Fairclough, 1995, 1998) which rely

broadcasts to reach their audiences. TV and radio PSs do employ heavily

references to the speaker, his/ her feelings, mental state, expectations, bel

nonetheless, come one position closer to the Literacy end of the scale for

second consequence of social distance broadening is that the speaker cann

immediate audience response to make adjustments while speaking, which

step away from the Orality point on the continuum.

The media-imposed differences in speakers and hearers time as w

speakers and hearers place necessitate the construction of a position alo

common to both LEADERand LED, as revealed by the corpus. That broade

which the PATHis constructed) exceeding the boundaries of the DW may

between place/ time of delivery vs. place/ time of reception. Defining the


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a degree oral texts do not reach during online production. The semantic d

closer to the density displayed by written texts rather than by oral ones

reflected, e.g. in the syntax where subordination and passives are used mo

typically oral text-types. Second, a PS can be recited by memory or read

written by the person who will deliver it. A statistical count will reveal th

speakers exclusively read out PSs, no matter if from a hard copy or by us

and regardless of who the author is. Hence the fewer hesitation pauses, br

repetitions, etc. than generally in Oral texts. The advance preparation of a

drawing still closer to the Literacy end.

A consideration surpassing all the others is that the writer of a PS

the PSs deliverer. That duality shifts the text-type further away from the

continuum as, first, the proximity factor no longer conditions the authors

TW. The author, next, could never rely on immediate audience response;

delivering the PS might take a risk and introduce online adjustments shou

unforeseen happen. The writer is completely denied that opportunity to re

fixed nature of the text registers the next move toward the Literacy end o

the gap between writers and hearers time and place by the construction

listeners identity (against the PATH) are practically never a communicativ

and, consequently, the text-represented distance between them grows eve

property of written texts.

Accent, prosody, as well as body language (facial expressions incl

color, choice of jewelry, and all other paralinguistic features are normally

Orality end only. The writer may be deprived of those means of conveyin

information; nonetheless, the complementarity of codes is as relevant to h

none of the above listed is meant to surface in politics by chance. Hairsty


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fill ill b id d h h fill ill b d l i


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as fillers will be avoided here; the term filler will be reserved exclusive

constructs (e.g. categories, image schemas, frames, scripts, plans, etc.). L

be approached as signals, or indicators, of mental modelling. In a PS, now

instance, will be taken to indicate that two slots have been filled: the first

MM, the second one with a PERSONMM. By using now andpresidentthe

that s/he has called up a TIMEand a PERSONMMs from his/ her long-term

organized them within the MS created for the currently ongoing discours

listener(s) should call up a TIMEand a PERSONMMs from their long-term

organize them within the MS created for the currently ongoing discourse,

communication is to take place successfully.

Activated by analogy, a slot depends for the choice of its filler on

contextual combination of co-occurring slots. Filler acceptability is a fun

interpretability, given certain background knowledge (Taylor, 1995: 92)

fatherslot might belong to either a FAMILYMM or a NATIONMM (the fa

discussed in III. 4. above). The choice between an MM of a BIOLOGICAL

of a POLITICAL LEADERas fillers will depend on the nature, or the label

1983: 239) of other co-activated slots. The whole MMs internal organiza

attaching certain requirements to each slot (expectations of slot fulfillmen

which each slot can be labeled by a category-bound generalization of tho

leader, led, animal, etc. Such generalizations, under Fauconniers approa

roles. As roles are, thus, basically analysis-friendly abstractions rather th

domain of mental structure operation, roles, role-slots and slots will

synonymously as drawing on a LABEL-FOR-SLOTmetonymy.

As long as the competing BIOLOGICAL FATHERand POLITICAL LEA

concerned, it is the ensuing discourse and/ or non-verbal activities which

t l A O MM ld t b t t i l fill f l t liti


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central. A DONKEYMM would not be a prototypical filler for slot: politic

would be an appropriate filler for the slot in an anecdote- or fairytale-asso

A characteristic feature of MMs which needs to be mentioned is th

gestalts and the ensuing principle that the whole MM can be evoked by fi

slot (Beaugrande and Dressler, 1981: 90, also Sanford and Garrod, 1981)

politicianslot would be automatically opened whenever the domain of po

and activating a politicianslot would inevitably call up the whole domain

simply as background. The relevance of this principle to whole text proce

discussed in (III. 10.).

Another function of slots is that of providing counterparts in conn

(Fauconnier and Sweetser, ibid.: 11). Similarities, and I would like to add

similarities, between slots allow for the mechanisms of accessand conne

corresponding slots in different spaces and MMs. This slot function is wh

possible through the experiential connections (ibid: 4) ensuing from our

the world. The evidence for these basic cognitive links, Fauconnier and

is the use of one linguistic expression for an item in one domain to refer t

in another domain.

The above understanding of filler and slot raisesyet another im

terminology. In line with the expedience of differentiating between MMs

signals, valueshave come to be used in more recent work (e.g. Emmott

to denote the inherent semantic content of expressions (Rubba in Fauco

ibid.: 228). In other words, a value is a mental representation of a real-life

feature, etc. and not the real-life phenomenon itself. The notion provides

the need to account for the multiple possible mappings between a slot and

Fauconnier and Sweetser (ibid: 5) argue, certain roles such as president,

Implicit in Fauconniers theory is the dual role of linguistic units


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Implicit in Fauconnier s theory is the dual role of linguistic units.

functioning is to serve as triggersfor reference(Fauconnier and Sweets

entity. The second facet to their role is to direct the listener(s) in setting u

according to Fauconnier, can also be induced by extra-linguistic contextu

such as in 1952or inthe pictureorMax believesare thus all space builde

Arguably, language differentiates between the two functions as well as be

perform the same function, which results in the perception of types of syn

classes.

The cognitive perspective on word classes can be summarized in t

specific elements or areas in an MM and thus each class can be used to pr

category. Langacker, notably, postulates the essential components of men

SPACE,TIME,MATERIAL SUBSTANCEand ENERGY(1991:15). His model re

TIMEto control the construction of the SETTINGwithin which SUBSTANCE

distinguished. There exist correspondences, he maintains, between SPACE

(SPACEbeing the domain of MATERIAL SUBSTANCEinstantiation) as well a

ENERGY(as CHANGEand ENERGYare effected through TIME). That is, bas

explanation of the fact that entities are typically signalled by nouns, energ

the class of verbs, placesby locative adverbs. Nouns, Langacker summ

regions, while adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, verbs are relational becau

interconnections. Other studies (e.g. Hopper and Thompson, 1984; Hoey,

Lakoff, 1987; as well as Langacker himself, 1999) have proved the conce

grammatical categories; nevertheless, in the process of analyses there eme

departing from the model and opening the conceptual definition of word c

Common empirical observations seemingly refuting Langackers b

that both nouns and verbs can be used to describe events, at that to describ

world phenomenon but induce two different angles on it The argument fo


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world phenomenon but induce two different angles on it. The argument fo

conceptually based, they demonstrate, is possible to reconcile with overla

conceptually based, word classes can be seen as reflecting the multiplicity

construals of the same MS region from different perspectives. A major fu

especially, is to evoke a certain viewpoint through clause structure (Lan

THE SOURCE-PATH-GOAL SCHEMA IN POLITICAL SPEECHES N. TINCHEVA

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