THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON

LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM

Jack Lawson Oates

B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1949 LL.B., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

i n t h e Department

o f

H i s t o r y

@ Jack Lawson Oates 1980

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

February 1980

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APPROVAL

Name : Jack Lawson Oates

Degree: Master o f A r t s

T i t l e o f Thesis: The In f l uence o f t he French Revo lu t ion on Legal and J u d i c i a l Reform

Examining Committee:

Chairperson: R. Koepke

C.R. Day Sen i o r Supervi sor

- - - r r , - -

J. Hutchinson

- . - C . Hamil ton 1 '

/,

4 c i r i a Ex te rna l Examiner Professor Department o f P o l i t i c a l science+ Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y

Date Approved: A - b , , T $3 2

P A R T I A L COPYRICHT LICEhSE

I h e r e b y g r a n t t o Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o lend

my t h e s i s o r d i s s e r t a t i o n ( t h e t i t l e o f which i s shown be low) t o u s e r s

of t h e Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r s i n g l e

c o p i e s o n l y f o r s u c h u s e r s o r i n r e s p o n s e t o a r e q u e s t from t h e l i b r a r y

o f a n y o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , on its own

b e h a l f o r f o r one of i t s u s e r s . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r

m u l t i p l e copy ing of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rposes may be g r a n t e d

b y me o r t h e Dean of Graduate S t u d i e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t copy ing

o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d

w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .

T i t l e o f T h e s i s / ~ i s s e r t a t i o n :

The In f luence o f the French Revolut ion on Legal and J u d i c i a l

Reform

Author : V

( s i g n a t u r e )

Jack Lawson Oates

(name )

February 6, 1980

( d a t e )

ABSTRACT

THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM

The main impact o f the evolution on France and Europe may we1 1

have been p o l i t i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and lega l r a t h e r than s o c i a l and

economic. There have been a m u l t i t u d e o f p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s o f the

French Revolut ion, bu t few on the important quest ion o f l ega l reform.

The purpose o f t h i s work i s t o p rov ide a synthes is of t he pr imary

and secondary sources, i n French and i n Engl i sh , on a sub jec t which

has received 1 i t t l e a t t e n t i o n .

The thes i s i s designed t o analyze the process through which the

i dea ls o f t he Revolut ionary pe r iod were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o important l ega l

and j u d i c i a l reforms. However as these reforms came about as a r e s u l t

o f cont inuous demands f o r change, t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e cannot be accura te ly

evaluated w i thou t reference t o the s i t u a t i o n which preva i l e d p r i o r t o

the Revolut ion. Accordingly, the f i r s t p a r t o f t h i s thes i s describes

those aspects o f the j u d i c i a l system o f the o l d regime which provoked the

most vehement c r i t i c i s m . Th is invo lves an examinat ion o f the defects i n

the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e , t he confusion r e s u l t i n g

o f l e g i s l a t i v e un i fo rm i t y , and the b r u t a l i t y and inequa

c r i m i n a l law and procedure.

f rom the absence

1 i t y o f t he

The de f i c ienc ies o f the e x i s t i n g l ega l and j u d i c i a l system gave

r i s e t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y dur ing t h e

l a s t decades o f the e igh teenth century. Therefore, t he thes i s concerns

i t s e l f w i t h t h e p a r t p layed by those i n d i v i d u a l s whose e f f o r t s l a r g e l y

i n s p i r e d the reforms cu lminat ing i n the Revolut ionary assemblies. The

ideas p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o in f luenced t h e royal government,

and a d iscuss ion fo l l ows concerning the l i m i t e d achievements r e a l i z e d by

the cou r t i n t h e area o f l ega l and j u d i c i a l reform.

The thes i s then examines the i nco rpo ra t i on o f the Revolut ionary

i dea ls i n t o o rgan ic laws, and the several attempts made t o u n i f y the

c i v i l laws by means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n

Th is i n t u r n leads t o an ana lys i s o

upon i t o f t he Revolut ionary t r a d i t

her i tage.

The ex ten t o f t he reforms invo

dur ing the years 1789 t o 1799.

the Code ~ a ~ o l ;on and t h e i n f l uence

on which formed p a r t o f i t s immediate

v i n g c r i m i n a l law and procedure a re

then exp lored w i t h speci a1 reference t o the var ious safeguards int roduced

on beha l f o f those accused o f crimes. Although t h e attempts t o c o d i f y

c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n dur ing the Revolut ionary pe r iod were inconc lus ive , the

var ious assemblies d i d success fu l l y complete the c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal

law and procedure. However as these codes were superseded by those

compi l e d under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empi re, the l a t t e r are examined

t o determine whether the essen t ia l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d iscarded o r

preserved.

The last part of this thesis concerns the reorganization of t

judicial system which radically altered the method of recruitment of

the magistracy. This reorganization was based upon the principles of

the separation of powers and exemplified the determination of the

Revolutionaries to free the executive from judicial control.

Although Napoleon imposed upon the Codes a characteristically

authoritarian stamp, many of the basic reforms of the Revolutionary

period survived: the uniformity of the law, equality before the law,

the legality of crimes and punishments, trial by jury, and humanized

penalties.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

APPROVAL PAGE ............................................... ABSTRACT ....................................................

........................................... TABLE OF CONTENTS

................................................ INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME ........................ The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of J u s t i c e .......................... The Lack o f L e g i s l a t i v e U n i t y .......................... The S t a t e o f C r im ina l Law and Procedure ................

CHAPTER I I

THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION ........... The I n f l u e n c e o f t he Phi losophes ....................... Crown and Parlements ...................................

CHAPTER I l l

...................... THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION

Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s ................................... .......................... C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t he C i v i l Law

The Work o f t h e Revo lu t i ona ry Assembl ies ............ Le Code Napoleon ....................................

Page

CHAPTER IV

THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION .................... 60

................ The Work o f the Revolutionary Assemblies 60

Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e .................................... Code penal o f 1810 72

CHAPTER V

THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION ................. 85

................................................... CONCLUS l ON 98

L I S T O F REFERENCES ........................................ 104

BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................. 125

INTRODUCTION

I n t h i s paper

e Revo lu t i ona r

11 analyze the process through which the i dea ls

i o d were t rans la ted i n t o important l e g a l and

j u d i c i a l reforms. As these reforms came about as a r e s u l t o f continuous

demands f o r change, i t i s necessary t o examine the s i t u a t i o n which

p r e v a i l e d p r i o r t o the Revolut ion i n order t o access accura te ly t h e i r

s i g n i f i c a n c e . Thus I begin w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f those aspects o f the

system e x i s t i n g under the o l d regime which provoked the most vehement

c r i t i c i s m . Th is invo lves a d iscussion concerning the defects i n the

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e , t h e lack o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y , and the c r u e l t y

and i n e q u a l i t y o f the c r im ina l law and procedure.

The d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t he e x i s t i n g l ega l and j u d i c i a l system gave r i s e

t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y dur ing the l a s t decades

o f the e igh teenth century. Accordingly, a d iscussion f o l lows concerning

the in f luence o f the philosophes whose e f f o r t s i n s p i r e d many o f t he

reforms which culminated i n the Revolut ionary assemblies. The ideas

p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o in f luenced the roya l government, and

reference i s made t o the 1 i m i t ed achievements rea l i zed by the monarchy

i n t h i s area.

I then descr ibe the i nco rpo ra t i on o f the Revolut ionary i dea ls i n t o

organ ic laws, and the several attempts made t o u n i f y the c i v i 1 laws by

means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n dur ing the years 1789 t o 1799. Th is i n t u r n leads

P

t o an ana lys i s o f the Code ~ a p o l g o n and the i n f 1 uence upon i t o f t he

Revolut ionary t r a d i t i o n which formed p a r t o f i t s inmediate he r i t age .

The reforms i n v o l v i n g c r im ina l law and procedure a re then explored

w i t h spec ia l reference t o the var ious safeguards int roduced on beha l f

o f those accused o f crimes. Although the attempts t o c o d i f y c i v i l

l e g i s l a t i o n dur ing the Revolut ionary p e r i o d were inconclus ive, the

var ious assemblies successfu l ly completed the c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal law

and procedure. However as these codes were superseded by those compiled

under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empire, t he l a t t e r a r e examined t o determine

whether t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d iscarded o r preserved.

The l a s t p a r t o f the paper deals w i t h the reorgan iza t ion o f the

j u d i c i a l system which r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d the method o f recru i tment o f the

magist racy. Th is reorgan iza t ion was based upon the p r i n c i p l e o f t h e

separa t ion o f powers and exempl i f ied the determinat ion o f t he Revolut ionar ies

t o f ree the execut ive from j u d i c i a l c o n t r o l .

Although t h e Napoleonic Codes were marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n

ideas, they incorporated many o f the bas ic reforms o f the Revolut ionary

per iod , thus ensur ing t h e i r s u r v i v a l : e q u a l i t y be fore the law, the

l e g a l i t y o f crimes and punishments, t r i a l by j u r y , and humanized

penal t i e s .

CHAPTER I

THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME

The Admin is t ra t i on o f J u s t i c e

According t o a b s o l u t i s t theory, t he k i n g was the source o f a l l

j u s t i c e i n France. Although he had delegated i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o

o f f i c i a l s i n the many royal cour ts throughout the country, he had never

a l i e n a t e d h i s r i g h t s i n mat ters o f j u s t i c e . However, because o f t he

procedure o f buying and s e l l i n g p u b l i c o f f i c e s under the o l d regime,

v e n a l i t y and inhe r i t ance o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s had become i n p r a c t i c e the

two p r i n c i p a l f a c t o r s which determined the recru i tment o f the magistracy

o f t he sovereign courts . ' Vena l i t y was the main defec t i n the admin i s t ra t i on

o f j u s t i c e and gave r i s e t o most o f t he abuses: t h e numerous cou r t s o f

c o n f l i c t i n g competence; the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f appeal procedures w i t h the

a t tendant excessive costs; and the bestowing o f g i f t s (&ices) upon judges

by l i t i g a n t s t o expedi te the a r b i t r a r y and d i l a t o r y processes o f the law.

The e s s e n t i a l v ices o f t he system are conc ise ly enumerated by M. Marion:

"Trop de t r ibunaux, e t dans ces t r ibunaux t r o p d ' o f f i c i e r s , parce que l a

vente des o f f i c e s & t a i t une grande ressource . . . une j u s t i c e t r & s chhre,

trGs len te , t r g s p a r t i a l e , t r& access ib le l a s o l i c i t a t i o n , > l a

recommandation, \a l ' i n t r i g u e . " 2

The var ious cour ts were f requent ly i n c o n f l i c t over d isputed

j u r i s d i c t i o n s , and even the procureur-q&<ral, J o l y de F leury , complained

i n 1763 t h a t p l a i n t i f f s o f t e n had t o p lead t h e i r s u i t s f o r two o r th ree

years i n d i f f e r e n t cour ts i n o rde r t o a s c e r t a i n before which judge they

should have t h e m i s for tune t o appear. 3

The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n the s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts , as d i s t i n c t

from the sovereign courts , encompassed many of the def i c ienc ies a1 ready

described. I n a d d i t i o n , j u s t i c e was o f t e n dispensed by persons w i thou t

b e n e f i t o f l ega l t r a i n i n g . These feudal cou r t s were r e l i c s from medieval

times and exerc ised a l i m i t e d , and dec l i n ing , c r i m i n a l and c i v i l

4 j u r i s d i c t i o n . I n the l a s t decades o f t he o l d regime, t h e i r p r i n c i p a l

f u n c t i o n was t o decide d isputes concerning the c o l l e c t i o n and payment o f

s e i g n i o r i a l dues. As the judges (bai 1 1 i s ) were appointed by the seigneurs,

the j u s t i c e dispensed was f a r from i m p a r t i a l . The proceedings o f these

manorial cou r t s represented one o f t h e worst e v i l s of t he o l d j u d i c i a l

system. As R. V i 1 l e r s observes: "I 1 n ' e s t pas exag&r6 de d i r e que de

t e l s t r ibunaux i t a i e n t une des p l a i e s de l a j u s t i c e d ' a l o r s e t peut-&re

une des p l a i e s du rkgime. 1 5

Thus, i n t h e sphere o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e alone, the

proceedings o f t h e sovereign and s e i g n i o r i a l cou r t s i l l u s t r a t e d many

o f t h e weaknesses o f the p re - revo lu t i ona ry French lega l system. Th is

system, sus ta ined by s e l f - i n t e r e s t and p r i v i l e g e , was seemingly

impervious t o change. As summed up i n the words o f A r thu r Young, " the

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e was p a r t i a l , venal, infamous ... upon the

quest ion of expect ing j u s t i c e t o be r e a l l y and f a i r l y administered,

everyone confessed there was no such t h i n g t o be looked for." 6

On the eve o f t he Revolut ion, many o f t h e cahiers demanded t h a t

the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l l i m i t s o f the t r i b u n a l s be l i m i t e d i n a c l e a r and

i n v a r i a b l e manner i n order t o avo id c o n f l i c t s o f competence between

t h e judges.7 Several c a l l e d f o r the abol i t i o n o f s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts

and f o r t h e establ ishment o f a s i n g l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t r i b u n a l throughout

the realm. S t i 1 1 o thers demanded suppress i o n o f venal i t y and proposed

t h a t judges be nominated by t h e k i n g - from l i s t s presented by l o c a l

assemblies - and hencefor th be p a i d by the State. 9

The cond i t i on o f the admin i s t ra t i on o f j u s t i c e i n the o l d regime

was such t h a t reforms e f f e c t e d by the Revolut ionary assemblies would

o n l y prove t o be far-reaching.

The Lack o f L e g i s l a t i v e Un i t y

Under the o l d regime the complexi ty and d i v e r s i t y o f French law

was such t h a t no one was ab le t o know i t w i t h c e r t a i n t y . As a consequence,

many sought p r o t e c t i o n against t he a r b i t r a r y admin i s t ra t i on o f

j u s t i c e as p r a c t i c e d by the cou r t s by advancing the concept o f c o d i f i c a t i o n

o f t he laws o f t he realm. They be l i eved t h a t once t h i s was achieved

everyone would be aware o f h i s l e g a l r i g h t s and t h a t no d i s c r e t i o n would

*

be l e f t t o the judges i n app ly ing the law.

The d i v e r s i t y of laws under the did regime was based p a r t l y on

reg iona l t r a d i t i o n s . I n the south o f France, the governing system o f

law was known as " l e d r o i t e 'c r i t " which was founded upon the Roman

law o f J u s t i n i a n as modi f ied by custom and s t a t u t e . I t was charac ter ized

by i t s u n i f o r m i t y , i t s r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , i t s comprehensiveness, and i t s

emphasis on paternal author i ty .10 I n the c e n t r a l and nor thern regions

o f France, w i t h the except ion o f Alsace, " l e d r o i t coutumier" p reva i led .

Th is customary law o f the North, l a r g e l y Germanic i n o r i g i n , comprised

d i f f e r e n t bodies o f law - procedure, p roper ty , and succession - and

d isplayed great d i v e r s i t y . ' ' However, t he d i s t i n c t i o n between "pays

de d r o i t k c r i t" and "pays de coutumes" had been modi f ied t o a considerable

degree by the compi la t ion o f customary law undertaken i n the f i f t e e n t h

and s i x t e e n t h centur ies .

These two bas ic systems o f law were complemented by the a d d i t i o n

of two o thers o f a general character . Feudal law, i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h e

n o r t h of France, in t roduced an element o f complexity i n t o the laws w i t h

regard t o the ownership and use o f land; canon law exercised a dominant

in f luence over personal s i t u a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the matter o f

marriage.

I n the seventeenth century, when roya l l e g i s l a t i v e power under

Louis X I V had a t t a i n e d s u f f i c i e n t recogn i t i on t o have b ind ing force

throughout the kingdom, roya l ordinances began t o u n i f y c e r t a i n broad

areas o f t he law. As a r e s u l t o f Co lber t ls i n i t i a t i v e , several "Grandes

Ordonnances" were d ra f ted by a commission o f c o d i f i c a t i o n appointed by

the king.12 O f these enactments, t he most s i g n i f i c a n t one i n terms o f

t h i s study was the "Ordonnance Cr imine l le " o f 1670. I t s p rov i s ions

were t o govern c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France u n t i l t he

Revo 1 u t i ona r y decade.

C o l b e r t ' s work o f c o d i f i c a t i o n was cont inued i n the e igh teenth

century under Louis XV by the e f f o r t s o f DtAguesseau. Th is capable

Chancel lor i n i t i a l l y contemplated u n i f y i n g t h e e n t i r e c i v i l law o f the

realm.13 Although h i s ambi t ion was n o t t o be achieved, th ree ordinances

were promulgated as a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f h i s labours: Ordonnance sur l e s

donat ions (1 731) ; Ordonnance su r l e s testaments ( 1 735) ; Ordonnance sur

l es s u b s t i t u t i o n s f idgicommissai res (1747).

C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t he law on a broader sca le was no t achieved under

the monarchy p r i m a r i l y because o f s o c i a l and lega l i n e q u a l i t y and the

t r a d i t i o n o f l o c a l independence i n the provinces. Thus many members o f

the robe n o b i l i t y , and t o a l esse r ex ten t o f the sword, f e l t t h a t

c o d i f i c a t i o n encroached upon t h e i r j u d i c i a l prerogat ives. l4 The

achievement o f n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y would have meant t h a t t he

e x i s t i n g d i f f e rences i n laws and customs o f the d iverse regions o f France

had t o be subordinated t o a dominant c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y which i n t u r n was

animated by the d e s i r e f o r l e g i s l a t i v e un i fo rm i t y . Th is o b j e c t i v e could

on ly be obta ined i f the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y was a l so prepared t o remove the

e x i s t i n g l ega l d i s t i n c t i o n s between persons. Such was n o t the s t a t e

o f a f f a i r s i n France u n t i l t he p e r i o d o f the Revolut ion.

Many o f the cah iers expressed t h e des i re o f t he people f o r l e g i s l a t i v e

u n i f i c a t i o n - "une l o i unique pour t o u t l a royaume" - and f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n

o f the c i v i l and c r i m i n a l l a d 5 I n c a l l i n g f o r l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y , t he

cah ier submit ted by the T h i r d Es ta te of Pa r i s s u c c i n c t l y described the

unsa t i s fac to ry s i t u a t i o n which p r e v a i l e d under the o l d regime:

"Un assemblage informe de l o i s romaines e t de coutumes barbares, de rkg 1 emens e t d'ordonnances sans rappor t avec nos moeurs, comme sans un i t 6 de p r i n c i p e s , consu dans des temps d' ignorance e t de t roub le , pour des c i rconstances e t un o r d r e de choses q u i n ' e x i s t e n t p lus , ne peut former une l d g i s l a t i o n d igne d'une grande nat ion , e c l a i r d e de tou tes l e s lumihres que l e gdnie, l a ra ison e t 1 'exp&rience o n t r6pandues sur tous l es ob je ts . ,116

The Sta te o f Cr imina l Law and Procedure

During t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t he e igh teenth century the most i n s i s t e n t

demands were d i rec ted , j u s t i f i a b l y , towards the reform o f c r i m i n a l law

and procedure. The code t h a t governed c r im ina l procedure u n t i 1 t h e

Revolut ion was t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670, which was regarded by

the j u d i c i a r y as "un des p l u s beaux monuments de l a l g g i s l a t i o n " . 17

Although i t was model led c l o s e l y upon an ordinance o f 1539, the noteworthy

f a c t i s t h a t t h e c r i m i n a l law o f France had undergone no r a d i c a l change

s ince the t h i r t e e n t h century. 18

*

The procedures s e t o u t i n the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 showed

l i t t l e regard f o r the i n t e r e s t s o f the accused: a person suspected o f

a crime cou ld be a r b i t r a r i l y imprisoned (imprisonment being, i n theory,'

19 a mere means of secur ing the execut ion o f t he sentence) ; witnesses

were i n t e r r o g a t e d s e c r e t l y and separate ly ; t he accused was quest ioned

p r i v a t e l y by t h e judge and s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d from c o m u n i c a t i n g w i t h

anyone, i n c l u d i n g defence counsel . Unt i 1 the accused was confronted by

the witnesses aga ins t him, he o f t e n was ignorant o f t h e offense f o r

which he was charged. As A. Desjard ins remarks: " I 1 semblai t que

ceux qu i l ' a v a i e n t rkd igke eussent eu 1 ' i n t e n t i o n de rendre tou jou rs la

condamnation i n c h i t a b l e , t a n t i l s avaient rendu l a j u s t i f i c a t i o n

d i f f i c i 1 e . 1 ' ~ ~

Under the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e the accused was not o n l y subjected

t o an a rcha ic and i n q u i s i t o r i a l t r i a l procedure bu t a l s o t o an equa l l y

a rcha ic and i r r a t i o n a l system o f ob ta in ing proof . As confession was

t rea ted as conc lus ive p roo f o f g u i l t , t o r t u r e was pe rm i t ted du r ing the

"preparatory quest ion" t o o b t a i n a confession from the accused before

sentencing. I t s use was a l s o permi t ted dur ing t h e t 1 p r e l i m i n a r y question"

which was a p p l i e d a f t e r sentencing t o secure in format ion about t h e accused's

accomplices. Obviously, such proceedings disregarded the very r e a l

p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t confessions would be obta ined from the innocent who were

weak b u t n o t from the g u i l t y who were strong.

However,the most loathsome aspect o f t he c r im ina l law o f t h i s

pe r iod was t h e f e r o c i t y and c r u e l t y o f t he punishments imposed upon

those conv ic ted o f crimes. Cap i ta l punishments inc luded burning a t the

stake, breaking on the wheel, quar ter ing , hanging, and beheading.

h he headman's b lock took the p lace o f t he ga l lows i n the case o f persons

o f nob le b i r t h . ) For minor crimes the usual punishments were f l ogg ing

and corporal mut i l a t ion.

Such punishments, h e l d i n p u b l i c , were doubtless considered an

important means o f prevent ing crime and main ta in ing law and order .

However, as R. Anchel observes, the de te r ren t p r i n c i p l e d i d n o t work i n

p rac t i ce : "Mais n i 1 ' a u t o r i te' omnipotente des juges, n i l a sdvk r i te' des

l o i s e t des chst iments, n i 1 ' o rgan isa t i on po l i c i k r e ne p a r v i n r e n t jamais

I sous 1 'ancien rggime a une repression e f f icace des dk l i t s c r imine ls" .

2 1

Where, under the p rov i s ions o f the Ordonnance Cr imine l le , no

pena l t i es were s p e c i f i e d f o r c e r t a i n crimes, the judge was e n t i t l e d t o

make h i s s e l e c t i o n among punishments app l i ed t o o t h e r crimes. Even when

the pena l t y had been spec i f i ed , he had the a u t h o r i t y t o increase o r

d imin ish i t according t o the circumstances. Th is d i s c r e t i o n pe rm i t ted t o

the judges d i d n o t r e s u l t i n an a l l e v i a t i o n o f the s e v e r i t y o f punishment:

" N i l a miskre, n i l a passion, l ' imbe'ci

l eu rs yeux comme excuse. Bien p lus , i

r igueur un cr ime ou un p r o j e t c r im ine l

v u l g a i r e rece l pouvaient v a l o i r l a rnor

e

ll i t 6 ou l a f o l i e ne v a l a i e n t A

1s c h s t i a i e n t souvent avec l a meme

. Le p lus mince l a r c i n , un

The Ordonnance Cr im ine l l e o f 1670 had, by i t s many omissions

w i t h regard t o d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and punishments, abandoned much

t o the prudence o f the judge f o r the reason t h a t a separate penal code

con ta in ing such d e f i n i t i o n s was unknown i n t h e o l d regime. The

h i s t o r i c a l tendency i n France had been t o merge substant ive c r im ina l

law w i t h procedure, and t o regard the former s o l e l y from the l a t t e r

standpoint.23 Thus, u n t i l t he pe r iod o f t he Revolut ion, judges and the

o f f i c i a l prosecutor a lone had the power t o dec lare what c o n s t i t u t e d a

crime, where t h e Ordonnance was s i l e n t , and t o p r e s c r i b e what penal

consequences should f o l l o w an ac t declared t o be a Such a

s i t u a t i o n n a t u r a l l y gave r i s e t o the abuse o f power on the one hand, and

a degradation o f t he c r im ina l law on t h e o ther . As A . Watt lnne observes:

"La t r o p grande imprkc is ion des pouvoi r s accord& aux juges k t a i t un

grave dkfaut". 25

On the eve o f the Revolut ion, t h e cah iers represented an accurate

cata logue o f t he demands f o r reform o f t he c r i m i n a l law: a l l proceedings

26 should be h e l d i n p u b l i c ; the accused should be al lowed the assistance

28. o f counsel2'; t he powers o f the examining judge should be r e s t r i c t e d ,

the i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f the accused should take p lace w i t h i n twenty- four

hours29; a system o f Jurors should be i n s t

o f the fact3'; l e t t r e s - de cachet should be

Ttuted f o r t he determinat ion

3 1 abol ished.

Other cahiers c a l l e d f o r the compi la t ion o f a c r im ina l code

determining and c l a s s i f y i n g crimes and punishments: " ~ k t k r m i n e r

exactement l e s crimes, d k l i t s e t peines, de manikre que t o u t l e monde

pu isse connart re ses devoirs e t l e danger de l e s enfreindre". 32

Punishment should be more humane, po rpo r t i ona te t o the crime, and

a p p l i c a b l e t o a l l : It...que l a d i f f6 rence dans l e s peines ne s o i t

de'termine'e que par l a na ture des d d l i t s e t non pa r l a q u a l i t 4 des

personnes". 3 3

A r b i t r a r i n e s s , confusion, and, above a l l , c r u e l t y were the

a t t r i b u t e s o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France under the o l d regime.

Reactions aga ins t t h i s lamentable s t a t e o f a f f a i r s became more pronounced

as t h e e igh teenth century progressed. However, few p r a c t i c a l reforms

were r e a l i z e d u n t i l the decade o f the Revolut ion.

\ CHAPTER I I

THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION

The In f luence o f t he Philosophes

P u b l i c op in ion i n France was no t openly c r i t i c a l o f t he c r i m i n a l

1 egal system throughout t h e seventeenth century; i t s c r u e l t y , i t s

i n e q u a l i t y , i t s a r b i t r a r i n e s s , were a l l deemed by the best minds o f the

t ime t o be a necessary harshness. 34 However, dur ing the e igh teenth

century the aber ra t ions and shortcomings o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure

were i nc reas ing ly subjected t o c r i t i c a l ana lys i s and demands f o r reform.

I n the f o r e f r o n t o f the movement t o make the c r im ina l law more r a t i o n a l /

and humane, th ree names i n p a r t i c u l a r stand f o r t h : Montesquieu, Beccaria,

and V o l t a i r e . Although i t would be i n c o r r e c t t o asc r ibe t o them t h e

c i f i c c r i m i n a l reforms subsequently achieved dur ing the

iod, i t can be asserted t h a t the cumulat ive e f f e c t o f

focusing a t t e n t i o n on the d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t he e x i s t i n g

c l irnate o f o p i n i o n sympathet ic t o 1 egal re.form.

authorsh ip o f spe

Revolut ionary per

t h e i r e f f o r t s , by

system, c reated a

The f

t o have dea

Montesqu ieu

i r s t French w r i t e r i n t h e e igh teen th century who can be sa id

I t comprehensively w i t h the c r i m i n a l law i n a ph i losoph ica l way was

.35 I n h i s L e t t r e s persanes, which appeared i n 1721, he denied

the v a l i d i t y o f the de te r ren t theory which holds t h a t severe punishment

wi 1 1 decrease the incidence o f crime: "Dans un E t a t l e s peines p lus

ou moins c r u e l l e s ne f o n t pas que l ' o n obk isse p lus aux l o i s . Dans les'

pays o i l e s chatiments sont mod&r&, on l e s c r a i n t comme dans ceux o;

i 1 s sont tyranniques e t af f reux" . 36

Montesquieu's views on c r im ina l law were developed more f u l l y i n

De 1 ' E s p r i t des L o i s which was pub l ished i n 1748. I n t h i s work he -

r e f l e c t e d upon the meaning and purpose o f penal laws. Among h i s proposals

f o r reform, he advocated the necess i ty o f a r i g h t p ropor t i on between

crimes and punishments: "C'est un grand ma1 , parmi vous de f a i r e subi r

l a meme peine c e l u i qu i v o l e su r un grand chemin, e t c e l u i q u i v o l e

e t assassine. I 1 es t v i s i b l e que, pour l a sare td publ ique, il f a u d r a i t

me t t re quelque d i f f d r e n c e dans l a peine". 3 7

Montesquieu a l so c a l l e d f o r a r a t i o n a l jur isprudence and inveighed

aga ins t the barbarous use o f t o r t u r e : "Tant d'habi l es gens e t t a n t de

beaux g&ies o n t e / c r i t cont re c e t t e p ra t i que , que j e n'ose p a r l e r aprks

eux. J ' a l l a i s d i r e q u ' e l l e p o u r r a i t convenir dans les gouvernements

despotiques, oh t a n t ce q u i i n s p i r e l a c r a i n t e e n t r e p lus dans les

ressor ts du gouvernement; j ' a l l a i s d i re. que l e s esclaves, chez les Grecs

e t chez l e s Romains ... mais j 'en tends l a v o i x de l a na ture que c r i cont re

mo i". 3 8

The secre t procedure of t he cour ts was c r i t i c i z e d by Montesquieu

f o r the reason t h a t repress ive c r i m i n a l proceedings no t on l y c o n s t i t u t e d

a depr i va t i on o f r i g h t s f o r the accused, bu t a l s o made suspect the

safeguard o f 1 i b e r t i e s f o r a l l . 39 Two cond i t i ons are essen t ia l ,

Montesquieu argued, i n c r im ina l proceedings: the c e r t a i n t y o f form and

the p o s s i b i l i t y o f 1 i b e r t y o f defence. I n a d d i t i o n he c a l l e d f o r t h e

necessi ty o f c l e a r l y framed laws t h a t leave noth ing t o the judge's

d i ~ c r e t i o n . ~ ' The Eng l i sh system o f t r i a l by j u r y received Montesquieu's

pra ise, and he c a l l e d f o r i t s i nco rpo ra t i on i n t o French law. 4 1

Montequieu's ideas concerning c r i m i n a l law and procedure were

mot ivated by a sense o f humanity and reason. Although he d i d n o t deal

w i t h the sub jec t exhaust ive ly , h i s e f f o r t s caused the shortcomings

associated w i t h c r i m i n a l law t o be brought o u t i n t o the open, thus paving

the way f o r subsequent reforms. 4 2

/

The famous book authored by Cesare Beccaria, the T r e a t i s e - on Crimes

and Punishments, was pub l ished i n M i lan i n the I t a l i a n language, bu t a -

t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o French appeared i n 1766. With the p u b l i c a t i o n o f

t h i s t r e a t i s e t h e i n t e r e s t i n penal reform became widespread i n

France and went beyond concern over i n d i v i d u a l miscarr iages o f j u s t i c e . 4 3

/

A Milanese j u r i s t , Beccar ia was the f i r s t t o formulate p r e c i s e l y

the c r i t i c i s m s o f t he e x i s t i n g system o f c r im ina l law and t o propose

abuse o f impr i

He c a l l e d f o r

importance o f

#

Beccaria argue

sonment pending t r i a l , secret accusation, and t o r t u r e . 4 5

p u b l i c i t y o f proceedings and judgments and st ressed the

the na tu re o f p roo f requ i red t o e s t a b l i s h the o f fense. 46 .

d t h a t punishment should be conf ined t o offenses which

were dangerous t o publ i c order,47 and t h a t o n l y as much punishment

4 8 should be i n f l i c t e d as was abso lu te l y necessary f o r deterrence. Using

these p r i n c i p l e s , he proceeded t o a s s a i l t he grave abuses i n c r i m i n a l

law and procedure: t h e wanton i n f l i c t i o n o f t he death penal ty , the

c rue l punishments, and t h e severe pena l t i es f o r minor of fenses. 4 9

Although ~ e c c a r f a ' s t r e a t i s e provoked considerable d iscuss ion

i n France, there was l i t t l e attempt by j u r i s t s t o app ly h i s theo r ies

sys temat i ca l l y t o t h e cond i t i ons o f t he time. I n f a c t , res i s tance

by the j u d i c i a r y t o t h e ideas contained i n the t r e a t i s e was l i v e l y and

opin ionated. As J. Dec la reu i l observes: "Les c r i m i n a l i s t e s de l a v i e i l l e

/ ecole, Jousse, Muyart de Vouglons, S e r p i l l o n , se rgvo l tGrent cont res l e s

nouveaut& dangereuses de l ' k r i v a i n mi lana is . I 151

I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e a t t i t u d e s o f i n d i f f e r e n c e and h o s t i l i t y d isp layed /

by the j u r i s t s , V o l t a i r e r e a d i l y acknowledged h i s indebtedness t o Beccar ia 's

t r e a t i s e , and i n the l a t e r years o f h i s l i f e he became the recognized

leader o f the movement f o r l ega l reform.52 His enormous p r e s t i g e and

reputa t ion , h i s p r o l i f i c l i t e r a r y output , and h i s personal involvement

i n many .causes cGlEbres, enabled him t o publ i c i ze e f f e c t i v e l y t h e

b r u t a l i t y and i n j u s t i c e which charac ter ized the c r i m i n a l law and

procedure o f t he o l d regime. He in te res ted h imse l f i n i n d i v i d u a l cases

o f no to r ious i n j u s t i c e ( ~ a l a s , Sirven, La Barre), and he a l s o publ ished

many works showing the necess i ty f o r reforms. The Calas case, i n

p a r t i c u l a r , awakened V o l t a i r e ' s passion f o r l ega l reform, and focused

on French c r i m i n a l law h i s avers ion t o i n j ~ s t i c e . ~ ) The wide p u b l i c i t y

g iven t o t h i s case by V o l t a i r e dramatized f o r t h e French the d e f i c i e n c i e s

o f t h e i r l ega l system. As E. Nixon observes: "The Calas a f f a i r , which

echoed and re-echoed throughout Europe, cover ing France w i t h shame

and g l o r y , revealed f a t a l weaknesses i n c e r t a i n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of

a country t h a t was t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l hub o f t he world. 1154

Whi le us ing

~ o l t ~ i r e a l s o pub

e x i s t i n g c r i m i n a l

f o r example, V o l t

h i s i n f l uence t o r e h a b i l i t a t e v i c t i m s o f i n j u s t i c e ,

l i s h e d several works a t t a c k i n g the f a u l t s o f t he

sys tem. 55 I n " P r i x de l a j u s t i c e e t de 11humanit6", --- -- a i r e c a l l e d f o r t he most spar ing use o f the death

pena l ty and argued t h a t the s e v e r i t y o f punishment - f a r from reducing

crime - increased i t .56 Harshness and c r u e l t y were n o t merely inhuman,

he contended, bu t a l s o i r r a t i o n a l and uneconomic; fo rced labour should

be p r e f e r r e d as a punishment t o c a p i t a l execut ion because the c r i m i n a l

should be made as use fu l as poss ib le t o soc ie ty . 57 V o l t a i r e condemned

the use o f punishments f o r heresy, sorcery and sacr i lege, and he decr ied

the i n f l uence o f canon law regarding the crimes o f bigamy, adu l te ry ,

and inces t . 58

V o l t a i r e reserved h i s most scath ing c r i t i c i s m s f o r the systems .

o f procedure i n the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 which prescr ibed

i r r a t i o n a l methods o f i n q u i r y and r u l e s o f evidence. He a t tacked the

secrecy o f procedure, the den ia l o f counsel t o t h e accused, the de ten t ion

o f t he accused pending t r i a l , and the use o f t o r tu re .59 The o b j e c t of

a l ega l proceeding, V o l t a i r e argued, should be t h e d iscovery o f t r u t h . 60

However, t he secre t character o f French procedure - which permi t ted

judges t o g i v e t h e i r v e r d i c t s i n secret and keep secre t the reasons

f o r t h e i r dec is ions - made the d iscovery o f t r u t h d i f f i c u l t , i f n o t

impossible.

As mentioned prev ious ly , i n the area most c r i t i c i z e d by the

phi losophes - t h a t o f ' c r i m i n a l law and procedure - the cou r t s and most

o f the j u r i s t s were f r a n k l y reac t ionary . V o l t a i r e regarded the

parlement o f P a r i s as a conservat ive, f a n a t i c a l body t h a t was plagued

by a l l t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f corporate s e l f - i n t e r e s t . As A . Watt inne

observes: " V o l t a i r e , comme l a p l u p a r t de ses contemporains, n 'a ima i t

p o i n t l e s gens de robe. 1 1 j u g e a i t l a GENS TOGATA avec une c la i rvoyance

redoutable; mag is t ra ts e t avocats recevaient dgalment ses sarcasmes.

I1 i g n o r a i t l a science j u r i d i q u e , qu' i 1 semble avoi r d'edaign6e.I' 6 1

The phi losophes bel ieved t h a t

t o be achieved i t was necessary t o c

a t t i t u d e had a c e r t a i n basis i n f a c t

i f s i g n i f i c a n t l e g a l reforms were

ircumvent t h e magis t ra ture . Th is

. The new n a t u r a l law phi losophy

had not penetrated i n t o the law schools, whose c u r r i c u l a remained

l a r g e l y unchanged and cont inued to.emphasize Roman law. 62 Such

works as were produced by the j u r i s t s re ta ined t h e bas ic presupposi t ions

and contex t o f es tab l ished law, and from t h e p o i n t o f view o f t h e

reformers f a i l e d t o go t o the hear t o f t he problem.63 During the

e igh teenth century, the j u r i s t s , who necessar i l y worked w i t h i n t h e

framework o f t r a d i t i o n , f o r f e i t e d leadersh ip i n t h i s area t o the philosophes

who had l i t t l e use f o r t r a d i t i o n and who made t h e major c o n t r i b u t i o n t o

l ega l and j u d i c i a l reforms. 6 4

I n c o n t r a s t t o the m a j o r i t y o f t h e i r col leagues, however, a

few j u r i s t s o f repu ta t i on had adopted the n a t u r a l law phi losophy o f

i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and were a c t i v e l y working f o r reform - e s p e c i a l l y i n

c r i m i n a l law and procedure. For example, t h e Attorney-General Servan

/

reproduced t h e ideas o f Beccaria i n h i s ce lebra ted address on the

"Admin is t ra t i on de l a j u s t i c e c r im ine l l e " , which caused much

consternat ion.65 I n t h i s address Servan severe ly c r i t i c i z e d procedure,

w i t h p a r t i c u l a r re ference t o detent ion pending t r i a l , i ns id ious

i n te r roga t ions , t o r t u r e , and the d o c t r i n e o f l ega l proofs. He threw

doubt upon t h e l eg i t imacy o f c a p i t a l punishment and c a l l e d f o r f i xed

and accura te laws. I n conclusion,

Ordonnance Cr imine l l e o f 1670. 6 6

I n l i k e manner, Dupaty, pres

he demanded t h e amendment o f t he

, i d e n t o f t he parlement o f Bordeaux, .

appealed f o r reforms o f c r i m i n a l procedure i n h i s w r i t i n g s e n t i t l e d ,

L e t t r e s -- sur l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l a France. H is consc ien t ious -- e f f o r t s a t re fo rm were met w i t h in tense h o s t i l i t y on the p a r t o f t h e

j u d i c i a r y : " I 1 6 t a i t d6 tes t6 de l a p l u p a r t de ses col ldgues pour

l ' indgpendence de ses idkes e t sa passion 3 v o u l o i r rgformer l a procgdure

c r i m i n e l l e . 1 [67

Although j u r i s t s such as Servan and Dupaty were imbued w i t h the

phi losophy o f n a t u r a l r i g h t s and worked f o r l e g a l reforms, they were

never leaders i n t he realm o f ideas. As W.F. Church observes: " . . . they

were f o l l o w e r s r a t h e r than leaders. T h e i r r o l e was t o implement and

b r i n g t o f r u i t i o n the concepts t h a t o t h e r s had developed before them." 68

Thus i t was p r i n c i p a l l y through the e f f o r t s o f t he phi losophes

t h a t re fo rm o f the j u d i c i a l system became a prominent sub jec t of

d iscuss ion and study i n t he years preceding the Revolut ion. To s t a t e

t h a t t h e i r i n f l uence was a lone respons ib le f o r the s i g n i f i c a n t reforms

t h a t came about a t t he end o f the cen tu ry wou

an exaggerated fo rce . Never theless i t can be

i n p a r t i c u l a r V o l t a i r e - c o n t r i b u t e d i n g reat

I d be t o ass ign t o ideas

s a i d t h a t t h e phi losophes-

: measure t o a c l imate

o f op in ion favour ing the c r e a t i o n o f a more reasonable and humane

s o c i e t y which would no longer t o l e r a t e an a rcha ic system o f c r i m i n a l

law!' As R. Anchel observes: ". . . l e u r s p r i n c i p e s t r iomph&rent avec

I 170 l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o n quleux-m&mes con t r i bug ren t 2 prgparer .

Crown and Par 1 emen t s

The new ideas which were developed and p u b l i c i z e d by the

phi losophes had no t been w i t h o u t i n f l u e n c e i n t h e Court i t s e l f du r i ng

the l a s t decades o f the o l d regime. The roya l government attempted,

and i n some instances achieved, j u d i c i a l reforms. Nevertheless, i t s

most c r e d i t a b l e e f f o r t s tended t o be obscured by the charges o f

despotism and extravagance made aga ins t i t .

The Crown had every mot ive, i f o n l y i n t he i n t e r e s t s o f e f f i c i e n t

admin i s t ra t i on , t o undertake j u d i c i a l reform. However, i t s a b i l i t y t o

i n i t i a t e reforms, t o govern even, had become e f f e c t i v e l y l i m i t e d du r ing

the l a t t e r p a r t o f the e igh teen th cen tu ry by the organized oppos i t i on

of the parlements.71 These sovereign cou r t s o f law were corpora te bodies,

each a c t i n g as a supreme c o u r t of law f o r i t s p a r t o f the country.

Besides t h e i r j u d i c i a l f unc t i ons , they claimed and exerc ised c e r t a i n

p o l i t i c a l powers which der ived from the r i g h t o f r e g i s t e r i n g roya l

e d i c t s and ordinances. Th is r i g h t o f ' v e r i f y i n g ' and o f demonstrating

against royal l e g i s l a t i o n endowed the parlements w i t h the power o f

checking and thwar t i ng the t h e o r e t i c a l l y abso lu te monarchy. Such a

power was one which cou ld be he ld i n check o n l y by a s t rong k ing l i k e

Louis X I V o r destroyed by an en l igh tened despot. 7 2

The need t o curb the increas ing oppos i t i on t o the monarchy by the

sovereign cou r t s had been b e l a t e d l y recognized by Louis XV w i t h t h e

appointment of Maupeou t o t h e chance l l o rsh ip i n 1770. I n January 1771,

Maupeou proceeded t o s t r i k e down the p o l i t i c a l power o f the parlements

by abo l i sh ing t h e P a r i s i a n cou r t o u t r i g h t and by es tab l i sh ing a new

system o f appeal cou r t s w i t h func t i ons narrowly r e s t r i c t e d t o the

j u d i c i a l sphere. I n these new appeal cou r t s the purchase and sa le o f

j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s and the t a k i n g o f 6pices were forbidden. 73 i n l i e u o f

a p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n , the new magis t ra ture received a

sa lary from the government w i t h assurances o f f i x e d tenure.74 The

problem o f c o n f l i c t i n g j u r i s d i c t i o n s among the cour ts - a cont inu ing

source o f confusion, expense and delay - was removed by means o f a prec ise

r e d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e i r competence. 7 5

I n s p i t e o f the widespread a g i t a t i o n t h a t these changes caused,

the newly es tab l i shed cour t s were ab le t o f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y and

the reform seemed t o be d e f i m i t i v e . Although Maupeou was subjected t o .

much verbal abuse by the e x i l e d magist rates, who posed as the v i c t i m s o f

a despot ic m i n i s t e r , Louis XV continued t o support h i s chance l lo r . Had

t h i s k i n g l i v e d a few years longer, i t i s probable t h a t s u f f i c i e n t t ime

would have been gained f o r t he 'Maupeou' cour ts t o conso l ida te themselves

on a permanent bas is . However t h i s j u d i c i a l reorganizat ion, which might .

have been the s a l v a t i o n o f the French monarchy76, was reversed by Louis

X V I upon h i s assumption o f the throne. Th is you th fu l k i n g had a s t rong

des i re t o be a popu lar monarch and was persuaded tha t , by r e c a l l i n g the

parlements, he would rece ive un ive rsa l approbation.77 I n the event, t he

r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e parlements i n 1774 has been h e l d t o be the monarchy's

f i n a l and f a t a l mistake.78 The r e s u l t o f the r e c a l l , as A l f r e d Cobban

observes, was t h a t " the roya l government l o s t t he advantages i t had gained

by Maupeou's coup d 1 6 t a t , w h i l e i t continued t o s u f f e r from the odium o f

having proved i t s e l f an a r b i t r a r y despotism and from a f u r t h e r l oss o f

p r e s t i g e by i t s cap i tu la t i on " . 79

I n con t ras t t o the reforming e f f o r t s o f h i s predecessor, which came

a t the end o f a long and unrespected re ign , those of Louis X V I were

manifested from the ou tse t and doubtless r e f l e c t e d the young monarch's

des i re t o be a 'good' k ing . As F. P i 6 t r i observes: "I1 appar tena i t

a Louis X V I d lZ t re , par ra i son autant que par goat, l e premier rGformateur

*

sincGre de l a monarchie e t de jouer , dans ce t r a v a i l d 'une a c t i v i t 6

insoupsonn6e, a u t r e chose qu'un r61e p a s s i f ou symbollque." 8 o

The l e g i s l a t i o n enacted under Louis

emphasis on s o c i a l reforms and i t s attempt

law. As examples o f the former, we can c i

enactments: "L 'a r rGt du Conseil sur l a li

dans l a royaume" - September 23, 1774; "L'

jurandes e t communaut6s de commerce, a r t s

X V I was d i s t i ngu ished by i t s

s t o amel io ra te the c r im ina l

t e the f o l l o w i n g roya l

be r t6 du commerce des g ra ins

E d i t p o r t a n t suppression des

e t mbt iers" - February 1776;

"L 'Ed i t supprimant l es d r o i t s de mainmorte dans les domaines du r o i e t

l a s e r v i tude personel l eu ' - August 1779; "L ' Edi t concernant l e s

p ro tes tan ts e t rgorganisant l e u r k t a t c i v i l " - November 1787. 8 1

The r i g o u r s o f c r im ina l procedure under the Ordinance o f 1670

were m i t i g a t e d by t h e royal " ~ e ' c l a r a t i o n " o f August 24, 1780, abo l i sh ing

the "quest ion p r6para to i re" which was designed t o wr ing a confession o f

g u i l t from the accused. Th is measure was one o f the most important

undertaken by Louis X V I dur ing t h e pe r iod i n which he was i n f u

possession o f h i s regal power.82 Shor t l y t h e r e a f t e r , on August

several ordinances were issued i n the k i n g ' s name having as t h e

the improvement o f p r i s o n cond i t ions . 83

11

30, 1780,

i r o b j e c t

I t was on the eve o f the Revolut ion, however, t h a t t he roya l

government in t roduced t r u l y r a d i c a l measures t o b r i n g about j u d i c i a l and

lega l reforms. These measures promised such fundamental changes i n the

admin i s t ra t i on of j u s t i c e t h a t they have been h a i l e d as the most important

r e v o l u t i o n which France saw before the f i n a l f a l l o f t he o l d regime. 8 4

The famous s i x e d i c t s o f May 1788, d r a f t e d by Lamoignon, the

Keeper o f t he Seals, were designed t o c a r r y o u t much needed reforms

toward a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f j u d i c i a l procedure, ame l io ra t i on o f c r im ina l

j u s t i c e , and a d iminut ion o f the o b s t r u c t i v e power o f the parlements.

I t has been argued t h a t , desp i te the advent o f a genuine supporter o f

lega l reform i n the person o f Lamoignon, t h e j u r i d i c changes were engineered

less f o r t h e i r own sake than as a weapon aga ins t t he parlements. 85 The

opposing p o i n t o f view has been argued by M. Marion: " I 1 n ' e s t pas v r a i

que l a rkforme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 n ' a i t e ' te 'qu'un e x ~ e ' d i e n t de

/ .\ 8 6 ci rconstance imagine/ pour f a i r e accepter l a cour p l e n ~ e r e " ; and f u r t h e r :

"La re'forme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 f u t a u t r e chose e t mieux qu'un appdt

g ross ie r tendu au pays pour o b t e n i r sa soumission au despotisme. 1187

Although t h e May e d i c t s were not dest ined t o be appl ied, i t i s usefu l

t o sub jec t them t o a b r i e f review as many o f t he measures reappeared i n

the l ega l reforms enacted by the Nat iona l Assembly. The f i r s t e d i c t ,

e n t i t l e d "Ordonnance sur l l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a Just ice" , c reated

fo r ty -seven new appeal cou r t s which were s t y l e d "grands-bai l l iages."

These t r i b u n a l s were intended t o absorb the greater p a r t of t he appe l l a te

j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t he parlements i n both c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases, and thus t o

render poss ib le a r a d i c a l reduct ion i n the number o f magist rates. 8 8

P r i o r t o t h i s e d i c t , c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases were judged, i n

the f i r s t instance, i n cour ts c a l l e d "ba i l l i ages" , and on appeal, i n

cour ts ca1 l e d "pre'sidiaux." Henceforth, "bai 1 1 iages" were t o be

suppressed, t h e "pre'sidiaux" becoming cour ts o f f i r s t instance, w i t h the

"grands-bai 1 1 i ages" rece iv ing appeal s from t h e judgments o f the "pre's i d i aux. 1189

I n c i v i 1 mat ters , t h e "grands-bai 11 iages" were t o have j u r i s d i c t i o n where

the amount under l i t i g a t i o n d i d no t exceed 20,000 l i v r e s ; i n c r i m i n a l

matters, where the accused were persons o t h e r than c l e r g y o r n o b i l i t y . 9 0

The e d i c t thus l e f t t o t h e parlements on ly c i v i l cases on appeal i n v o l v i n g

amounts i n excess o f 20,000 l i v r e s , and c r i m i n a l cases i n v o l v i n g c le rgy

and n o b i l i t y . Concerning these two es ta tes , E. Glasson observes: "On ne

se dgc ida i t pas encore $ prononcer 1 '&gal i t 6 des F r a n ~ a i s devant l a j u s t i c e

&press ive . 1191 The d i r e c t r e s u l t o f these p rov i s ions was t o remove a

subs tan t ia l amount o f j u d i c i a l business from t h e parlements' j u r i s d i c t i o n ,

w i t h a consequent loss o f income t o the magist rates.

The p rov i s ions o f t he "Ordonnance sur l ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a

j u s t ice" promised s i m i l a r fundamental changes w i t h respect t o t h e s e i g n i o r i a l

courts. The p o s s i b i l i t y o f suppressing these cour t s o u t r i g h t was

momentari l y considered but q u i c k l y discarded f o r t h e reason t h a t "On n 'osa

' ' "92 Nevertheless , pas a1 l e r jusque-1; 'a cause du respect dQ a l a p r o p r l e t e .

the e f f e c t o f t he ordinance was such t h a t the s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts were

P r a c t i c a l l y l e g i s l a t e d ou t of. e ~ i s t e n c e . ' ~ T h e i r exerc ise o f c r i m i n a l

j u r i s d i c t i o n was made cond i t i ona l on the possession o f adequate cou r t and

+

~ r i s o n f a c i l i t i e s , and on the employment o f a l i censed judge, scr ibe , and

res ident j a i l e r . These cond i t ions were p resc r ibed i n the conf ident b e l i e f

t h a t h a r d l y any s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts would achieve them. 94

The second e d i c t o f May 8, 1788 ordered t h e suppression o f var ious

cour ts o f s p e c i f i c competence such as the "Bureaux des finances" , "Elec t ions1',

"Greniers 2 sel l ' , "Table de marbre", and "Chambre du domaine." Those

matters which had been hand1 ed p rev ious l y by these "t r i bunaux dlexcept ion"

were t o be p laced under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e "pre'sidiaux" and the

'Igrands- ba i 1 1 i ages. 1195

Th is reform represented t h e f u l f i l l m e n t o f des i res long expressed

fo r t he suppression o f the " t r ibunaux d'exception." The d i l a t o r y and

expensive proceedings which charac ter ized these cour t s was the o b j e c t o f

b i t t e r complaints by l i t i g a n t s . As E. Glasson observes: "Ceux-ci k t a i e n t

en c o n f l i t s incessants en t re eux ou avec l e s j u r i s d i c t i o n s o rd ina i res ,

de s o r t e que l e s p la ideu rs ne savaient 5 que s'addresser pour o b t e n i r

j u s t i c e , e t que des inc iden ts de compdtence r e t a r d a i e n t 5 chaque i n s t a n t l a

s o l u t i o n des p r o c k . 11g6

The t h i r d e d i c t was d i r e c t e d towards reform o f c r im ina l procedure

which was t o be e f f e c t e d by means o f amendments t o the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e

o f 1670. I n t h e " ~ e / c l a r a t i o n " o f May 1s t announcing the e d i c t s homage was

pa id t o t h e Ordinance o f 1670, but the necess i ty o f a r e v i s i o n was s ta ted

a t the same t ime: "Malgre' des pre'cautions s i dignes de c o n c i l i e r c e t t e

l o i l e suf f rage un ive rsa l , nous ne saur ions nous d i ss imu le r qu'en conservant

*

l e p l u s grand nombre de ses d i s p o s i t i o n s , nous pouvous en changer avan-

tageusement p l u s i e r s a r t i c l e s pr inc ipaux, e t l a rdformer sans l ' a b o l i r . '197

I n h i s speech on May 8 t h a t t he -- l i t de j u s t i c e , Lamoignon was

more p rec i se concerning the government's i n t e n t i o n s : "La ne'cess i t6 de

re'former 1 'ordonnance c r iminel l e e t l e code pe'nal e s t un i v e r s e l lement

reconnue. Toute l a n a t i o n demande au Roi c e t a c t e important de

1 6 g i s l a t i o n e t S.M. a r kso lu dans ses conse i l s de se rendre au voeu de

ses peuples. However, i t was desi red t h a t a general reform should be

the r e s u l t o f lengthy de l i be ra t i on . The method o f i n q u i r y proposed was

noteworthy: "Tous nos s u j e t s auront l a facu l te' de concouri r 'a

I 'exgcut ion du p r o j e t qu i nous occupe, en addressant 5 n o t r e garde des

sceaux 1 es observat ions e t mgmoi res qu' i l s jugeron t propres 3 nous & l a i rer .

Nous 6 l A e r o n s a i n s i au rang des l o i s l e s r g s u l t a t s de l ' o p i n i o n publ ique,

apr'es q u ' i l s auront 6 t6 soumis > 1'6preuve d'un m a r e t profond examen. 1199

Pending t h i s general reform, t h e e d i c t repealed several abuses

which requ i red an immediate remedy: the use o f t h e p r i s o n e r ' s kneel ing

s too l (se l l e t t e ) was abol ished (A r t . 1 )l O0; judgments o f conv ic t ion had

t o s t a t e the reasons the re fo re (A r t . 3) lo' ; a m a j o r i t y o f two votes was no

longer s u f f i c i e n t t o sus ta in a c a p i t a l punishment - th ree were necessary

(Ar t . 4 ) lo2 ; sentences i n v o l v i n g c a p i t a l punishment were, as a r u l e , no t

t o be executed u n t i 1 a month a f t e r con f i rma t ion (A r t . 5 ) Io3 ; accused

persons, who were subsequently acqu i t t ed , were g iven the r i g h t t o repa ra t i on

fo r I n j u r y t o t h e i r reputat ion. (Ar t . 7 ) l o 4 ; t he a b o l i t i o n o f the preparatory

t o r t u r e was confirmed and th'e p r e l iminary t o r t u r e was abol ished (A r t . 8) 105.

Th is e d i c t , l i k e the o the r f i v e , was never appl ied. However, i t

1s an i n t e r e s t i n g document as i t represents t h e l a s t t ime t h a t r o y a l t y . .

exercised, i n c r i m i n a l matters, the abso lu te and independent l e g i s l a t i v e

106 power recognized i n i t by the o l d regime.

The f o u r t h e d i c t r e g i s t e r e d on May 8 t h reduced the number o f

o f f i ces o f t h e P a r i s i a n and p r o v i n c i a l parlements. As a r e s u l t o f

having "moins d ' a f f a i r e s 2 juger", t he re was no f u r t h e r need f o r the same

number o f judges. However p r o v i s i o n was made i n the e d i c t f o r reimbursement

by t he Crown t o those magis t ra tes who s u f f e r e d loss o f o f f i c e . Contrary

t o the a c t i o n p rev ious l y taken by Maupeou, Lamoignon recognized the

maintenance o f v e n a l i t y and pe rm i t ted t h e abuse o f e'pices t o cont inue. 10

The f i f t h e d i c t ordered the reestabl ishment o f the p lenary cour t

(cour - p l & i k r e ) . The j u d i c i a l component o f t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was t o cons

o f the sen ior judges o f t h e par lement o f P a r i s and the president and one

p r o v i n c i a l parlements. Apart from these

t o be composed o f p r inces o f t he blood, peers

magis t ra te from each o f the

magist rates, the c o u r t was

o f France, cou r t o f f i c i a l s ,

the army and the c i v i 1 serv

and lead ing representa t ives o f the church,

i ce .

The power o f r e g i s t e r i n g roya l laws app ly ing t o the country as

a whole was t rans fe r red from t h e parlements t o the p lenary court . I t

Was assumed t h a t the new cour t would prove a p l i a b l e instrument i n t h e

hands o f t h e government: "La l o i de 1 'enrggist rement nous p a r a i t t r o p

*

s t

o the r

conforme 5 nos i n t k r E t s e t 5 ceux de nos peuples pour

maintenue; e t il e s t par conshuen t indispensable qu'

dans nos &ta ts une cour tou jou rs s u b s t i t a n t e pour y6r

nos volon tgs e t l e s t ransmet t re 5 nos peupl es. 1,108 A

n u s t r e pas invar iablement

I 1 y a i t habi tuel lement

i f i e r immgdiatement '

l though the parlements

were not abol Ished as they had been i n 1771, the e f f e c t o f t h i s e d i c t

was t o depr ive them o f a1 1 power o f opposing the monarch's programs o f

j u d i c i a l and f i s c a l reform.

The s i x t h and f i n a l e d i c t o f May 8 t h p laced t h e parlement o f

Pa r i s "en vacances." S t a t i n g t h a t a l a r g e amount o f j u d i c i a l business - by v i r t u e o f the implementation o f the f i r s t e d i c t - would be tu rned over

t o t h e newly organized t r i a l and appeal cour ts , t h e k ing announced tha t :

"pour &i t e r tou te confusion dans l e partage des proc'es, l e s parlements

a1 l a i e n t E t r e mls en vacances e t y demeurer jusqu'aprzs 1 ' 6 t a b l issement des

grands-ba i l l iages ... e t l ' e n t i k r e exe'cution du nouvel o rd re j u d i c i a i r e . 1,109

The r e g i s t r a t i o n o f t h e May e d i c t s evoked a fu r ious res is tance

led by the parlements throughout France. lo The magist rates , whom many

regarded as leaders i n t h e res i s tance t o roya l oppression, were j o i n e d i n

t h e i r s t r u g g l e by the c le rgy , n o b i l i t y , and p r o v i n c i a l estates. Although

most o f the reforms echoed t h e demands o f enl ightened opin ion, the e d i c t s

were represented by the sovereign cou r t s as a means t o delay the summons

o f t he Estates-General and as an a t t a c k on p r o v i n c i a l l i b e r t i e s . 111

Against t h i s concerted a t t a c k the Crown gave way and on August

8 th the Estates-General were ordered t o convene'on May 1, 1789. A t t he

e

same t ime the p lenary cou r t , which had caused such vehement oppos i t i on ,

was suspended. Henceforth, the i n i t i a t i v e f o r reform would no t come

from the monarchy. As A. Watt inne observes: I'D& ce moment, i 1 n te / ta i t

plus permis 2 l a royaut& de pre'tendre, 2 e l l e seule, rgformer quoi que

ce s o i t . ~e/j i l e p u b l i c , gr ise( par l es grands mots de n a t i o n e t de

re'volut ion, ne r a i s o n n a i t p lus ; il v o u l a i t a u t r e chose e t mieux que des

6 d i t s pr&ar&s pa r des m in i s t res . 111 13

The task now f e l l t o the Revolut ionary assemblies t o overcome t h e

obst ina te maintenance o f p r i v i l e g e which had confounded a l l at tempts t o

achieve fundamental reform.

CHAPTER I l l

THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION

Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s

C e r t a i n ph i l osoph ica l in f luences e x i s t e d p r i o r t o t h e Revo lu t ion

which undeniably had t h e i r e f f e c t upon ensuing l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reform,

notab ly the b e l i e f i n the ex is tence o f a n a t u r a l law. Th is law, o l d e r

than p o s i t i v e law, was founded on God's commandments as understood by

theology and by the requirements o f reason. Under these theo r ies i t

appeared t o be poss ib le , by analyz ing and going t o the essence o f human

nature, t o d i s c e r n the fundamental r u l e s o f na tu ra l law and t o deduce

therefrom a p o s i t i v e law which, because o f i t s o r i g i n , was both absolute

and un ive rsa l . Furthermore, i n an age i n which the concept o f Reason was

a dominant i n t e l l e c t u a l force, t he re was an o p t i m i s t i c b e l i e f t h a t e x i s t i n g

laws could be repealed and new ones, r a t i o n a l l y der ived from unimpeachable

f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , pu t i n t h e i r place.

These p h i l o s o p h i c a l in f luences found expression i n the Dec la ra t i on

o f the R ights o f Man and the C i t i z e n which was adopted by the Const i tuent

Assembly on August 25, 1789, and which was subsequently prefaced t o the

C o n s t i t u t i o n of 1791. I n the words o f t he Dec lara t ion we f i n d a t once

the essen t ia l p r i n c i p l e s of t he Revolut ion and the des i red l ega l and

$

f

j u d i c i a l reforms. The preface res ta ted the theory o f n a t u r a l law which

def ined t h e n a t u r a l , i n a l i e n a b l e and sacred r i g h t s inherent i n a l l men,

and several a r t i c l e s r e f l e c t e d the ardent wish o f t he Revo lu t ionar ies

t o e rad ica te t h e abuses o f t he e x i s t i n g j u d i c i a l system. A r b i t r a r y

a r r e s t and de ten t ion were proscr ibed: "Nu1 homme ne peut E t r e accusd,

a r r g t k , n i dktenu que dans l e s cas dgterminks par l a l o i , e t se lon l e s

formes q u ' e l l e a prescr i tes . " (A r t . 7) Secur i t y would hencefor th

r e s u l t f rom the ex is tence of a s i n g l e l ega l system, equa l ly a p p l i c a b l e

t o a l l : " l a m2me pour tous, s o i t q u ' e l l e prot'ege, s o i t q u ' e l l e punisse."

( ~ r t . 6) The law would be administered by cou r t s i n which innocence

was presumed u n t i l q u i l t was proven. ( ~ r t . 9) Cruel and a r b i t r a r y

punishments would no longer be to le ra ted : "La l o i ne d o i t g t a b l i r

que des peines s t r i c temen t e t gvidemment n6cessai res, e t nu1 ne peut

e t r e puni qu'en v e r t u d'une l o i k t a b l i e e t promulgu6e antgr ieurement

The Dec la ra t i on o f Rights has s ince been c r i t i c i z e d f o r i t s

bourgeois charac ter ; i t s inadequate treatment o f economic p r i n c i p l e s ;

i t s f a i l u r e t o def ine s a t i s f a c t o r i l y p r i v a t e proper ty ; i t s apparent

neg lec t o f t h e r i g h t o f assoc ia t ion ; and i t s i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o

r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y . 118

Nevertheless t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t document, by espousing

the a s p i r a t i o n s o f t he Revo lu t ionar ies , heralded the end o f p r i v i l e g e - and so o f t h e o l d regime - and i n t h i s respect i t inaugurated a new age.

119

A t the outse t , then, v i c t o r y appeared t o belong t o the p a r t y

which p r e f e r r e d reason t o dogma, l i b e r t y t o a u t h o r i t y , and the i n d i v i d u a l

t o the State. The r e s u l t i n g character o f t he l e g i s l a t i o n o f these

f i r s t years was thus determined, on the one hand, by the i n f l uence o f

n a t u r a l law ph i losophy, and on the o ther , by the necess i ty o f reac t i ng

aga ins t t he e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and rep lac ing them by others more

e q u i t a b l e and use fu l t o society.

As the Revo lu t ion progressed, however, t he emphasis on

i n d i v i d u a l i s m gave way t o the need f o r an a l l -power fu l State, independent

o f a l l obs tac les which might h inder i t s freedom o f ac t i on . Th is dev ia t i on

from p r i n c i p l e was caused by the need t o w i ths tand enemies from w i t h i n

and w i t h o u t and t o conso l ida te Revo lu t ionary achievements. As P. Sagnac

observes: "Mis aux p r i s e s avec l e s gvknements, o b l is& de l u t t e r cont re

l e s r ks is tances du passC, l es r & o l u t ionna i res f u r e n t f o r & d'ag i r avec

p lus de hardiesse e t de vigueur que les matt res de l a ph i l osoph ie ne

/ ',I20 l ' a v a i e n t dgsi re.

1 ! Apart from p o l i t i c a l exigencies, t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t he Revo lu t ionar ies t

were tempered by another powerful fo rce : the s p i r i t o f t r a d i t i o n . I f

the ph i l osoph ica l s p i r i t was a source o f i n s p i r a t i o n t o the l e g i s l a t o r s ,

the in f luence o f t he conservat ive j u r i d i c a l t r a d i t i o n tended t o dampen

t h i s enthusiasm and t o in terpose caut ion w i t h regard t o lega l and j u d i c i a l

reforms. Therefore, throughout the pe r iod o f the Revolut ion bo th the

ph i l osoph ica l s p i r i t and the t r a d i t i

t h e i r i n f l uence upon lega l reform.

n a t u r a l r i g h t s o f men, which tended

persons; on the o t h e r hand, t h e j u r i

o n a l i s t s p i r i t were t o exerc ise

On t h e one hand, the theory o f the

t o remove a l l d i s t i n c t i o n s between

d i c a l t r a d i t i o n , which tended t o

main ta in l ega l d i s t i n c t i o n s and t o temper abso lu te e q u a l i t y w i t h c e r t a i n

r e s t r i c t i o n s .

Dur ing the e a r l y years o f t he Revolut ion, however, t he "espr i t

j u r i d i q u e " was dominated by t h e " e s p r i t phi losophique" and the great

l ega l reforms o f t h i s pe r iod drew t h e i r major i n s p i r a t i o n from na tu ra l

law phi losophy. l2' Thus, t h e f i r s t enactment o f consequence o f the

Nat iona l Assembly was the a b o l i t i o n o f feudal r i g h t s and usages which

had surv ived the p o l i t i c a l system o u t o f which they had sprung. The

famous August 4 t h Decrees renounced prerogat ives a t tach ing t o proper ty

and may be s a i d t o have terminated the manor ia l regime i n France. 122

The f i r s t A r t i c l e o f t h e Decrees begins w i t h the fo l l ow ing words:

"L' assemblge n a t i o n a l e d k t r u i t en tilerement l e rkgime fe'odal . E l l e d6cr;te

que, dans les d r o i t s e t devo i rs , t a n t fgodaux que censuels, ceux qui

t i ennen t 2 l a main-morte r k e l l e ou personnel l e , e t 2 l a se rv i tude

personnel l e , e t ceux que les reprgsentent , sont abol i s sans i ndernni t6;

tous l e s aut res sont dgclargs rachetables . . . . l t can be observed

t h a t t he contents o f t h i s document a re more conservat ive than t h e tone

of f i n a l i t y i n t h e opening sentence might imply: q u a l i f i c a t i o n s remain

concerning redemptions and compensation, and the re are p rov i s ions f o r

the temporary con t inua t ion o f c e r t a i n o b l i g a t i o n s ( ~ r t i c l e s 1 , 5 , 6 ) .

Nevertheless, i t may be s a i d t h a t t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a s ign

program o f reform by emanclpat ing and disencumbering the ownership o f

36

124

i f i c a n t

land, and by i n t roduc ing the fundamental p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y o f

o p p o r t u n i t y t o a1 1 c i t i z e n s ( A r t i c l e 1 1 ) . 125

A second bas ic reform undertaken by the Const i tuent Assembly was

t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y i n t h e regu la t i on o f

inher i tances. The o l d law o f succession had been p r i n c i p a l l y concerned

w i t h t h e maintenance and p rese rva t ion o f t he g rea t landed estates. Noble

houses had preserved t h e i r fo r tunes by means o f t he p r i v i l e g e s o f t he

male l i n e and o f ,pr imogeniture, and by the use o f e n t a i l s t o r e s t r i c t

t h e a l i e n a t i o n o f land. Much o f t he law o f succession had i t s o r i g i n s i n

the system o f land tenure associated w i t h feudal ism, and w i t h the a b o l i t i o n

of t h e feudal regime dur ing August 1789, the Assembly thereby e f f e c t i v e l y

c u r t a i l e d many o f the e x i s t i n g i n e q u i t i e s . However, the l e g i s l a t o r s

.also wished t o enact inher i tance laws r e s t r i c t i n g testamentary

freedom and ensur ing equal p a r t i t i o n . As A. Esmein observes: " ~ ' ~ s s e m b l e / e

cons t i t uan te 6 t a i t en m a j o r i t 6 h o s t i l e 5 ces p r6c ipu ts ou avantages, dont

p r o f i t a i e n t quelques-uns des h g r i t e u r s au dgtr iment des autres. I 1 126

Th is e g a l i t a r i a n i s m r e s u l t e d i n the decree o f March 15, 1790,

which abo l ished "pr imogeniture, preference f o r male o f f s p r i n g . .. and unequal d i v i s i o n s based on the standing o f the persons concerned. ,1127

I n a d d i t i o n , the decree o f A p r i l 8, 1791, proclaimed the p r i n c i p l e o f

equal p a r t i t ion among c h i 1 dren: "Toute inkga l i te' devant re'sul t e r ent r e

h g r i t i e r s AB INTESTAT de l a q u a l i t k d1a in6 ou de put&, de l a d i s t i n c t i o n

des sexes ou des exc lus ions coutumi6res s o i t en l i g n e d i rec te , s o i t en

1 igne c o l l a t g r a l e , e s t abol ie . 1,128

The Const i tuent Assembly f u r t h e r demonstrated i t s preoccupation

w i t h i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and w i t h the supremacy o f S ta te over Church

by i n s c r i b i n g two promises i n the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 r e l a t i v e t o laws

concerning c i v i l s ta tus and c i v i l marr iage: "La l o i ne consid5re l e

mariage que comme c o n t r a t c i v i l . Le pouvo i r l g g i s l a t i f & t a b l i r a pour

tous l e s hab i tan ts , sans d i s t i n c t i o n , l e mode par lequel l es naissances,

mariages e t d&Ss seront constat&; e t il dgsignera l e s o f f i c i e r s p u b l i c s

qui en recevront e t conserveront l es ac tes" i it. I I , A r t . 7).12' Th is

programme was subsequently f u l f i l l e d by the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly w i t h the

enactment o f two important laws.

The Decree Determining the Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , September

20, 1792, es tab l ished i n France the i n s t i t u t i o n of c i v i l marriage; t h a t i s

t o say, marr iage be fo re the p u b l i c o f f i c e r o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y w i thou t the

i n t e r v e n t i o n o f a p r i e s t . A l l t ransact ions a f f e c t i n g c i v i l s ta tus were a t

the same t ime secu1ar ized; ' the w r i t t e n r e g i s t e r s o f b i r t h s , marriages, and

deaths were taken from the c l e r g y and ent rus ted t o municipal o f f i c i a l s

it. I , A r t . 1). 130.

The decree s e c u l a r i z i n g marr iage was fo l lowed on the same day by a

Decree Regulat lng ~ i v o r c e l ~ ' , which may be considered as a l o g i c a l

accompaniment. I f , under t h e Cons t i t u t i on , marr iage was on ly a c i v i l

cont rac t , i t fo l l owed t h a t t he S ta te had the power t o au tho r i ze the

d i s s o l u t i o n o f marr iage by d ivorce. Th is l e g i s l a t i o n was another

man i fes ta t i on o f " l es ide'es courantes au X V l l le s iGc le su r l a 1gg i t im i t6

des penchants n a t u r e l s e t s u r 1 ' i n a l ignabi 1 i t 6 de l a volont; humaine." 132

The L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly passed o the r noteworthy decrees which were

i nsp i red by t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom and e q u a l i t y , as wi tness

the one o f August 28, 1792: "LtAssemble'e na t iona le de/crSte que les

majeurs ne seront p l u s soumis 2 l a puissance p a t e r n e l l e ; e l l e ne s t6 tendra

que sur l es personnes des mineurs .It 133 U n t i l t he enactment o f t h i s decree,

i n areas where " l e d r o i t e'cr i t" obtained, pa terna l a u t h o r i t y had not

been completely re laxed u n t i l t he ac tua l death o f the fa ther . I n areas

subject t o " l e d r o i t coutumier", on the o the r hand, emancipation from

paternal a u t h o r i t y a t the age o f twenty f i v e had long been the r u l e .

Henceforth, those who a t t a i n e d the age o f m a j o r i t y were f r e e n o t o n l y i n

respect o f t h e i r person, b u t a l s o i n respect o f property , i n bo th nor thern

and southern France. S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , the Decree Determining t h e

Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s reduced the age o f m a j o r i t y t o twenty one

years i it. I V Y Sect ion I). 134

3 9

On August 25, 1792,the Assembly a l s o s t r u c k a rude blow a t t he

o rgan iza t i on o f anc ien t a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s by condemning e n t a i l s and

f i d u c i a r y t r u s t s t h a t secured them ( thus p r o h i b i t i n g the s u r r e p t i t i o u s '

de ce j o u r ,

subsequently

o f b i r t h r

il n ' e s t p

con f i rmed

i g h t s ) : "L'Assemblde n a t i o n a l e de'crste qu's p a r t i r

l us permis de s u b s t i t u e r . "I35 Th is measure was

by a decree o f the Convention dated October 25,

Notw i ths tand ing the progress ive character o f these

the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, i t remained f o r the l e g i s l a t i o n

Convention t o mark t h e complete t r iumph o f the " e s p r i t ph

"Consommer l a r u i n e de l ' a r i s t o c r a t i e t e r r i t o r i a l e , morce

aws passed by

of t h e

losophique":

e r l e s fo r tunes ,

ramener l a c o n d i t i o n de chacun 3 une douce mgdiocr i te/, sans asp i r e r

cependent 3 un n i ve l l emen t absolu, t e l e s t l ' i d g a l des Conventionnels. ,1137

Among the several measures passed by the Convention which were

i n s p i r e d by the i d e a l o f e q u a l i t y , we can c i t e t h e example o f t he law o f

12 Brumai re, An I I (~ovember 2, 1793) deal i n g w i t h the success i o n o f

i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , who were granted a share equal t o t h a t o f l e g i t i m a t e

ch i l d ren . A. Esmein exp la ins the mot ive behind t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n : "La

c o n d i t i o n a i n s i f a i t e aux enfants n a t u r e l s rgvo l t a i t l a sens ib i 1 i t 6 des

hommes de ce temps. E l l e p a r a i s s a i t ggalement c o n t r a i r e 3 l a j u s t i c e

( c ' e t a i t une pe ine i n f l i g g e 5 un innocent) e t aux p r i n c i p e s sur lesquels

a l l a i t reposer l e d r o i t de succession." 138

S i m i l a r l y , t h e l e g i s l a t o r s sought t o achieve a "me'biocrite' des

fortunes" w i t h the enactment o f t he Law o f 17 Nivbse, An I I (January

6, 1794) dea l i ng w l t h succession, g i f t s , and bequests. The p rov i s ions

o f the a c t c a l l e d f o r an equal d i v i s i o n o f i n h e r i t a n c e among h e i r s ,

i r r e s p e c t i v e o f t h e wishes o f t he t e s t a t o r - thus r a t i f y i n g the decree

o f Ap r i 1 8, 1791 (see above). 139 I n a d d i t i o n , t h e law was made r e t r o a c t i v e

t o J u l y 14, 1789, i n order t o "e f face r tou tes l e s ine'gal i t& encore

subsistantes, r & u l t a n t de l a l o i ou de l a volonte ' des hommes, quant au

par tage des successions. ,1140

Needless t o say, t h e Revolut ionary s p i r i t - as exempl i f ied by these

laws passed du r ing t h e f i r s t years o f the Convention - was subjected t o

an i n e v i t a b l e r e a c t i o n a f t e r Thermidor. That which had c o n s t i t u t e d

the o r i g i n a l i t y o f " l e d r o i t r6vo lu t i onna i re " o f t h e f i r s t th ree

Assemblies a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d i t s v u l n e r a b i l i t y . The ex is tence and

maintenance o f t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h the

Revolut ionary i dea ls which had a t t a i n e d such potency from 1789 t o 1794.

When these idea ls were m o d i f i e d a f t e r 1794 by reason o f the increasing

in f l uence o f conservatism, t h e subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n , as would be expected,

r e f l e c t e d t h i s change i n dominance.

Thus, d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the D i rec to ry , several p rov i s ions o f the

c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e prev ious Assemblies were amended, having been

considered too extreme o r vexat ious. Divorce was more s t r i c t l y regulated

141 by an enactment o f September 17, 1797 ; the r i g h t s o f succession o f

i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n were r e s t r i c t e d , and r e t r o a c t i v e e f f e c t was taken . .

from the law which had conferred these r i g h t s upon them (15 Thermidor,

An V , August 5, 1796) 14*; the compl i c a t i o n s which had been caused by the

Convention's laws on succession were lessened and s i m p l i f i e d (18 PluviBse,

143 An V , February 6, 1797).

I n s p i t e o f these amendments, however, i t i s important t o note

t h a t t he l e g i s l a t i o n enacted subsequent t o Thermidor d i d no t abandon the

e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f the Revolut ion. 144 By 1799, t a n g i b l e evidence o f

the r e a l i z a t i o n of the idea ls o f the Revo lu t ionar ies was p l a i n l y v i s i b l e :

un i fo rm codes o f law ( u l t i m a t e l y completed under ~ a ~ o l e o n ) had supplanted

I

t he e a r l i e r chaos and confusion; an e lec ted j u d i c i a r y , t r i a l by j u r y ,

humanized p e n a l t i e s - a l l had come i n t o being; and e q u a l i t y before the

law had taken the p lace of p r i v i l e g e .

C o d i f i c a t i o n o f the C i v i l Law

The Work o f the Revolut ionary Assemblies I n 1789 there were no less

than 366 reg iona l codes o f law i n ex is tence i n France, some o f them

app ly ing t o e n t i r e provinces but more usua l l y app ly ing t o very l i m i t e d

j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 14' Th is unsa t i s fac to ry s i t u a t i o n under the o l d regime i s

s u c c i n c t l y descr ibed by P. Sagnac: "Rien de f i x e , r i e n de coh6ren t , c1es t

un chaos o'u l e j u r i s c o n s u l t e se perd. C'est une d i v e r s i t e ' e t une

confusion q u i rendent, en quelque so r te , gt rangers l es uns aux aut res l es

hab i tan ts du mEme royaume." 146

I t can be assumed t h a t the o n l y persons

who p r o f i t e d from t h i s s t a t e o f a f f a i r s were t h e l ega l p r a c t i t i o n e r s whose

1 i v e l ihood depended upon t h e i r ab i 1 i t y t o unravel the complexi ty o f the

laws.

Among the most s tead fas t a s p i r a t i o n s o f the Revo lu t ionar ies ,

therefore, was the d e s i r e t o p rov ide the n a t i o n w i t h a code o f un i fo rm

c i v i l laws - a des i re which had many times i n s p i r e d the j u r i s t s o f p r i o r

~ e n t u r i e 5 . l ~ ~ The French Revolut ion, w i t h i t s idea l o f a r a t i o n a l soc ia l

order , imparted a f r e s h and powerfu l impulse t o a t t a i n i n g t h i s o b j e c t i v e .

The tr iumph o f t h e " e s p r i t p h i losophiquel' seemed t o demand a code o f

uniform laws s u i t a b l e t o an en l igh tened people, and those obstacles which

had h i t h e r t o stood i n the path o f l e g a l u n i t y - t h e t r a d i t i o n o f l o c a l

independence and the s p i r i t o f oppos i t i on i n the provinces, as w e l l as

c lass and c l e r i c a l p r i v i l e g e - had been swept away. 148

The Cons t i t uen t Assembly, r e a l i z i n g the danger posed t o t h e concept

o f u n i t y by the numerous codes o f law i n existence, decreed, i n the law

o f August 16, 1790, concerning j u d i c i a l reorganizat ion, t ha t : "The c i v i l

laws s h a l l be reviewed and reformed by the l e g i s l a t u r e s ; and a general code

o f laws, simple, c l e a r , and i n harmony w i t h the Cons t i t u t i on , s h a l l be

d r a f t e d ( i i t . I I ; A r t . 19)J4' Th is promise t o achieve simp1 i c i t y and

u n i f o r m i t y i n l e g a l mat ters was subsequently incorpora ted i n t o the

C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791: " I 1 sera f a i t un Code de l o i s c i v i l e s communes a' 150

t o u t l e royaumel1 (End o f T i t . I ).

I n s p i t e o f these promises, the f i r s t Revolut ionary assembly was

unable t o r e a l i z e such an immense undertaking. Although o f f i c i a l e f f o r t s

dur ing t h i s p e r i o d t o endow France w i t h a un i fo rm body o f c i v i l law went

no f u r t h e r than statements o f general p r i n c i p l e , t h e j u r i s t s d i d attempt

t o e f fec t a c o n c i l i a t i o n between the two dominant systems o f law which

d i v ided t h e country. However, i n the j u r i d i c domain the p r i n c i p a l

e f f o r t s a t t h i s t ime were d i rec ted , a t p u b l i c i ns i s tence , toward the

reform o f t he c r i m i n a l law. The Const i tuent Assembly, i n recogn i t i on o f

t h i s f a c t , gave t o

I k g i s l a t i o n c r im ine

as a r e s u l t o f the

i t s l e g i s l a t i v e committee the t i t l e o f " ~ o m i t e / de

l l e j ~ ' ~ ~ , and a Penal Code was du ly promulgated i n 1791

labours o f t h i s body (see below).

The succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, which sa t from September 30,

1791 t o September 21, 1792, again took up the p r o j e c t o f a code o f c i v i l

laws. The l e g i s l a t i v e committee, g iven t h e name " ~ o m i t 6 de l e ' g i s l a t i o n

c i v i l e e t c r im ine l l e " , issued, on October 16, 1791, an i n v i t a t i o n t o a l l

c i t i z e n s t o communicate t o i t t h e i r ideas concerning the drawing up o f

a c i v i l code. 153 Although t h i s was heeded, the r e s u l t i n g progress towards

c o d i f i c a t i o n proved slow and arduous. Before t h i s Assembly was d issolved,

i t passed impor tant o rgan ic laws concerning marr iage, d ivorce, and

i nher i tance, b u t i t f a i l e d t o devise the code.

I n s p i t e o f the v i o l e n c i and d isorder associated w i t h t h e ensuing, . .

Revo lu t ionary assembly, "ce f u t l a Convention Na t iona le q u i eu t l a

g 10

dks

C i v

i r e de concevoir l e code de l o i s c i v i l e s uniformes que l a n a t i o n

i r a i t . Le cornit6 de 1 6 g i s l a t i o n e s t l e v g r i t a b l e cre'ateur de Code

il f ranga is . 111 54

On June 25, 1793, the Convention i n s t r u c t e d the l e g i s l a t i v e committee,

composed o f f o r t y e i g h t members on a r o t a t i n g bas is , t o present a scheme

f o r a c i v i l code w i t h i n one month's t ime. 155 Th is remarkable order was

v i r t u a l l y obeyed when, on August 8, 1793, cambace'rcki, the c h i e f draftsman

o f t he committee, presented a p l a n which encompassed a l l the c i v i l

l e g i s l a t i o n o f France w i t h i n 719 a r t i c l e s . Th is p l a n fo l lowed the

t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s o f the law i n the "pays de d r o i t e /cr i t t l and was

comprised o f f o u r d i s t i n c t sect ions: o f Persons, o f Things, o f Contracts,

o f Act ions. The proposed code incorporated many o f t h e laws enacted

s ince 1789 and was animated throughout by the " e s p r i t philosophique":

"C'est l a v o i x de l a na ture e t c e l l e de l a ra i son q u i se f o n t entendre;

on a f a i t l l e n t r e p r i s e de t o u t changer > l a f o i s dans les gcoles, dans les

moeurs, dans l e s coutumes, dans les e s p r i t s , dans les l o i s dlun grand

peup 1 e. 11157

From August t o October 1793, dur ing a t u r b u l e n t pe r iod o f i n t e r n a l

t roub les and f o r e i g n war, the Convention s tud ied i n d e t a i l the var ious

prov i s ions o f the recommended c i v i l code. Th is i n i t i a l p r o j e c t , which

exempl i f i e d t h e in f luence of r a t i o n a l ism a t i t s height l5*;> was f i n a l l y

r e j e c t e d by the deputies f o r being too complicated, long and l e g a l i s t i c .

On November 3, 1793, the Convention voted t o appo in t a commission o f

phi losophers who were charged w i t h b r i n g i n g f o r t h a new d r a f t , more i n

conformi ty w i t h i t s own s p i r i t : "une commission, formg de s i x membres

c h o i s l s par l e ~ o m i t e ' de s a l u t pub l i c , rgv i se ra e t retouchera l e code

c i v i l pri5sent6 par l e cornit; de l e 'g i s la t i on . 11159

A second p r o j e c t , conta in ing on ly 297 a r t i c l e s , was du ly presented

by ~ambackr2s on beha l f of the committee on September 9, 1794, a f t e r t he

downfal l o f Robespierre. The Convention soon perceived t h a t t h i s second

scheme, which o n l y contained the p r i n c i p l e s invo lved and t h e i r immediate

consequences, was more a p lan o f a code than a code i t s e l f . Cambac6r&

was l a t e r t o remark t h a t the p r o j e c t represented "un recuei 1 de prgceptes

o'u chacun po t t rouve r l es re'gles de sa condui t e dans l a v i e c i v i l e . 1,160

T h i s second d r a f t o f a c i v i l code met the f a t e o f t h a t which

preceded i t : i t was discussed but no t promulgated. I t s f a i l u r e o f

adopt ion can be expla ined by two p r i n c i p a l reasons: "Avec des l o i s

aussi br&es . . . les juges deviendraier i t fa ta lement l g g i s l a t e u r s ; puis,

l es id6es ava ien t changg, une re'act i on g&kra le se man i f e s t a i t. 1,161

The D i rec to ry , i n i t s t u rn , se t i t s hand t o t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f

t he c i v i l law. On June 14, 1796, a t h i r d p r o j e c t conta in ing 1104 a r t i c l e s

was presented t o the Counci l o f F i v e Hundred by ~ambace/re's i n the name

o f t h e "commission de l a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n des lo i s . " 162 ~ h l s l a t e s t p r o j e c t

r e f l e c t e d the t r a d i t i o n a l view o f t he purpose o f a code o f laws: i t

attempted t o reso lve as many quest ions, and l e t subs is t as few doubts,

as poss ib le . P o r t a l i s , one o f the c h i e f draftsmen o f t he Code ~apo lebn ,

was l a t e r t o descr ibe the code o f 1796 as "un chef-dloeuvre de me'thode

e t de pre'cision.11163 As t o substant ive content , i t s p rov i s ions d isplayed

a r e a c t i o n i n favour o f Roman law, away from t h e r a t i o n a l i s m o f t he

Enlightenment. 164

Although t h e Counci l o f F i ve Hundred enacted several important

c i v i l laws, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f mortgages,

the proposed c i v i l code was discussed b y t h i s body on on ly two separate

occasions i n 1797. As a r e s u l t o f t he p a r t i s a n dissensions i n the Councils,

the d l s t r a c t t o n s o f war, i n f l a t i o n and genera l l y unse t t l ed condi t ions, t he

p r o j e c t f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n under the D i r e c t o r y was dest ined t o remain i n abeyance. 165

Thus t h e Revolut ionary assemblies d i d no t succeed i n r e a l i z i n g

the enaLtment o f a c i v i l code o f laws, i n s p i t e o f the var ious attempts

t o achieve t h i s end. But the systemat ic and methodical work o f t he

j u r i s t s o f t h e l eg i s la t i vecommi t teeshad not been wasted, f o r i t

considerably l i gh tened the labours o f the draftsmen who u l t i m a t e l y

compiled the Code NapolEon. By e l i m i n a t i n g those i n t e r e s t s which had

obst ruc ted u n i f i c a t i o n o f the law and by i n t roduc ing reforms o f a

na t iona l scope i n a l l aspects o f French l i f e , t h e men o f the Revolut ion

had l a i d the foundation f o r eventual c o d i f i c a t i o n .

I n assessing the reasons why c o d i f i c a t i o n was n o t successfu l ly

achieved p r i o r t o Bonaparte, as ide from i t s inherent d i f f i c u l t y , i t

I s necessary t o take i n t o account the g rea t l e g i s l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y and the

h igh passions and constant changes which charac ter ized the Revolut ionary

assemblies. Such an atmosphere i s unfavourable t o the d r a f t i n g of a

code which requ i res thorough and d ispassionate d e l i b e r a t i o n t o accomplish

the task. As P. Sagnac observes: "Le code e x i g e a i t des d iscussions t r Z s

longues, e t l e s ~ssemblges de l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o n g t a i e n t pressges par l e s

/ evhements. La r a p i d i t 6 avec laque l l e se succgdaient l es Assemblkes, e t ,

dans ce l l e s - c i , l e s p a r t i s dominants, l e changement cont inue l des id6es

e t des passions, f a i s a i e n t que ce qu i a v a i t p l u 1 'annge pr6c&dente

cessai t de p l a i r e 1 'annge suivante. ,1166

I n s p i t e o f the unsuccessful Revolut ionary attempts t o c o d i f y the

c i v i l law, the l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h i s pe r iod was t o e x e r t a s a l u t a r y

in f luence upon the substant ive content o f the C i v i l Code o f 1804. The

Revolut ionary l e g i s l a t i o n , i n i t s t u rn , was a r e f l e c t i o n o f the idea ls

which made poss ib le the u l t i m a t e - r e a l i z a t i o n o f a na t iona l c i v i l

code.

Le Code ~ a ~ o l g o n * Dur ing the Consulate and the f i r s t Empire the

c o d i f i c a t i o n o f French law was successfu l ly accomplished. I n t h i s

pe r iod f i v e separate codes were d r a f t e d and promulgated: l e Code c i v i l '

(1804); l e Code de ~ r o c g d u r e c i v i l e (1806); l e Code de commerce (1807);

l e Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e (1808); and l e Code p h a l (1810).

Th is enormous product ion o f

o f t ime has several explanat ions.

Revolut ion had removed t h e vested

l e g i s l a t i o n i n a r e l a t i v e l y sho r t span

I n the f i r s t place, the very work o f t he

l o c a l i n t e r e s t s which had obst ruc ted

the u n i f i c a t i o n o f the law under the o l d regime. Secondly, t he t ime was

p r o p i t i o u s and cons iderab le groundwork had a l ready been done. The

Revolut ion had y i e l d e d a l a rge body o f c i v i l and c r im ina l l e g i s l a t i o n and

i t was now o n l y a quest ion o f determining what should be re ta ined from

t h i s pe r iod and what should be rev i ved from the laws o f the o l d regime. 168

* O r i g i n a l l y e n t i t l e d Code c i v i l des f ranqa is , t he t i t l e was changed t o - Code ~ a p o l g o n by t h e law o f September 3, 1807. By roya l ordinance o f

Louis XV l l l i t became Code C i v i 1 i n 181 6. I t rever ted t o Code ~ a p o l &on

by decree o f Napoleon I l l i n 1852, and was f i n a l l y res tored t o Code C i v i l

w i t h the beginning o f t h e T h i r d Republ

i s usua l l y employed today t o designate

i c i n 1870. The term Code Napolgon

the o r i g i n a l form o f t h e Code. 167

A f u r t h e r reason f o r t h e exped i t ious complet ion o f c o d i f i c a t i o n

under Bonaparte concerned the r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y and t r a n q u i l i t y o f

the e a r l y years o f the Consulate. I f t h e ' c o n s t i t u t i o n of An V l l l was '

less w e l l disposed t o the p r i n c i p l e o f i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y i n comparison

w i t h the Revolut ionary c o n s t i t u t i o n s , i t s e f f e c t , nonetheless, was t o

p rov ide a more favourable atmosphere f o r the p repa ra t i on o f comprehensive

and techn ica l l e g i s l a t i o n . T h i s s i t u a t i o n af forded the draftsmen a unique,

and e s s e n t i a l , oppo r tun i t y f o r temperate d iscuss ion and d e l i b e r a t i o n . As

A. Esmein observes: "La C o n s t i t u t i o n de l f a n V I I I , par ses d6 fauts rnsmes,

a s s u r a i t en quelque s o r t e c e t t e m6thode de t r a v a i l . " 1 69

I n assessing t h e reasons f o r the successfu l complet ion o f the C i v i l

Code under the Consulate, i t i s a l s o necessary t o g i v e due r e c o g n i t i o n

t o the personal i n f l uence o f Bonaparte whose w i l l and energy proved t o be

the c a t a l y s t i n b r i n g i n g the task t o a conclusion.170 Furthermore

Napoleon in tervened f requen t l y i n the sessions o f the "Committee o f

Leg is la t i on ' ' o f the Counci l o f S ta te , and h i s a u t h o r i t a r i a n views were t o

leave t h e i r impress upon the Code. 171

I n h i s l a s t years a t Sa in t Helena, Napoleon maintained t h a t h i s

g l o r y res ted i n l a rge p a r t upon t h e Code t h a t bears h i s name: "Ma

l e s t pas d ' a v o i r gag& quarante b a t a i l l e s ... ce que r i e n n 'e f face ra ,

i v r a ( ternel lement , c ' e s t mon Code But i f the g l o r y o f

g l o i r e n

ce qu i v

i t s . comp

concepts

l e t i o n p rope r l y belongs t o him, the idea o f l ega l u n i t y , and the

which i n s p i r e d I t s p rov i s ions , belong t o the h l s t o r y o f t he

+

French nat ion . As A. Esmein observes: ."A l a le'gende q u i v o i t en l u i

un gminent co l l abo ra teu r dans l1oeuvre du Code c i v i l , il y a l o i n . Le

Code c i v i l e s t l l oeuv re de l a na t ion , non c e l l e des ind iv idus ; I 1 renferme

ce qula p r o d u i t l l anc ien d r o i t , e t ce qula p r o d u i t l a Re'volu'tion,

ramen6 2 une commune mesure. 11173

On 24 Therrnidor , An V l l l ( ~ u g u s t 13, 1800), a decree o f t h e consuls

appointed a commission o f f ou r members who were charged w i t h t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y

o f p repar ing a d r a f t o f the C i v i l Code. 174 O f these f o u r members, eminent

1 awyers and judges o f the p re - revo lu t ionary era175, o n l y Tronchet represented

" l e d r o i t coutumier"; t he o the r th ree - P o r t a l i s , B igo t de ~r&meneu,

M a l e v i l l e - had been ra i sed i n t h e "pays de d r o i t 6 ~ r i t . l " ~ ~ CambacBrEs,

who had been t h e c h i e f draftsman under the Convention and the D i rec to ry ,

was prevented f rom being a member o f t he commission due t o h i s rank o f

Second Consul. 177

The two p r i n c i p a l authors o f t he C i v i l Code were P o r t a l i s and

Tronchet . 178 A1 though t h e former championed t h e Roman concepts o f law,

he was a moderate and enl ightened man who r e a l i z e d t h a t u n i t y c a l l s f o r

a to le rance o f d i ve rgen t ideas and a sense o f accommodation. Under h i s

guidance, " l a commission devai t, dans ses travaux, se prgoccuper 2 l a

f o i s de consacrer l es conquztes de l a ~ Q v o l u t i o n e t d10p6rer une synthzse

du d r o i t romain e t du d r o i t coutumier, a f i n que l a soci&te/ pGt passer sans

/ heur ts de l ' anc ienne l e g i s l a t i o n 5 l a nouvel le. ,1179

As bo th t h e Revolut ion and t r a d i t i o n were p a r t o f t h e i r immediate

her i tage, the draftsmen d i d n o t in tend t o c rea te a new law, bu t merely

t o r e s t a t e it, choosing on the bas is o f experience when " l e d r o i t

re/volut ionnaire" was a t var iance w i t h the prev ious law. I n t h i s regard,

P o r t a l i s wro te t h a t "il ne d o i t p o i n t perdre de vue que les l o i s sont

f a i t e s pour l es hommes, e t non l e s homrnes pour l e s l o i s ; q u ' e l l e s

doivent E t r e adapt6es au caractzre, aux habitudes, 2 l a s i t u a t i o n du

peuple pour lequel e l l e s sont fa i tes." 1 80

T h i s pragmatic approach exp la ins why i n c e r t a i n areas the draftsmen

defer red t o t r a d i t i o n , why elsewhere they appeared t o support t he idea ls

o f the Revolut ion, and why on many p o i n t s they attempted t o b r i n g about

a compromise between opposing views. Pragmatic cons idera t ions alone,

however, d i d n o t d i c t a t e the content o f the C i v i l Code. I t s p rov i s ions

were f u r t h e r i n s p i r e d by the concept o f an immutable n a t u r a l law whose

p r i n c i p l e s should be enunciated i n order t o promote j u s t i c e and a b e t t e r

soc ie ty . As A r t i c l e 1 o f the d r a f t o f the C i v i l Code said: "There i s a

un iversa l , unchanging law t h a t i s the source o f a l l p o s i t i v e law; t h i s law

i s the n a t u r a l reason t h a t governs a l l peoples o f t he world. 11181 T h i s

proclamat ion was consonant w i t h the ideas o f t he Englightenment which

sought t o c l a r i f y , and hence t o a degree t o reform, the law i n terms o f

na tu ra l law.

Thus, i n compi l ing t h e C i v i l Code, t h e draftsmen were inf luenced

by the d e s i r e t o prov ide c l a r i t y and s i m p l i c i t y , and t o present t h e

law i n a form r e a d i l y access ib le t o a l l c i t i z e n s . They adhered t o the

concept t h a t a code should n o t con ta in too many d e t a i l e d p rov i s ions o r too

many exceptions t o the p r i n c i p a l ru les . As P o r t a l i s explained: " L ' o f f i c e

de l a l o i e s t de f i x e r , par de grandes vues, l e s maximes ggngrales du

d r o i t; d ' g t a b l i r des p r inc ipes fe'conds en consgquences, e t non de

descendre dans l e d g t a i l des quest ions q u i peuvent n a t t r e sur chaque

mat i& re . 11182

"Le Code c i v i 1 des f ransais", enacted i n i t s f i n a l form on March

21, 1804, achieved the c l a r i t y , b r e v i t y , and conciseness o f s t y l e

intended by the draftsmen. W i t h i n i t s 2281 a r t i c l e s a re encompassed the

law o f "Persons" ( ~ r t i c l e s 7 t o 515) which t r e a t s of such matters as

marr iage, d ivorce , t h e s t a t u s o f minors, guardianship, domic i le , and

absentees; the law o f "Property" ( ~ r t i c l e s 516 t o 710) which t r e a t s o f

property , usuf ruc t and se rv i tudes ; and the law concerning "Various Methods

o f Acqu i r i ng Ownership" ( ~ r t i c l e s 711 t o 2281). Th is l a s t sec t i on i s a

cur ious mix ture , dea l i ng w i t h mat ters as d i ve rse as g i f t s , w i l l s and

i n t e s t a t e succession; o b l i g a t i o n s i n general, i nc lud ing cont rac t , quasi-

con t rac t and t o r t ; marr iage se t t lements , sa le , lease, par tnersh ip and

o ther spec ia l con t rac ts ; mortgates, l i e n s and pledges; and p resc r ip t i on .

The f i r s t s i x a r t i c l e s o f t h e Code c o n s i s t o f a "Pre l im inary T i t l e " which

embodies ph i l osoph ica l asse r t i ons r a t h e r than enactments o f a l e g i s l a t i v e

nature. 183 ,

The sources upon which the draftsmen r e l i e d i n t h e compi la t ion o f

the C i v i l Code were very d iverse. "Le d r o i t coutumier" fu rn ished most

o f t he p rov i s ions deal ing w i t h the community o f possessions between

spouses, and the ru les r e l a t i n g t o succession.184 "Le d r o i t & r i t 1 '

prov ided the bas is f o r t he general r u l e s governing ob l i ga t i ons , contracts,

and t h e marr iage-por t ion system. 85 As t h e 1 aws concerning o b l i g a t ions

and con t rac ts had a l ready been e s s e n t i a l l y u n i f i e d through the work o f

t he French Romanists, p r a c t i c a l l y no innovat ions were made upon inco rpo ra t i on

i n t o the Code. 186

The roya l ordinances promulgated under Louis X I V and

Louis XV were l a r g e l y preserved i n those a r t i c l e s t r e a t i n g o f g i f t s , w i l l s ,

evidence, and the redemption o f mortgages. 18' F i n a l l y , t h e i n f l uence o f

" l e d r o i t r&o lu t i onna i re t ' was t o mani fes t i t s e l f i n several p a r t s o f t he

Code, e s p e c i a l l y those sect ions dea l i ng w i t h marr iage, divorce, and

inher i tances. 188

Bearing i n mind the d i ve rse sources employed i n i t s compi lat ion,

t he quest ion a r i s e s as t o whether t h e Code Napolgon preserved the essen t ia l

lega l reforms o f the Revolut ion. Th is quest ion can be answered i n the

a f f i r m a t i v e i n the sense t h a t t he bas ic s o c i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were

reta ined: e q u a l i t y be fore t h e law, freedom o f conscience, and the

s e c u l a r i t y o f t he State. Hered i ta ry n o b i l i t y was not reestabl ished, and

no at tempt was made t o r e v i v e the system o f feudal ism i n any form.

However, as the Code was designed t o r e c o n c i l e opposing po in ts o f view,

i t i n e v i t a b l y had t o d iscard p a r t o f t he Revolut ionary th ink ing .

*

I n dea l i ng w i t h the i n s t i t u t i o n o f marr lage, the draftsmen had t o

decide between the two experiences o f France. Although marr iage as such

had never been assa i l ed du r ing the Revolut ionary years, t he impos i t i on

o f s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i vo rce had tended t o d im in i sh

i t s s ign i f i cance . 18' i n recogn i t i on o f t he d i v e r s i t y i n the r e l i g i o u s

fee l i ngs o f the French people, t he dec is ion was made t o r e t a i n t h e

secu lar ized view o f marr iage which reserved t o p u b l i c o f f i c e r s t h e

r i g h t t o ce leb ra te marr iage under t h e law ( ~ r t i c l e s 63 - e t 3.). 190

Rel ig ious marr iages had no l e g a l v a l i d i t y and could no t be celebrated

before the c i v i l ceremony. The reason f o r r e t a i n i n g the essen t ia l s o f

t he Revolut ionary m a r i t a l law a r e expla ined by P. Lerebour - Pigeonnizre:

'ILes l ' eg i s la teu rs de 1804 cons idgra ien t certainement que l a l i b e r t 6 de

conscience des i r ke par t o u t l e monde a pour c o r o l l a i r e nature1 l ' indkpendance

de l a l o i v i s -5 -v i s de l a r e l i g i o n : v o i l a ce q u i j u s t i f i e l a s 6 c u l a r i s a t i o n

du mariage dans l e Code c i v i l , v o i l a ce qu i en dgtermine 1' importance. ,I 191

As p rev ious l y mentioned, the Revo lu t ionar ies had author ized d i vo rce

w i t h the enactment o f the "Decree Regulat ing Divorce" o f September 20,

1792. A f t e r c a r e f u l cons idera t ion by t h e draftsmen, i t was decided t o

permi t d ivorce under the C i v i l Code, bu t i n more r e s t r i c t e d fash ion than

under the Revolut ion. P o r t a l i s was e s p e c i a l l y h o s t i l e t o the i n s t i t u t i o n

o f divorce'92, and t h i s h o s t i 1 i t y was manifested i n the narrow grounds

al lowed t o p e t i t i o n e r s : adu l te ry , c o n v i c t i o n o f a ser ious crime, and

grave i n s u l t s , excesses o r c r u e l t y ( ~ r t i c l e s 229 t o 232). 193 Divorce

*

f o r reasons o f i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y was suppressed as being con t ra ry t o the

theory o f cont rac t : a con t rac t cannot be d isso lved by the wishes o f

on l y one p a r t y t o t h e agreement. 195 . lg4 A t t h e i ns i s tence o f Bonaparte , divorce by mutual consent was int roduced i n t h e f i n a l t e x t o f the Code

( ~ r t i c l e 233)lg6, bu t i t was o n l y permi t ted under s t r i n g e n t cond i t i ons

( ~ r t i c l e s 275 - e t 3.). 197

The dec ide ly i n f e r i o r s t a t u s assigned t o women under the Code was

p a r t i c u l a r l y ev ident i n the mat ter o f d ivorce. I n the case o f d i v o r c e

f o r cause o f adu l te ry , t he adu l t ress could be conf ined i n a house o f

co r rec t i on f o r a pe r iod n o t less than th ree months, nor exceeding two

years ( A r t i c l e 298). 19* However, t h e husband was empowered t o m i t i g a t e

the e f f e c t o f t h i s sentence by consenting t o rece ive h i s w i f e again

( A r t i c l e 309). lg9 No s i m i l a r p rov i s ions were incorporated i n t o t h e Code

t o punish the e r r a n t husband.

Concerning the subordinate p o s i t i o n accorded t o women, which

represented a d e f i n i t e regress ion from Revolut ionary idea ls , J. Godechot

observes: "Ce q u i t ranche s u r t o u t avec l a l g g i s l a t i o n r&o lu t i onna i re ,

c ' e s t 1 ' e s p r i t de t o u t l e t i t r e V I du code, consacrg au d ivorce: en e f f e t ,

c ' e s t 13 que 1 ' in6gal i t& de I 'homme e t de l a femme, s i marqu6e dans

presque t o u t l e code c i v i l a t t e i n t un degrk d ' i n j u s t i c e r g v o l t a n t . "200

Whereas " l e d r o i t rgvo l u t i onna i re" had attempted t o in t roduce

the concepts o f l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y i n t o the f a m i l i a l u n i t , t he C i v i l

Code, by con t ras t , p a r t i a l l y res tored the t r a d i t i o n a l view t h a t t he head

of the f a m i l y was the rea l a u t h o r i t y . Prov is ions were incorporated i n t o

the Code p e r m i t t i n g t h e fa ther t o incarcera te h i s c h i l d r e n w i t h o u t

governmental a u t h o r i t y ( A r t i c l e 375 - e t 3.)201, and t h e marr iage r i g h t s

o f sons and daughters were subjected t o vary ing degrees o f pa ren ta l

con t ro l , depending upon age and sex ( A r t i c l e 148 e t =.). 202 -

The Code express ly subordinated the marr ied women t o her husband

by c a t e g o r i c a l l y s t a t i n g t h a t she owes him obedience: "The husband

owes p r o t e c t i o n t o h i s w i f e , t he w i f e obedience t o her husband" ( A r t i c l e

213) .203 Furthermore, she was denied the capaci ty t o g i ve , a1 ienate,

pledge, o r purchase p roper t y w i thou t the w r i t t e n consent of her husband

( A r t i c l e 217). 204 I n t h e f i e l d o f p roper ty r e l a t i o n s , t he husband was

given absolute power t o admin is ter the community proper ty of h i s spouse

wi thout her concurrence ( A r t i c l e 1 4 2 1 ) ~ ' ~ ; and he was a l s o g iven the

power t o manage a l l h i s w i f e ' s personal p roper ty ( A r t i c l e 1428). 206

The e f f e c t o f these p rov i s ions , which r e f l e c t e d the i n f l uence o f Bonaparte's

a u t h ~ r i t a r i a n i s m ~ ~ ~ , was t o extend t o a l l areas o f France d i s a b i l i t i e s

p rev ious l y known o n l y i n t h e "pays de d r o i t /ecr i t ." I t i s worth no t ing

tha t , except f o r a few changes o f small import, t he cond i t i on o f t he marr ied

woman under the C i v i l Code was no t appreciably improved u n t i l t h e passage

o f a law on J u l y 13, 1965, by the Nat iona l Assembly. 208

I n t h e f i e l d of successoral l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e C i v i l Code incorporated

the Revo lu t ionary p r i n c i p l e s concerning r e s t r i c t i o n o f testamentary

l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y of shares among h e i r s o f t he same degree o f kindred.

A r t i c l e 745 o f t h e Code declares t h a t "Chi ldren ... succeed ... wi thou t

d i s t i n c t i o n o f sex o r pr imogeni ture .... They succeed by equal

po r t i ons ... when they are a l l i n the f i r s t degree .... "209 However,

i n con t ras t t o " l e d r o i t r 'evolut ionnaire", the Code was more permiss ive

i n the freedom granted t o t e s t a t o r s t o dispose o f t h e i r p roper t y by

w i 1 1 : a person who leaves one c h i I d may f r e e l y dispose o f one h a l f o f

h i s es ta te ; i f he leaves two ch i l d ren , one t h i r d ; i f th ree o r more ch i l d ren ,

one f o u r t h ( ~ r t i c l e 913). 210 Although r e l a t i v e l y more permiss ive than

the Revolut ionary l e g i s l a t i o n , t he

e f f e c t i v e l y prevented the c r e a t i o n

The r e t e n t i o n o f the Revo lu t i

inher i tances, and the v i r t u a l p roh i

r e f l e c t e d t h e d e s i r e o f the n a t i o n

d i s p o s i t i o n s author ized by t h e Code

o f i n e q u a l i t i e s through inher i tance.

onary ban on pr imogen i tu re and unequal

211 b i t i o n o f e n t a i l s ( ~ r t i c l e 896) ,

t o prevent any r e t u r n t o the s i t u a t i o n

which e x i s t e d under the o l d regime. The l i b e r a t i o n and d i v i s i o n o f t he

land r e s u l t i n g from the co l lapse o f the "r'egime se igneur ia l " , and the

des t ruc t i on o f t he corporate p roper t i es , had b e n e f i t t e d the midd le

classes i n p a r t i c u l a r . I t was thus i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t t o ensure t h a t the

p rov i s ions o f t h e C i v i l Code made I r revocab le the disappearance o f t he

feudal a r i s t o c r a c y which t h e Revolut ion had accomplished. As P.

~e rebours -P igeonn i g r e expla ins: I' ... l a suppression de tou te i n g g a l i t 6

6

e n t r e 1 'a7n6 e t l e s puin& 6 t a i t moins i n s p i r k e pa r I e respect dO 2

l l i n d i v i d u a l i t & des puin6s que par l e d k s i r de n i v e l e r l e s for tunes, l e s

s i t u a t i o n s , e t dtemp$cher l e r e t o u r d'une f g o d a l i t 6 f o n c i g r e ... e l l e

v i s e 3 r g d u i r e un c e r t a i n n iveau l e rang qu'une f a m i l l e peut a t te ind re ,

pour consacrer l e carac t&re dkmocratique de l a na t ion . 11212

The i n s t i t u t i o n o f adoption was mainta ined i n the C i v i l Code, bu t

i t was subjected t o many precautions. The adopter had t o be c h i l d l e s s

and over f i f t y years o f age ( ~ r t i c l e 3431213; t h e adopted was n o t

pe rm i t ted t o sever the t i e s which bound him t o h i s n a t u r a l f am i l y ( A r t i c l e

348)214; nor cou ld adoption take p lace so long as t h e adopted was a minor

( A r t i c l e 346) .215

The p rov i s ions concerning the s ta tus o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n

r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l uence o f Bonaparte who mainta ined t h a t soc ie ty has no

i n t e r e s t i n having na tu ra l c h i l d r e n recognized. 216 Under the C i v i 1 Code,

as under the o l d regime, they were i s o l a t e d and excluded from the fami ly ,

unless a f fo rded lega l recogn i t ion . T h e i r s i t u a t i o n was exempl i f ied by

A r t i c l e 756 of the Code regarding successoral r i g h t s : "Natural c h i l d r e n

are no t h e i r s ; t h e law does n o t g ran t t o such any r i g h t s over the proper ty

o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother deceased, except when they have been l e g a l l y

recognized. I t does no t g r a n t t o them any r i g h t over the p roper t y o f

r e l a t i o n s o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother. 11217

The Code re in fo rced the d

by making no p r o v i s i o n t o f a c i l

p a t e r n i t y ; i n f a c t , s c r u t i n y as

( ~ r t i c l e 340). 218 Thus, i n the

i s a b i l i t i e s o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n

i t a t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o quest ions o f

t o p a t e r n i t y was expressly forb idden

mat ter o f n a t u r a l ch i l d ren , the Code

represented a decided regression from the laws o f t h e Revolut ion which

had attempted t o remove t h e i r soc ia l i n f e r i o r i t y .

I n re tu rn ing , then, t o t h e quest ion posed e a r l i e r concerning

the Code ~ a ~ o l g o n and i t s e f f e c t on the Revolut ionary t r a d i t i o n , i t i s

ev ident t h a t t h e draftsmen were n o t prepared t o r e j e c t en t i r e l y " l e

d r o i t r&o lu t i onna i re . " While r e v e r t i n g i n p a r t t o the j u r i s t i c

t r a d i t i o n s o f France, the Code, i n sum, represented a set t lement by way

of As A l b e r t Sore1 remarks: "Le Code c i v i l , c ' e s t l a

ju r isprudence du d r o i t romain e t 1 'usage des coutumes combings ensemble

e t adapt& 3 l a ~ g c l a r a t i o n des d r o i t s de l'homme, selon les moeurs,

conv6nances e t cond i t i ons de 1 a n a t i o n f ranga i se . . . . 11220

A r i s i n g o u t o f the Revolut ion, t h e Code Napoleon succeeded i n

p r o v i d i n g t h e n a t i o n w i t h a u n i f i e d system of law which incorporated the

h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n w h i l e preserv ing the essen t ia l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789.

Indeed, t h e very a c t o f c o d i f i c a t i o n tended t o consol i d a t e the s o c i a l

conquests o f t he Revo lu t ion and t o symbolize i t s accomplishments. I n t h i s

sense i t was revo lu t i ona ry .

CHAPTER I V

THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION

The Work o f the Revolut ionary Assemblies

As noted prev ious ly , t he cah iers which the cons t i t uen ts de l i ve red

t o t h e i r representat ives contained numerous demands f o r r a d i c a l reforms

o f the c r i m i n a l law and procedure. The p repara t i on f o r necessary reform

had been l a r g e l y accompl ished through the w r i t i n g s o f Montesquieu, 0

Beccaria, and V o l t a i r e , and the a l l e g e d m e r i t s o f Eng l i sh c r im ina l

procedure had received wide p u b l i c i t y i n the years before the Revolut ion. 22 1

I t was i n e v i t a b l e , there fore , t h a t the Revolut ionary assemblies would

be ca l l ed upon t o undertake comprehens i v e r e v i s ions t o laws "6cr i tes avec

du l a i t pour les Nobles, avec du sang pour l e peuple. ,1222

The Const i tuent Assembly, i n r e c o g n i t i o n o f the pressing need t o

c o r r e c t e x i s t i n g abuses, proceeded w i t h despatch toward t h i s end. As A.

Watt inne observes: "Une f i h r e de t o u t rknover, qu i touchai t \a l a

f rgnks ie , s 8 $ t a i t emparge des e s p r i t s . La r6forme c r i m i n e l l e f u t l a

premi'ere aborde/e.I1 223 As a r e s u l t o f t h i s in tense a c t i v i t y , two laws o f

g rea t s i g n i f i c a n c e were enacted on t h e sub jec t o f c r im ina l procedure:

the Decree o f October 8-9, 1789, and t h a t o f September 16-29, 1791.

The f i r s t o f these two laws, meekly reg is tered by the parlement

o f Par is on October 14, 1 7 8 9 , ~ ~ ~ was intended t o r e c t i f y the graver

abuses which required immediate a t t en t i on . However, as the preamble

indicated, t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was considered t o be prov is iona l i n nature,

pending a more comprehensive reform i n the fu ture : "Although the

execution o f the whole of t h i s reform requires le i su re l iness and the

matu r i t y o f the deepest r e f l e c t i o n , i t i s , nevertheless, possib le t o enable

the na t ion t o enjoy the bene f i t o f var ious prov is ions, which, wi thout

subvert ing the order o f procedure a t present fol lowed, would reassure

the innocent and f a c i l i t a t e the v i nd i ca t i on of those accused. 11225

Under the provis ions o f the Decree o f October 1789, no attempt was

made t o remove the ex i s t i ng cr imina l procedure i n i t s en t i re ty . Much o f

the w r i t t e n and complex procedure was retained, such as the information,

the r u l i n g t o the "extraordinary" ac t ion, the conf i rmat ion and the

confrontat ion, the report o f the act ion, and the f i n a l in ter rogat ion. I n

f ac t , A r t i c l e 28 o f the Decree s p e c i f i c a l l y provided tha t the Ordonnance

Cr imine l le o f 1670 remained i n f u l l force: "The Ordinance of 1670 and

the ed ic ts and ru l ings concerning cr imina l matters sha l l continue t o be

observed so f a r as consistent w i t h the present Decree, and except as

otherwise formal ly ordained. ,1226

Nevertheless, various progressive elements were incorporated

i n t o the Decree which provided safeguards f o r the accused. These

consisted p r i m a r i l y i n the al lowance and assurance o f defence counsel,

and i n t h e p u b l i c i t y o f the procedure required: " ... a l l the steps

o f the examination s h a l l take p lace c o n f r o n t a t i v e l y w i t h him,

p u b l i c l y , w i t h the doors o f t h e chamber o f examinat ion open ... ( ~ r t i c l e 11). 227 Fu r the r amendments t o the o l d procedure a l s o

appreciably improved t h e l o t o f t he accused: reasons had t o be g iven

fo r every condemnation t o a f f l i c t i v e o r degrading punishment ( ~ r t i c l e 22);

no sentences i n v o l v i n g degrading o r c a p i t a l punishment cou ld be

pronounced except by a two- th i rds o r f o u r - f i f t h s m a j o r i t y , respect ive ly ,

o f the votes cas t by the judges ( A r t i c l e 25) ; t h e use o f t o r t u r e and

o f the p r i s o n e r ' s seat were abol ished fo reve r ( ~ r t i c l e 25). 228

Although the Decree o f October 8-9, 1789, was not expected t o

have more than an ephemeral ex is tence, i t served the purpose o f

in t roduc ing immediate reforms i n c r i m i n a l procedure demanded by p u b l i c

op in ion . Reform o f a more fundamental na tu re would be forthcoming i n

less than two years w i t h the promulgat ion o f t he Decree o f September 16-29,

1791, which would organize c r i m i n a l procedure on an e n t i r e l y new basis.

I n the meantime, var ious laws were passed by the Const i tuent

Assembly dur ing 1790 which were intended t o ensure e q u a l i t y be fore the

law and t o con f ine punishment t o the of fender h imse l f . A r t i c l e 1 o f

t he law o f January 21, 1790, p rov ided t h a t "offenses o f the same nature

s h a l l be punished by the same k i n d of penal t ies, ' whatever be t h e rank and

the s t a t i o n o f t he offender. "229 Th is law f u r t h e r declared t h a t "ne i the r

t he death pena l t y nor any infamous punishment whatever s h a l l c a r r y w i t h

i t an imputat ion upon the o f f e n d e r ' s family", s ince " the honour o f

, ,230 those who belong t o h i s f a m i l y i s i n no wise tarn ished. The pena l t y

o f general c o n f i s c a t i o n o f p roper t y was hencefor th abol ished, and t h e

record o f the accused's death was no longer t o i nc lude reference t o

the mode o f death. 231

The p o s i t i o n o f the accused was a l s o strengthened by the Decree

Reorganizing the J u d i c i a r y o f August 16, 1790. A r t i c l e 14 o f T i t l e I I

provided t h a t : " I n every c i v i l o r c r im ina l mat ter the arguments repor t s

and judgments s h a l l be p u b l i c , and every c i t i z e n s h a l l have t h e r i g h t

t o defend h i s case i n person, e i t h e r o r a l l y o r i n wr i t ing."232 Fur ther -

more, t he f o l l o w i n g A r t i c l e s t i p u l a t e d t h a t : " T r i a l by j u r y s h a l l take

p lace i n c r i m i n a l cases; examination s h a l l be made p u b l i c l y .... 11233

Th is re ference t o t r i a l by j u r o r s i n c r im ina l mat ters f o r e t o l d the

basis upon which t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791, reorganized

c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e ; namely, t h e establ ishment o f t he procedure by j u r y .

The cahiers o f 1789 had demanded the i n s t i t u t i o n o f j u r i e s f o r judgment of

f a c t and had recommended the study o f the Eng l ish system where the

accused was t r i e d by twelve o f h i s f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s . 234 However t h e

impor ta t ion i n t o France o f t he Eng l i sh c r im ina l procedure was an arduous

task. I n England, the examinat ion p r i o r t o t r i a l was ent rus ted almost

e n t i r e l y t o j u s t i c e s o f the peace, and i t formed bu t an i n s i g n i f i c a n t

element i n t h e t o t a l proceedings. I n France, on the o the r hand, the

*

examination by t h e judge had c o n s t i t u t e d t h e g rea tes t p a r t o f t he

procedure and represented the foundat ion o f t he whole e d i f i c e . 235

Again, i n England, the procedure was e n t i r e l y o r a l and precluded the

reading o f w r i t t e n depos i t ions t o the t r i a l j u r y , whereas ac t i ons i n

France were judged main l y upon wr i t ten documents. 236

A f t e r prolonged debate, the l e g i s l a t i v e committee o f t he

Const i tuent Assembly decided t o s a c r i f i c e the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s

o f France t o the p r i n c i p l e s o f Eng l i sh c r im ina l procedure which were

f e l t t o be i n harmony w i t h t h e s p i r i t o f the evolution.^^^ Theessen t ia l

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t he new system, which were incorporated i n t o the Decree o f

September 16-29, 1791, were t h e adopt ion o f the " j u r y d 'accusat ion" and t h e

" j u r y de jugement" which corresponded t o the Engl i s h grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y .

The Decree prov ided f o r an o r a l , pub l i c , and uncomplicated procedure

before the c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and the " j u r y de jugement", which was t o be

composed o f twelve j u r o r s . The o r a l character o f the procedure was

p r e c i s e l y def ined: "The examinat ion o f the wi tness s h a l l always be made

o r a l l y and w i t h o u t w r i t i n g o u t t h e i r deposit ions" (Par t I I , T i t . V I I ,

A r t . 3) . 238

I t was recognized, however, t h a t no s e r v i l e i m i t a t i o n o f the

Eng l ish system was p o s s i b l e and t h a t var ious p a r t i c u l a r s would have t o

be changed. U n l i k e t h e Eng l i sh t r a d i t i o n , which requ i red the judge t o

r e s t a t e the issues t o be solved a t the conclusion of the argument, the

Decree s t l p u

so t h a t they

the Decree d

l a t e d t h a t issues should be pu t t o t h e j u r o r s i n w r i t i n g

had o n l y t o r e p l y by "yes" o r Furthermore,

i d n o t adhere t o the t r a d i t i o n a l Eng l i sh r u l e r e q u i r i n g

the j u r y ' s dec i s ion t o be unanimous: "But the o p i n i o n o f t h ree j u r o r s

ought always t o be s u f f i c i e n t , i n the accused's favour, e i t h e r t o decide

t h a t t h e f a c t i s n o t ce r ta in , o r t o decide i n h i s favour t h e quest ions

put by the p res iden t r e l a t i v e t o i n ten t " - ( p a r t I I, T i t . V I I, A r t . 28). 2 40

With t h e enactment o f the Decree o f September 16-29, 1791,

e s t a b l i s h i n g the " j u r y d'accusation" and the " j u r y de jugement", t he

Const i tuent Assembly achieved a t r u l y r a d i c a l departure from e x i s t i n g

c r im ina l procedure. I n the case o f proceedings before the t r i a l j u r y ,

progressive r u l e s were se t f o r t h t h a t assured t o the accused those

indispensable guarantees o f which he had been so long deprived. However,

t he p rov i s ions o f t h e Decree concerning p r e l i m i n a r y examination before

commencement o f t r i a l were less successful . I n t h i s area, an imperfect

and inadequate mechanism was s u b s t i t u t e d i n p lace o f t he o l d procedure.

The sec re t p re l im ina ry examination, which had been the longest and

most important p a r t o f the proceedings under t h e o l d regime, was reduced

t o a summary examinat ion before the o f f i c e r o f t he j u d i c i a l p o l i c e , t o

the poss ib le hear ing o f witnesses by the " j u r y d'accusation", and t o the

i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f the accused by the d i r e c t o r o f t h i s j u r y . The j u s t i c e

o f the peace, who was p r i m a r i l y the magis t ra te o f d e t e c t i v e po l i ce ,

r 66

caused t h e appearance before him o f those accused o f crimes by means

o f a "warrant o f product ion. "241 l f , upon i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t he accused,

he be l i eved t h e r e were no grounds f o r c r i m i n a l prosecut ion, t h e accused

was s e t f ree ; i f not , t he l a t t e r was imprisoned by v i r t u e o f a "warrant

o f a r r e s t . ,1242

i

The j u s t i c e o f the peace could i n i t i a t e a c t i o n e i t h e r o f f i c i a l l y

o r by means o f a complaint l a i d by an i n j u r e d pa r t y . 243 ~ h u s , c r i m i n a l

prosecut ions were no longer exc lus i ve l y i n i t i a t e d by the State, and the

func t i ons o f t h e p u b l i c prosecutor were g r e a t l y diminished. Conversely,

p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s were al lowed much g rea te r and more e f f e c t i v e r i g h t s

o f accusat ion than former ly . Notwi thstanding these changes, the Decree

unwisely c reated a c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t w i t h respect t o the powers

conferred upon the j u s t i c e o f the peace. As the i n d i v i d u a l occupying

t h i s p o s i t i o n was author ized t o i n i t i a t e c r i m i n a l proceedings, two

q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were u n i t e d i n h i s person which should have been kept

separate: those o f prosecutor and o f examining magis t ra te . 244

Although the next stage o f the proceedings was h e l d behind c

doors, more emphasis was placed on o r a l examinat ion and the p u b l i c

now represented by the " j u r y d 'accusat ion .I1 Th is body, cons is t i ng

e i g h t j u r o r s , was charged w i t h the duty o f determining whether the

1 osed

was

0 f

prosecut ion should go forward o r be d isal lowed. I f the j u r y al lowed the

prosecut ion, an "acte d'accusation" was drawn up and the mat ter then

passed t o the c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and the t r i a l j u r y . *

Thus t h e p re l im ina ry examination, which c o n s t i t u t e d near ly the

whole o f the a c t i o n under the o l d system, was g r e a t l y reduced i n

importance. I t could cons is t merely o f summary examination by the

j u s t i c e o f the peace, and the hear ing o f witnesses by the " j u r y d'accusation."

Although w r i t t e n depos i t ions were taken, t h e i r purpose was o n l y t o serve

as in format ion ; they were submitted n e i t h e r t o t h e " j u r y d'accusation" nor

t o t h e " j u r y de jugement. "245 However the accused's p o s i t i o n was

p re jud iced a t t r i a l by t h e f a c t t h a t these "notes d ' i n t e r r o g a t o i re" and

"6c la i r c i ssemen t s par 'ecr i t" were made avai 1 a b l e t o the pub1 i c prosecutor,

bu t n o t t o the defence. 246

The system o f p re l im ina ry examination inaugurated by the Decree

o f September 16-29, 1791 was not dest ined t o have l a s t i n g success.

Despi te the f a c t t h a t the new procedures represented a vas t improvement

over the secre t and i n q u i s i t o r i a l methods they replaced, experience showed

t h a t t o o much r e l i a n c e had been placed upon the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s assigned

t o t h e j u s t i c e o f the peace. Furthermore, t h e r i g h t o f prosecut ion

confer red upon p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s proved t o be unsuccessful as w e l l .

A. Esmein exp la ins the reasons f o r these f a i l u r e s : "Le juge de p a i x

f ran fa i s 6 t a i t un t r o p p e t i t personnage, un mag is t ra t t r o p peu i n s t r u i t ,

pour b i e n j oue r l e r81e important q u i l u i 6 t a i t d&volu; e t dans n o t r e pays

l es i n d i v i d u s sont peu e n c l i n s prendre en mains 1 1 i n t 6 r S t p u b l i c , lorsque

l e u r i n tg r i3 t p r i v 6 n ' e s t pas en jeu. 1,247

I n conjunct ion w i t h i t s work on c r i m i n a l procedure, the Const i tuent

Assembly brought t o complet ion a Penal Code on September 25, 1791. The

Assembly had p rev ious l y procla imed the bas ic p r i n c i p l e s o f c r im ina l law

i n the Dec lara t ion of t he R ights o f Man o f August 26, 1789. A r t i c l e 8

o f t h i s document declared t h a t : "La l o i ne d o i t 6 t a b l i r que des peines

s t r i c temen t e t gvidemment ngcessai res, e t nu1 ne peut E t r e puni qu'en

v e r t u d'une l o i &tab1 i e e t promulgu6e antgr ieurement au d6l i t , e t

lkgalemen t appl iqu6e.I' 248

These p r i n c i p l e s were du ly app l i ed i n the Penal

Code which es tab l ished the determinat ion o f crimes and punishments by

w r i t t e n law. Under i t s p rov i s ions , no person could be sentenced t o a

punishment o ther than t h a t which the law had fo rma l l y s p e c i f i e d f o r a

crime def ined p r i o r t o i t s commission.

The pena l t i es p resc r ibed by the Code, i n con t ras t t o those o f the

o l d regime, were n e i t h e r a r b i t r a r y , a t roc ious , nor perpetual . The

i n f l i c t i o n o f the death pena l t y was l i m i t e d t o decap i ta t ion , and corporal

m u t i l a t i o n was v i r t u a l l y abol ished. The p r i n c i p l e t h a t offenses o f the

same na tu re should be punished by the same k i n d o f pena l t ies , i r r e s p e c t i v e

o f t he rank o f t he pe rpe t ra to r , was exempl i f i e d by A r t i c l e 3 o f the Code

deal i ng wi t h capi t a l punishment: "Tout condamn6 aura l a tE te tranchge. , 1249

I n t h i s regard, M. Foucault observes: "La q u i l l o t i n e u t i l i s g e 3 p a r t i r

de mars 1792, c ' e s t l a mkcanique adgquate $ ces p r inc ipes . ,,250

The Code was d i v ided i n t o two main p a r t s , the f i r s t dea l ing w i t h

the var ious punishments p resc r ibed f o r conv ic ted c r im ina ls . These

*

punishments were death, labour i n chains, confinement, t ranspor ta t i on ,

and c i v i c degradation. 251 The second main p a r t o f the Code embraced the

d e f i n i t i o n s o f s p e c i f i c crimes and was subdiv ided i n t o two t i t l e s ; t h e '

f i r s t t i t l e d e a l t w i t h crimes aga ins t p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s , t h e second, w i t h

2 52 crimes aga ins t i n d i v i d u a l s .

The general system o f c r im ina l law r e s u l t i n g from t h i s body o f

l e g i s l a t i o n was g r e a t l y super io r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d p r i o r t o the

Revolut ion.

the previous

punishments ,

una l te rab ly .

Nevertheless, c e r t a i n defects, r e s u l t i n g from a reac t i on t o

regime, were apparent. Through avers ion t o a r b i t r a r y

the pena l ty f o r each o f fense was f i x e d s p e c i f i c a l l y and

As the judge was requ i red t o apply the w r i t t e n l ega l p r o v i s i o n

w i thout regard t o extenuat ing circumstances, h i s func t ion was reduced t o

t h e reading o f a law. I f found g u i l t y , the accused was a t once subjected

t o the r i g i d l e g a l punishment which could not even be va r ied between a

minimum and a maximum. The r e s u l t o f t h i s system, observes C. von Bar,

"was t h a t the pena l ty was f r e q u e n t l y d ispropor t ioned t o the deed which i t

aimed t o repress; and t h a t j u r i e s , making a compromise w i t h t h e i r consciences,

p re fe r red t o a c q u i t t he o f fender ra the r than t o b r i n g upon him a punishment

which they regarded as exaggerated. 1,253

A second de fec t o f t h e Penal Code o f 1791 was the a b o l i t i o n o f the

execut ive power o f pardon f o r a l l o f fenses t r i e d by j u r i e s i it. V I ,

A r t . 13) . 254 Th is p r o v i s i o n a l s o represented a reac t i on t o previous

abuses, and doubtless expressed t h e conf idence t h a t the l e g i s l a t i v e reforms

enacted would hencefor th render unnecessary the anc ient r i g h t o f pardon.

Nevertheless, t h e dec is ion t o remove t h i s r i g h t was i n e r r o r . As C.

von Bar remarks: 'I... t h e power o f pardon must have a p lace i n any

r a t i o n a l system as t h e necessary complement o f s o c i a l j u s t i ce. ,1255

A f t e r the d i s s o l u t i o n o f the Const i tuent Assembly, r e l a t i v e l y

l i t t l e was done by the succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n t h e f i e l d o f

c r im ina l l e g i s l a t i o n . The achievements o f t h e f i r s t Assembly had been

considerable i n t h i s regard, and the changes r e a l i z e d i n procedural and

penal laws were now taken t o be s u b s t a n t i a l l y complete. However t h e

Convention, i n i t s tu rn , e lec ted t o cont inue t h e work o f penal reform and,

by the Decree of 23 F r u c t i d o r , An I I , commissioned the j u r i s t M e r l i n t o

prepare a comprehensive code on the whole o f c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n . 2 56

The new code was t o encompass both procedural and penal l e g i s l a t i o n , and

i t s spec ia l purpose was t o prov ide a work a t once s y n t h e t i c and de ta i l ed ,

as d i s t i ngu ished from the laws o f the Const i tuent Assembly. 2 57

I n pursuance o f t h e Decree, a d r a f t o f t he Code o f Offenses and

Punishments (code des d6 l i t s e t des peines) was presented t o t h e Convention

on 3 Brumaire, An I V ( ~ c t o b e r 25, 1795). Begun eighteen months e a r l i e r ,

the Code was p r i n c i p a l l y the work o f M e r l i n and represented a prod ig ious

task f o r one i n d i v i d u a l . I t was voted i n t o law i n two s i t t i n g s o f ' t h e

Convention which adopted i t i n r e l i a n c e upon the au tho r ' s sponsorship. 258

The Code o f Brumaire was p r i m a r i l y a code o f c r i m i n a l procedure;

substant ive penal law occupied o n l y a l i m i t e d p lace i n i t s p rov is ions . e

Although some o f the p r i n c i p l e s a f f i r m e d i n t h e laws o f 1791 were somewhat

p a l l i a t e d , no changes were made i n the broad fea tures o f t he prev ious

l e g i s l a t i o n .259 However several amendments were in t roduced which concerned

procedural d e t a i 1s.

Whereas t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791, had been exceedingly

b r i e f regarding the p a r t t o be played by the j u s t i c e o f t he peace i n the

p re l im ina ry examination, t h e Code o f Offenses and Punishments devoted

t h i r t y a r t i c l e s t o t h i s sub jec t . 260

S i m i l a r l y , t he new Code d e a l t more

minute ly w i t h t h e proceedings before the t r i a l j u r y . T h i s was a na tu ra l

evo lu t i on r e s u l t i n g from procedures t h a t g radua l l y became more p rec i se

and standardized w i t h t h e development o f an i n s t i t u t i o n unknown t o the

o l d law.

Again, w h i l e the new Code cont inued t h e p r i n c i p l e o f o r a l i t y i n

c r im ina l proceedings, more emphasis was p laced upon w r i t t e n documents

dur ing t h e course o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination. Although t h e i r use was

now pe rm i t ted a t t r i a l , they had t o be p laced a t t he disposa

accused and h i s counsel as w e l l as the p u b l i c accuser. 261

Other than these mod i f i ca t i ons , t he system o f c r i m i n a l

contained i n the Code o f 1795 was e s s e n t i a l l y the one es tab l

o f t he

procedure

shed

e a r l i e r by the Cons t i t uen t Assembly. I n l i k e manner, t he p o r t i o n of

the new Code dea l i ng w i t h substant ive penal law d i d n o t depart from the

p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n t h e Penal Code o f September 25, 1791. The

prov i s ions devoted t o t h e enumeration and d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and

punishments confirmed the general system of penal law i n s t i t u t e d by

the former Code, i nc lud ing the defec ts r e f e r r e d t o prev ious ly . 2 62

I n s p i t e o f t h e i r imperfect ions, t he c r i m i n a l laws enacted by the

Const i tuent Assembly and the Convention c o n s t i t u t e d a d e f i n i t e break

w i t h t h e past. I n p lace o f a procedure t h a t had been secret , i n q u i s i t o r i a l ,

and h i g h l y unfavourable t o t h e accused, the re was s u b s t i t u t e d one which

assured t o him many safeguards. Furthermore, t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f the many

grave abuses which had charac ter ized the penal law o f t h e o l d regime

represented a fundamental reform o f the g r e a t e s t importance.

As no f u r t h e r a l t e r a t i o n s were made t o t h e Code o f Offenses and

Punishments du r ing the balance o f the Revolut ionary decade, i t remained

i n f u l l f o r c e u n t i l the e a r l y pe r iod o f t he Consulate.

Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e Code pdnal o f 1810

The two codes o f t he Napoleonic pe r iod concerning c r i m i n a l procedure

and substant ive c r i m i n a l law cont inued many o f t he changes t h a t were

int roduced du r ing t h e Revolut ionary per iod. Nevertheless these codes a l s o

conta ined reac t iona ry elements which unequ ivoca l ly r e f l e c t e d the

a u t h o r i t a r i a n views o f Bonaparte. 263

Cr imina l procedure, i n p a r t i c u l a r , underwent a r a d i c a l change

a f t e r Napoleon's assumption t o power. An e a r l y amendment t o the ru les

was conta ined i n t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 Fr imai re , An V I I I , where i t was

decreed t h a t the p u b l i c prosecutor was hencefor th t o be the agent and

nominee o f the execut ive power: "The d u t i e s o f p u b l i c prosecutor be fore

a c r i m i n a l c o u r t s h a l l be performed by the commissioner o f the Government"

it. V , A r t . 63). 264 Thus t h e stage was se t f o r t he r e i n s t i t u t i o n o f

t h e o l d o f f i c e o f p u b l i c prosecutor i n i t s e n t i r e t y i n t h e proceedings

before t h e c r i m i n a l courts.

L e g i s l a t i o n fol lowed s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r which marked a d i s t i n c t

r e t u r n t o t h e past . Under t h e Law o f 7 PluviGse, An I X , the p re l im ina ry

examinat ion was reorganized along l i n e s a k i n t o the o l d procedure:

witnesses were t o be heard o u t o f t h e accused's presence, and judges were

no t required, a t t he outse t , t o g i v e t h e accused any in format ion concerning

t h e charges brought aga ins t him. 265 I n a d d i t i o n , t he new l e g i s l a t i o n

m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r e d the proceedings before t h e " j u r y d'accusation" w i t h

t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f w r i t t e n f o r o r a l procedure. 266 However the prov is ions

o f the Revolut ionary laws were p a r t l y re ta ined i n t h a t the accused was

a l lowed t o review the deposi t ions placed be fo re the " j u r y d 'accusat ion ' ,

a f t e r which he could i n s i s t upon a second i n t e r r o g a t i o n by the judge. 267

The Law o f 7 P luv iase a l s o c a l l e d f o r t h e appointment of deputy

governmentcommissioners i n every arrondissement , and gave them power

t o imprison pending the repor t o f the " j u r y d'accusation." These

C

deputies, appointed by the F i r s t Consul, were t o rece ive denunciat ions

and complaints and t o prosecute a l l manner o f crimes. Jus t i ces o f the

peace were hencefor th placed under deput ies ' o rders and thus became

mere ass i s t a n t s o f the pub1 i c prosecutor. 2 68

Th is l e g i s l a t i o n , then, showed a d e f i n i t e r e t u r n t o the o l d system

o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination w h i l e the r u l e s o f t h e Codes o f 1791 and

1795 were, i n t h i s respect, abandoned. However as no changes were made

i n t h e Revo lu t ionary laws concerning procedure before t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n s

o f judgment, i t was ev ident t h a t a compromise between t h e o l d and the

new was s t i l l desi red. The Law o f 7 P luv iase thus represented a t r a n s i t i o n

between t h e codes o f the Revolut ionary pe r iod and t h e "Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n

c r i m i n e l le" o f 1808.

The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 Fr imai re , An V I I I , l i k e those which had

proceeded i t , guaranteed judgment by j u r y f o r a l l ac t i ons determined t o

be cr imes: " i n t h e case o f crimes e n t a i l i n g corpora l o r ignominious

pena l t i es , a f i r s t j u r y s h a l l admit o r r e j e c t t he indictment ; i f i t be

admitted, a second j u r y s h a l l take cognizance o f t h e fac ts , and the

judges forming a c r im ina l cou r t , s h a l l app ly the pena l t y . . . I1 i it. V ,

A r t . 6 2 ) . 269 i n s p i t e o f t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p rov i s ion , t he r e t e n t i o n

o f t h e j u r y system was by no means assured. Th is i n s t i t u t i o n was the

o b j e c t o f con t inu ing c r i t i c i s m on the p a r t o f t he magistracy and, more

impor tant ly , i t was looked upon w i t h d i s favour by the F i r s t Consul. 2 70

I n p r a c t i c e , the t r i a l j u r y had n o t proved e n t i r e l y e f f e c t i v e

because o f reasons o f i n t i m i d a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l p re jud ice . The problem

o f brigandage, i n p a r t i c u l a r , had created an environment i n which the

j u r y was hard p u t t o per form i t s du t i es adequately. J u r i e s were

c r i t i c i z e d f o r being too timorous, f o r a l l o w i n g two many crimes t o go

unpunished, and f o r being too suscep t ib le t o p o l i t i c a l in f luence. 27 1

However as any suggestions t o destroy the j u r y sys tern met w i t h

s tu rdy res is tance by many o f t he l e g i s l a t o r s , Bonaparte resolved t o reduce

i t s i n f l uence w i t h the establ ishment o f a concurrent c r im ina l j u r i s d i c t i o n .

Two j u r i s d i c t i o n s were proposed, the one e n t a i l i n g the use o f the j u r y

f o r o rd ina ry c r i m i n a l cases, the o the r i n v o l v i n g the use o f spec ia l

cou r t s w i thou t j u r i e s t o deal w i t h cases o f armed r e b e l l i o n o r th rea ts

t o the i n t e r n a l s a f e t y o f the State.

A f t e r much acrimonious debate, t he l e g i s l a t u r e al lowed t h i s d u a l i t y

t o e x i s t i n the Law o f 18 Pluv i8se, An IX . 272 Many members o f the

T r ibuna te were s t r o n g l y opposed t o what they considered t o be t h e

rees tab l ishment o f t he "pr&ota l" cou r t s o f the o l d regime. Assurances

by the government t h a t these were temporary measures d i d no t assuage t h e i r

concern, f o r they r e a l i z e d t h a t p r o v i s i o n a l mat ters tend t o become d e f i n i t e .

I n f a c t , the newly created system was dest ined t o pass i n t o t h e "Code

d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r im ine l l e " which mainta ined t h e spec ia l cour ts as a

permanent i n s t i t u t i o n i it. V I , Book 1 1 , A r t . 553 t o 599). 273

Several o f t he p rov i s ions o f t he Law o f 18 P luv i8se

regress ive i n na ture . The accused was denied an opportun

h i s defence, and the r i g h t t o be released on b a i l was abo

were

i t y t o prepare

1 ished.

Furthermore, the judges o f the spec ia l cour ts were n o t requ i red t o

prov ide grounds fo r judgment, and the r i g h t t o appeal from t h e i r

dec is ions was den ied.274 Cer ta in Rev01 u t ionary reforms were maintained,

nonetheless: t h e procedure was p u b l i c and o r a l , and the accused had

the b e n e f i t o f counsel and the r i g h t t o know immediately the na tu re o f

t he charge aga ins t him. 275

Concurrent ly w i t h the establ ishment o f t h e spec ia l cour ts , p re l im ina ry

work had begun on the recast ing o f a l l c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n by an

appointed commission. I n i t i a l l y a s i n g l e t e x t was contemplated, conta in ing

t h e r u l e s o f c r i m i n a l procedure and substant ive c r i m i n a l law. However i t w a s

even tua l l y decided t h a t procedure should be d e a l t w i t h f i r s t because

regu la t i ons governing procedure tend t o f a c i l i t a t e the fo rmat ion o f op in ion

concerning subs tan t i ve law. 2 76

I n due course, a d r a f t o f procedural law was submitted by the

commission which preserved the j u r y system w h i l e i nco rpo ra t i ng several

changes i n i t s r u l e s and composition. Since i t was f e l t t h a t t h e e x i s t i n g

system o f choosing j u r o r s had resu l ted i n too many bad se lec t i ons ,

r e s t r i c t i o n s were int roduced which requ i red f u t u r e j u r o r s t o meet c e r t a i n

census q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . I n add i t i on , the p a r t i e s t o an a c t i o n were g iven

t h e r i g h t t o cha

the r u l e o f unan

as was t h e p r a c t

I n view o f t he many reservat ions expressed concerning the wisdom

l lenge, i n cour t , the proposed panel o f j u r o r s . F i n a l l y ,

i m i t y was suggested f o r t h e decis ions o f t he t r i a l j u r y ,

i c e i n England. 277

o f r e t a i n i n g the j u r y system, an ex tens ive i n q u i r y was ordered by

Bonaparte t o o b t a i n the op in ions o f t he magist racy on the work o f t he

commissioners. As soon as t h e d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n was reviewed by the courts ,

i t became c l e a r t h a t many were h o s t i l e t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t he j u r y

and wished t o see i t suppressed. The f a c t t h a t England was the implacable

enemy o f France a t t h i s t ime doubtless in f luenced opin ion. However a

genuine b e l i e f was expressed t h a t the Ordinance o f 1670, as modi f ied by

the Decrees o f 1789, o f f e r e d more safeguards t o the accused. As A. Esmein

observes: ' I . . . l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l ' a n c i e n d r o i t , purge'es de ses

a t r o c i ti% e t de ses i n j u s t i c e s , avai t conservg de nombreux par t isans. 11278

O f t he seventy f i v e c r im ina l cour ts whose observat ions were publ ished,

o n l y twenty s i x were i n favour o f r e t a i n i n g the j u r y ; twenty th ree d i d

no t express an op in ion f o r o r aga ins t ; w h i l e twenty s i x , main ly from

the south o f France, pronounced aga ins t i t s re tent ion .279 Thus the

problem o f whether t o r e t a i n the j u r y remained a burning quest ion.

The d r a f t o f the suggested c r i m i n a l code, together w i t h t h e r e s u l t s

o f the i n q u i r y , came before the l e g i s l a t i v e sec t i on o f t he Counci l o f

S ta te on May 22, 1804. P r i o r t o the commencement o f d iscussion on the

proposed l e g i s l a t i o n , Napoleon ordered t h e d r a f t i n g o f a l i s t o f

fundamental quest ions t o serve as a bas is f o r debate i n the Counci

State. Accordingly, fourteen quest ions were du ly submitted, t h e f

1 of

i r s t

seven concerning the i n s t i t u t i o n o f t he j u r y . These seven quest ions

were as fo l l ows : Shal l t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y be preserved? Sha l l

t he re be a grand j u r y ? How s h a l l t h e j u r o r s be appointed; from what

c lass s h a l l they be appointed; by whom a r e they t o be appointed? How

i s the chal lenge t o be exercised? Sha l l t h e examinat ion be p u r e l y o r a l ,

o r p a r t l y o r a l and p a r t l y w r i t t e n ? Sha l l several quest ions be p u t

t o the j u r y , o r on l y one: " I s t h e accused g u i l t y o r no t g u i l t y ? " Sha l l

t h e v e r d i c t t o t h e j u r y be unanimous o r s h a l l a c e r t a i n number of votes

determine the issue? 280

The main p a r t o f the debate thus revolved around the is-sue o f the

j u r y and a l though several argued f o r i t s suppression, others, n o t

wishing t o abandon the p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e Revolut ion, defended i t w i t h

a b i l i t y and eloquence. A f t e r l i s t e n i n g t o the c o n f l i c t i n g arguments,

Napoleon se t f o r t h h i s own op in ions on the sub jec t . A despot ic government

cou ld more e a s i l y i n f l uence a j u r y than a judge, and, g iven t h e p u b l i c i t y

o f proceedings and counsel f o r t he defence, the j u r y represented a

superf luous guarantee. Furthermore, a j u r y would always acqu i t a person

who could a f f o r d a lawyer, and always condone an o f fence aga ins t t he

po l i ce . one the less, i f the j u r y was p roper l y composed i t might have a

place i n c r i m i n a l proceedings, as long as t h e spec ia l cou r t s were

a v a i l a b l e t o punish organized crime. 28 1

I n s p i t e o f Napoleon's unmistakable ideas concerning the j u r y ,

the members o f t h e Counci l on l y p a r t i a l l y concurred w i t h them and, i n

due course, the r e t e n t i o n o f bo th grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y was voted

i n pr inc ip le .282 As the mat ter now appeared t o be a t an end on t h i s

p o i n t , t he Counci l proceeded t o h o l d several sessions on o the r p a r t s of

the d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n . However t h i s body was soon presented w i t h another

d r a f t law proposing the amalgamation o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , which

was t o g i v e e f f e c t t o Bonaparte's i n ten t i on . I n answer t o the arguments

put forward f o r i t s adopt ion, i t was s ta ted t h a t , under t h e suggested

p lan o f w ider j u d i c i a l competence, the use o f t h e j u r y would be

impossible i n p r a c t i c e . Taking note o f the ob jec t i ons , Napoleon t a c i t l y

withdrew h i s p l a n and s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r the work o f t h e commission was

suspended. I t was apparent t h a t Bonaparte be l ieved t h a t t he moment was

not

wou

1 aw

Per

favourable t o press f o r the suppression o f the j u r y bu t t h a t op in ion

I d change over t ime. 283 Thus a1 1 the matters r e l a t i n g t o c r i m i n a l

and procedure were a l lowed t o f a l l i n t o o b l i v i o n f o r a th ree year

iod.

When t h e debate was resumed i n January, 1808, i t was decided t o

separate procedural law from substant ive law. The former was presented

as a d r a f t Code o f Cr imina l Procedure (code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e ) ,

t h e l a t t e r as a d r a f t Penal Code (code p&al ) . 6

Concerning procedural mat ters, t he g rea t problem o f the i n s t i t u t i o n

o f the j u r y cont inued t o dominate discussion. I n the end, a compromise

s o l u t i o n was agreed upon: the t r i a l j u r y would be re ta ined, provided

i t was p r o p e r l y cons t i t u ted ; and the grand j u r y would be abol ished, i t s

f unc t i ons being t r a n s f e r r e d t o a spec ia l sec t i on o f t h e Court o f Appeal.

The f a c t t h a t t he grand j u r y was guaranteed by t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22

Fr imai re , An V I I I , d i d no t prove t o be a de te r ren t . As S. Esmein

exp la ins : "On passa o u t r e dec larant , par un de ces i n g i h i e u r s d'etours

s i souvent employ6s $ c e t t e Cpoque, que l a Cour d 'appel 6 t a i t l e

m e i l l e u r des j u r y s d'accusation." 284 Thus, i n t h e prolonged s t r u g g l e

between the procedure by j u r y and t h e Ordinance o f 1670, the former can

be s a i d t o have gained a p a r t i a l v i c t o r y .

But w h i l e t h e Code o f Cr iminal Procedure based i t s r u l e s f o r the

t r i a l i n cou r t upon t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f the Revolut ion, i t borrowed from

the Ordinance o f 1670 almost a l l i t s r u l e s concerning the p r e l i m i n a r y

examination. Witnesses' deposi t ions were t o be taken s e c r e t l y i n the

presence o f t he examining judge and h i s c l e r k , and i n the absence o f

the accused; t h e judge could no t be compelled t o hear witnesses nominated

by the accused; and the accused was kept i n complete ignorance o f t he

test imony g iven, and t h e nature o f t he charges l a i d , throughout t h i s

stage o f t h e proceedings ( ~ r t . 71 t o 86). 2 85

I n comparison, under the Revolut ionary laws t h e accused had been

al lowed t o be present a t the hear ing o f witnesses, and the complaint

and a i l documents had been read t o him before he was p u b l i c l y

in ter rogated. Thus the safeguards granted t o t h e defence s ince 1789

were now withdrawn. As J. Godechot observes: "Le code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n

c r i m i n e l l e de 1808 marque encore une nouve l l e &ac t ion dans l a

proc'edure c r i m i n e l l e , p u i s q u ' i l r g t a b l i t l e secre t , presque dans l e s

mSmes cond i t i ons que l 'ordonnance c r i m i n e l l e de 1670." 2 86

As p r e v i o u s l y noted, the Code o f Cr imina l Procedure incorporated

the Revolut ionary r u l e s governing proceedings a t t r i a l . Court t r i a l s

were t o be open t o the p u b l i c and the accused was a l lowed the product ion

o f witnesses and the assistance o f counsel. However the i m p a r t i a l i t y

o f t h e proceedings was p o t e n t i a l l y d imin ished because o f the Code's

p rov i s ions dea l i ng w i t h the composit ion o f t h e t r i a l j u r y . Henceforth,

p r e f e c t s were charged w i t h the task o f assembling l i s t s o f j u r o r s whose

e l i g i b i l i t y was l i m i t e d t o c e r t a i n ca tegor ies o f persons, espec ia l l y

those o f means ( ~ r t . 381 and 382). 287 Cr imina l j u s t i c e thus assumed the

charac ter o f a " j u s t i c e de classe" w i t h the i n e v i t a b l e impairment of

the i m p a r t i a l i t y o f t he j u r y . Furthermore, chal lenges t o j u r o r s i n cour t

were now regulated; the re could be no more chal lenges f o r cause assigned

(Ar t . 399). 288

The Code o f Cr iminal Procedure was f i n a l l y enacted on November

27, 1808, and was promulgated on January 1, 1811, together w i t h the

Penal Code o f 181 0. As i n the case o f the Code ~ a ~ o l g o n , i t represented

a compromise between the competing in f luences o f " l e d r o i t

r6vo lu t ionna i re1 ' , the laws o f t he o l d regime, and t h e op in ions o f

Bonaparte. A f t e r due allowance has been made f o r i t s reac t i ona ry

elements, i t s t i l l represented a vas t improvement over the procedure

used before 1789, and i n t h i s sense i t conso l ida ted the accomplishments

o f t he Revolut ion.

The Code of Cr iminal Procedure could n o t be p u t i n t o f o r c e u n t i l

t h e complet ion o f a penal code, and t h e . l eg i s la to rs took t h i s task i n

hand a t t h e end o f 1808. As mentioned p rev ious l y , Napoleon had ordered

the p repara t i on o f a quest ionna i re i n 1804 t o f a c i l i t a t e the debates

before t h e Counci l o f State. O f t he four teen quest ions submitted, the

f o l l o w i n g s i x were concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h penal law: Sha l l c a p i t a l

punishment be cont inued? Sha l l t he re be punishments f o r l i f e ? Sha l l

c o n f i s c a t i o n be permi t ted i n c e r t a i n cases? S h a l l judges have a c e r t a i n

freedom i n the a p p l i c a t i o n o f punishments; s h a l l there be a maximum and

a minimum which w i l l g i v e them t h e power o f imposing punishment f o r a

longer o r sho r te r pe r iod according t o circumstances? Sha l l s u r v e i l l a n c e

be int roduced f o r a p a r t i c u l a r c lass o f c r i m i n a l s , a f t e r the e x p i r a t i o n

o f t h e i r punishment, and s h a l l b a i l be demanded i n c e r t a i n cases f o r

r

aga ins t t h e Sta te as such were repressed w i t h harshness." 290

f u t u r e good conduct? Sha l l rehabi 1 i t a t i o n be accorded t o conv ic t s whose

conduct w i l l have made them worthy o f i t ? 2 89

Although these quest ions were answered main ly i n the a f f i r m a t i v e

a t t h a t t ime, the debates were before long postponed because.of t h e

impasse over the mat ter of the j u r y . When t h e work was resumed i n 1808,

despotism had assumed s te rne r forms, and t h i s f a c t was evidenced by the

s e v e r i t y o f t he ensuing penal l e g i s l a t i o n . As M. Ancel observes: "We

a r e no longer fac ing a Code o f t he Revo lu t ion o r even the "Consulat",

but, i n f a c t , a Code o f Empire, enacted a t t he apogee o f Napoleon's

re ign. One should not be su rp r i sed the re fo re t h a t ... t h i s Code was

marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n ideas, and t h a t f e lon ies and misdemeanours

I n essence, the Penal Code o f 1810 aimed t o secure the defence

o f soc ie ty by means o f i n t i m i d a t i ~ n . ~ " Under i t s system o f pena l t ies ,

t h e concept o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was ignored and emphasis was placed

e x c l u s i v e l y upon punishment. For t h i s reason, several punishments

employed du r ing the o l d regime, such as the use o f the branding i r o n

(A r t . 7)292 and the p r a c t i c e o f sever ing the r i g h t hand o f a p a r r i c i d e

293 p r i o r t o h i s execut ion ( A r t . 13) , were re ins ta ted . I n a d d i t i o n t o

these excessive chastisements, t he death pena l t y and l i f e imprisonment

were f r e e l y app l ied , and p e n a l t i e s u n j u s t i n t h e i r e f f e c t s were restored,

294 such as general c o n f i s c a t i o n (A r t . 7) , and " l a mort c i v i l e " (A r t . 18)?g5

However the Penal Code of 1810 did inst i tute some changes of a

progressive nature. In the first place, it renounced the rigidity

of punishments adopted by the Revolutionary legislation and allowed the

judge a discretion between minimum and maximum. Furthermore, the judge

could now take into consideration extenuating circumstances, in the

case of misdemeanours, before arriving at his decision (~rt. 463). 296

Secondly, the power of pardon, which had already been restored to the

executive by means of a "senatus-consultuml' of 16 Thermidor, An X , was

reestablished. 297 Finally, from the point of view of legislative

technique, the Code was drafted with great clarity and the various

provisions were presented systematically and methodically. Crimes of the

same generic type were now grouped together, even though they might vary

as to their gravity or sanction. 298

I n comparison, then, with the Codes of 1791 and 1795, the Penal

Code of 1810 was especially retrogressive concerning severity of punishments.

Nonetheless, the essential principles of the Revolutionary legislation were

maintained. Equality before the law was recognized by having the same

penalties for all citizens, and the fundamental principle of legality of

crimes and punishments was retained ( ~ r t . 4) .299 AS with the other

Napoleonic codes, it represented a fusion of the old and the new.

CHAPTER V

THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION

The defec ts i n the system o f j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been one

o f the c h i e f gr ievances under t h e o l d regime. As a r e s u l t , t h e

Const i tuent Assembly turned i t s a t t e n t i o n t o t h i s ma t te r a t an e a r l y

date. Although the parlements no longer in f luenced t h e course o f events

and had sunk i n t o t h e background, the o v e r r i d i n g concern was t o prevent

the reestabl ishment o f any cou r t s o f j u s t i c e w i t h pretensions analogous

t o those o f the sovereign courts . As A. Esmein expla ins: " c e t t e c r a i n t e

des parlements, ou en g'ene'ral des grands corps j u d l c i a i res, a p k e

constarnment sur I ' e s p r i t de l a m a j o r i t 6 dans l ' oeuv re de l a r e c o n s t i t u t i o n

j u d i c i a i re." 300 I n l i g h t o f the concerns expressed, the cont inued

existence o f t he parlemen t s represented an incongru i t y and on November

3, 1789, they were sent on a prolonged vacat ion. A year l a t e r they were

formal l y suppressed. 30 1

Vena l i t y o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e was suppressed by A r t i c l e 7 of t he

302 Decrees o f August 4-11, 1789, and, more impor tant ly , t h e j u d i c i a r y was

e n t i r e l y reorganized by the Law o f August 16-24, 1790. Under t h i s

l e g i s l a t i o n , the Cons t i t uen t Assembly attempted t o reso lve t h e two bas ic

problems invo lved i n t h e recons t ruc t i on o f the j u d i c i a l system, namely

the method o f choosing and remunerating judges and the composit ion and

competence o f the new j u d i c i a l h ierarchy.

Concerning t h e f i r s t problem, i t was decided t h a t those who were t o

exerc ise j u d i c i a l power should h o l d i t through e l e c t i o n . As j u d i c i a l

power was considered by the deput ies t o be one o f t he man i fes ta t i ons o f

na t i ona l sovereignty, i t was f e l t t h a t t i t l e t o t h i s power should be

achieved i n t h e same manner as those who exerc ised the l e g i s l a t i v e power,

o r who exerc ised a d m i n i s t r a t i v e funct ions. 303 Accordingly, A r t i c l e 3

o f the Law o f August 16-24, 1790, declared t h a t "Judges s h a l l be e lec ted

by the persons sub jec t t o t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . , 1 3 0 ~ Judges were t o be

e lec ted f o r a p e r i o d o f s i x years, and t h e i r serv ices were t o be rendered

g r a t u i t o u s l y and p a i d f o r by the Sta te - v e n a l i t y betng abo l ished

fo rever ( ~ r t i c l e 2 and 4) . 305 I n add i t i on , r e s t r i c t i o n s were int roduced

which provided t h a t no one cou ld be selected as a judge unless he had

a t t a i n e d t h i r t y years o f age and had been a judge o r lawyer p r a c t i c i n g

pub1 i c l y be fore a c o u r t f o r f i v e years ( ~ r t i c l e 9) . 306 Thus, by making

the judges e l e c t i v e , t h e Const i tuent Assembly succeeded i n reducing

t h e i r independence by a b o l i s h i n g the p r i n c i p l e o f i r r e m o v a b i l i t y which

was regarded as incompat ib le w i t h Revolut ionary ideas. 3 07

The Law o f August 16-24, 1790, expressed t h e Revo lu t i ona r ies '

d i s t r u s t o f the j u d i c i a r y by b a r r i n g cour ts from i n t e r f e r i n g i n t h e

opera t ion o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ac ts o r i ssu ing summonses t o admin i s t ra to rs

*

on charges connected w i t h t h e i r du t i es ( A r t i c l e 13). 308 Furthermore,

i n order t o prevent t h e judges from exerc i s ing a r81e s i m i l a r t o t h a t

o f t he par lementai res, they were forb idden from t a k i n g any p a r t i n the

l e g i s l a t i v e branch o f government o r o b s t r u c t i n g t h e execut ion of

l e g i s l a t i v e decrees ( ~ r t i c l e 10). 309

These p r o v i s i o n s r e s t r i c t i n g the j u d i c i a l power w i t h i n c l e a r l y

def ined l i m i t s were incorporated i n t o the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f September

3, 1791: "The cour t s may no t i n t e r f e r e w i t h the exerc ise o f t he

l e g i s l a t i v e power, suspend t h e execut ion o f the laws, encroach upon

a d m i n i s t r a t i v e func t i ons , o r summon admin is t ra to rs before them f o r reasons

connected w i t h t h e i r dut ies" i it. l l I, Chapt. V , A r t . 3) .310 Thus

understood, the p r i n c i p l e o f the separat ion o f powers, as conceived by

the Const i tuent Assembly, amounted t o a d e l i b e r a t e avoidance o f a powerful

and c r e a t i v e j u d i c i a r y capable o f imposing i t s i n f l uence upon the l e g i s l a t i v e

and execu t i ve f u n c t i o n s o f government. I n t h e o p i n i o n o f the Revolut ionar ies,

law making was e x c l u s i v e l y a f u n c t i o n o f t he l e g i s l a t u r e , and because o f

t h e i r f a i t h i n t h e f e a s i b i l i t y of a l e g a l system based e n t i r e l y on s ta tu tes ,

the r61e o f t h e j u d i c i a r y was narrowly circumscribed.

Concerning t h e establ ishment o f a new j u d i c i a l h ie rarchy , t h e

Const i tuent Assembly was guided by a dominant p r i n c i p l e : t o main ta in a

d i s t i n c t i o n between c i v i l and c r im ina l j u r i s d i c t i o n s and t o c rea te d i f f e r e n t

cour ts t o admin is ter these separate j u r i sd i c t i ons .311 I n t h i s regard, t he

Law o f August 16-24, 1790, brought about a s i g n i f i c a n t reo rgan iza t i on

o f t h e j u d i c i a r y - espec ia l l y w i t h respect t o c i v i l mat ters. Three

types o f judges were d i s t i ngu ished by t h i s law: a r b i t e r s , j u s t i c e s of

t he peace and judges p roper l y so ca l l ed .

I n cases o f a r b i t r a t i o n , a l l persons were pe rm i t ted t o nominate

one o r more a r b i t e r s " t o pass upon t h e i r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s , i n a l l cases

and on a1 1 mat ters w i thout exception" i it. I, A r t . 2 ) . 3 12 An appeal

from a r b i t r a l dec is ions was n o t permi t ted unless the p a r t i e s expressly

reserved t h i s r i g h t by mutual consent i it. I, A r t . 4).313 Where the

r i g h t t o appeal was n o t reserved the dec is ions o f t h e a r b i t e r were t o

be executed by means o f an ordinance o f t he d i s t r i c t cou r t i it. I ,

A r t . 6). 314

Although the des ignat ion " juge de paix" had been borrowed from

the Eng l i sh " j u s t i c e o f the peace," t he funct ionsassigned t o t h i s member

o f t he j u d i c i a r y were q u i t e d i s t i n c t from those o f h i s Eng l i sh counterpar t .

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e mat ters s t i p u l a t e d t o be w i t h i n h i s competence under the

Law o f August 16-24, 1790, he was a l s o expected t o mediate d isputes between

p a r t i e s i n concert w i t h e lec ted "prud'hommes assesseurs." I n p r i n c i p l e ,

no w r i t t o commence a c i v i l a c t i o n would be admi t ted t o a d i s t r i c t cou r t

unless mediat ion had been attempted before a n - o f f i c e o f peace and

c o n c i l i a t i o n pres ided over by a j u s t i c e o f t he peace i it. X, A r t . 2). 3 15

The law f u r t h e r declared t h a t a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace was t o be

e lec ted f o r every canton (several i n t h e l a r g e r towns) ; he could o n l y

be chosen from among c i t i z e n s e l i g i b l e f o r departmental and d i s t r i c t

admin i s t ra t i ons and f u l l y t h i r t y years o f age; and he was t o be e lec ted

w i t h an abso lu te m a j o r i t y o f votes by t h e a c t i v e c i t i z e n s u n i t e d i n pr imary

assemblies ( T i t . I l l , A r t . 1 - e t 3.). 316 I t should be noted t h a t the

cond i t i ons o f e l i g i b i l i t y made no reference t o t h e need f o r j u d i c i a l

knowledge o r t r a i n i n g . As A. Esmein observes: "On n ' e x i g e a i t du juge

de p a i x aucune connai ssance j u r i d i q u e , e t ce la 6 t a i t conforme au r a l e

qu'on l u i a s s i g n a i t . J 1 7

Appeals from judgments o f j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, when they were

sub jec t t o appeal, were t o be brought be fo re judges of d i s t r i c t cou r t s - the nex t rung i n t h e newly created h ierarchy . I n a d d i t i o n t o the

a p p e l l a t e j u r i s d i c t i o n j u s t mentioned, t h e d i s t r i c t cou r t s were g iven

cognizance i n the f i r s t instance o f a l l personal , r e a l , and mixed s u i t s

o f every k ind , except ing those declared t o be w i t h i n t h e competence o f

j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace i it. I V , A r t . 4 ) . 318 I n c e r t a i n cases, t h e i r

j u r i s d i c t i o n was extended t o f i r s t and l a s t instance: "The d i s t r i c t

judges s h a l l have cognizance i n f i r s t and l a s t r e s o r t o f a l l personal and

personal p roper t y s u i t s up t o a va lue o f 1000 l i v r e s of p r i n c i p a l , and

o f rea l e s t a t e s u i t s o f which t h e p r i n c i p a l i t e m i s f i f t y l i v r e s of f i x e d

income, i n e i t h e r r e n t o r lease p r i ce " i it. I V , A r t . 5). 3 19 I n a l l c i v i l

s u i t s i n v o l v i n g l a r g e r sums o f money, o r o t h e r causes o f ac t ion , i t was

provided t h a t d i s t r i c t cou r t s should a c t as cou r t s o f appeal w i t h regard

t o each o t h e r ( T i t . V, A r t . 1). 320

The establ ishment o f the d i s t r i c t cou r t s marked t h e upper boundary

o f t he h ie ra rchy o f c i v i l j u s t i c e . Although a Court of Cassation was

soon i n s t i t u t e d t o ensure t h e uniform i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e law throughout

t h e count ry ( ~ e c r e e o f November 27, 1790) , i n mat ters o f appel l a t e

j u r i s d i c t i o n the Const i tuent Assembly chose n o t t o c reate a c o u r t

super io r t o the d i s t r i c t cour t . The two bas ic reasons f o r t h i s dec i s ion

a r e conc ise ly s ta ted by A. Esmein: "lo l e d g s i r e de rapprocher l a

j u s t i c e des j u s t i c i a b l e s , pour l a rendre access ib le 5 tous; 2O l a c r a i n t e

des grands corps j u d i c i a i r e s en qu i pou r ra ien t ressusc i te r l e s

parlements. 11321

On January 20, 1791, a decree o f t h e Const i tuent Assembly a t t r i b u t e d

t h e prosecut ion and judgment o f cr imes i n v o l v i n g a f f l i c t i v e punishments

t o d i s t r i c t cou r t s i n each department. These cour ts , which d e a l t w i t h

c r i m i n a l cases i n t h e f i r s t instance and on appeal, were composed o f an

e lec ted p res iden t and th ree judges from neighbour ing d i s t r i c t cou r t s

se lec ted i n r o t a t ion. 322

The establ ishment o f the d i s t r i c t c r i m i n a l cou r t s was fo l lowed

s h o r t l y by the c r e a t i o n o f cou r t s o f summary j u r i s d i c t i o n . , pursuant t o

the Decree o f J u l y 16-22, 1791, f o r the judgment o f minor offences.

a

The composit ion o f these cour ts , which were s i t u a t e d i n the p r i n c i p a l

town o f each canton, consisted o f two judges and an assessor i n towns

w i t h more than one j u s t i c e o f the peace; elsewhere, they were composed

o f a j u s t i c e o f the peace and two assessors. Prosecutions were i n i t i a t e d

e i t h e r by the i n j u r e d p a r t y , o r by the l o c a l p u b l i c prosecutor, o r by

H-11323 "des hommes de l o i commis > ce t e f f e t pa r l a m u n i c i p a l i t e

As mentioned above, a n a t i o n a l Court o f Cassation was es tab l i shed

by the Decree o f November 27, 1790, wi t h members chosen f o r f o u r years

by the e l e c t o r a l assemblies o f t he departments. I n s p i t e o f t he d e s i r e

t o prevent the r e s t o r a t i o n o f any c o u r t analogous t o the former parlements,

the m a j o r i t y o f t he deput ies wished t o see t h e c r e a t i o n o f a supreme

j u r i s d i c t i o n . 324 However, i n o rde r t o ensure t h a t t h i s cour t would never

overstep i t s a u t h o r i t y , the Const i tuent Assembly s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d t h e

func t i ons assigned t o i t . A r t i c l e 1 o f t he enabl ing decree prescr ibed

the s p e c i f i c character o f t he appeals t o be taken before it: I ' l l annulera

toutes l e s procgdures dans lesquel les les formes auront st6 v i o l g e s e t

t o u t jugement qu i cont iendra une cont ravent ion expresse au t e x t e de l a

l o i . . . Sous aucun' pr 'etexte e t en aucun cas l e t r i b u n a l ne pourra

connaTt r e du fond de 1 ' a f f a i r e ; aprss avoi r cassg 1 es procedures ou 1 e

jugement, il renverra l e fond des a f f a i r e s aux t r ibunaux qui devront en

connaf t re. ,1325

Thus the Court o f Cassation cou ld n o t pass upon t h e m e r i t s o f t he

cases brought be fo re it, no r was i t pe rm i t ted t o i n t e r p r e t t he laws

(a r i g h t reserved t o the l e g i s l a t u r e under the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 ;

T i t . I l l , Chap. V , A r t . 21). 326 Nevertheless, w i t h i t s c r e a t i o n was

r e a l i z e d the u n i f o r m i t y o f c o u r t dec is ions which i s a necessary

complement o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y .

As a r e s u l t o f t h e new j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on w i t h which the

Const i tuent Assembly endowed t h e country, t h e except ional cour ts

( t r i bunaux dlexcept ion) were suppressed, save the commercial cou r t s whose

judges were e lec ted by lead ing merchants. 327 The costs o f l i t i g a t i o n , i f

not a c t u a l l y g r a t u i t o u s , were g r e a t l y diminished, and the workings o f t h e

j u d i c i a l system were made more amenable t o the average c i t i z e n who was

obl iged, w i thou t d i s t i n c t i o n , t o sue before the same judges and according

t o the same forms. As J. Godechot observes: "L 'o rgan isa t ion j u d i c i a i r e

de l a France par l a Const i tuante a sans doute 6tg une des p a r t i e s l e s

p lus rgussies de son oeuvre. I, 328

Although the succeeding Revolut ionary assemblies in t roduced several

changes, the broad o u t l i n e s o f t he j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on created by the

Const i tuent Assembly remained i n ex is tence. Under the Convention,

cond i t ions o f p ro fess iona l capac i ty w i t h respect t o the e l e c t i o n o f

judges were suppressed by the Decree o f October 14, 1792. Henceforth,

judges could be chosen from among a l l c i t i z e n s who had a t t a i n e d twenty

f i v e years o f age. 329 At the same time, the j u d i c i a l power was brought

under the d i r e c t c o n t r o l of the executive. Re ly ing upon i t s q u a l i t y .

as a sovereign assembly, the Convention, by means o f a number o f decrees,

in tervened d i r e c t l y i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e . I t annu l led the

judgments o f e l e c t e d magist rates, ad jud ica ted cases i t s e l f , and

ignored the e l e c t o r a l process by appo in t ing several judges. Indeed, by

v i r t u e o f the Decree o f 14 Vent6se, An 1 1 1 (1795) t h e l e g i s l a t i v e

committee was subsequently au thor ized t o appoint a l l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e

o f f i c e r s , munic ipal o f f i c e r s , and judges. 330 Thus, dur ing the pe r iod

o f the Convention, the p r i n c i p l e o f the separat ion o f powers g radua l l y

disappeared, t o be replaced by a concentrat ion and u n i t y o f powers under

the Revolut ionary government.

The j u d i c i a l system i n s t i t u t e d under t h e Te r ro r saw the c r e a t i o n

of ex t rao rd ina ry t r i b u n a l s o f exped i t ious procedure and the suppression

o f safeguards f o r the p r o t e c t i o n o f t he i n d i v i d u a l . As J. Godfrey

observes: he he Revo lu t ionary t r i b u n a l ] must, i n the f i n a l ana lys i s , be

judged as an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r t h e achievement o f the Revolut ionary purpose

and no t as a c o u r t f o r t he a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f law and j u s t i c e as o r d i n a r y

socia 1

modif i

as an

The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 5 F r u c t i d o r , An I I

cat ions i n j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on . Mav

a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , i t a l s o abol ished

*

I, i n s t i t u t e d f u r t h e r

ing abol ished the d i s t r i c t

the d i s t r i c t cou r t s and

replaced them w i t h departmental cour ts f o r purposes o f c i v i l s u i t s i n

the f i r s t ins tance and on appeal i it. V I I I , A r t . 2 1 6 ) . ~ ) ~ Henceforth,

each department i n France maintained two cour t s l oca ted i n i t s p r i n c i p a l

c i t y , one f o r c i v i 1 j u s t i c e , and the o the r f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e .

The e f f e c t o f t h i s p r o v i s i o n was t o d r a s t i c a l l y reduce t h e number

o f cou r t s and t o make j u s t i c e more remote from the c i t i z e n s i t was

intended t o serve. 333 Furthermore, the character o f t he c i v i l cou r t s

under t h e D i r e c t o r y assumed an apprec iab ly d i f f e r e n t form from t h a t o f

the preceding courts . The magist rates, who were e lec ted by a m i n o r i t y

o f c i t i z e n s o f means, were sometimes pa r t i sans o f t he o l d regime dur ing

which they had exerc ised analogous func t ions . However, t h e i r e l e c t i o n

was sub jec t t o conf i rmat ion by the D i rec to ry , and t h e governments were ab le t o

revoke t h e e l e c t i o n o f those magist rates whose q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , i n t h e i r

op in ion , were found wanting. 334 Thus the e l e c t i v e system, though

maintained i n theory, was g radua l l y abandoned i n p rac t i ce .

On t h e whole, t h e j u d i c i a l system func t ioned s a t i s f a c t o r i l y du r ing

the p e r i o d o f t h e D i rec to ry , even though the government i nc reas ing ly

exerc ised i t s p re roga t i ve o f appo in t ing judges. 335 However, a f t e r t he

coup d ' g t a t o f 18 F r u c t i d o r , An V (!September 4, 1797), the government

removed a l a rge number o f judges and d i r e c t l y appointed t h e i r replacements,

thereby g rave ly endangering the independence s t i l l enjoyed by the

magistracy. From t h i s moment, i t was o n l y a mat ter o f t ime u n t i l t he

e l e c t i v e system gave way e n t i r e l y t o execut ive appointment. As J.

Godechot observes: " I 1 n 'en res te pas moins que, la ' cornme en b i e n

d 'au t res domaines, l e D i r e c t o i r e en nomnant des mag is t ra ts , a f r a y g l a

v o i e ?i 1'Empire. 11336

Under the Consulate, the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 Fr imai re , An V l l l

(~ecernber 13, 1799), tended t o s l i g h t t he j u d i c i a r y ; however i t was

subsequently complemented by o ther laws concerned w i t h j u d i c i a l

admin i s t ra t i on . A r t i c l e 61 o f the C o n s t i t u t i o n prov ided t h a t t he re

should be cou r t s o f f i r s t instance and cour t s of appeal i n c i v i l matters. 337

No reference was made t o the number o f cou r t s except t h a t every communal

arrondissement was t o be served by one o r more j u s t i c e s o f the peace

e lec ted d i r e c t l y by the c i t i z e n s f o r th ree years i it. V, A r t . 60.) 338

Fur ther p r o v i s i o n was made f o r the establ ishment o f a Court o f Cassation

w i t h powers s i m i l a r t o those granted dur ing the Revolut ionary pe r iod

( T i t . V , A r t . 65 and 66.) 339 The judges o f t h i s c o u r t were t o be chosen

from a l i s t o f n a t i o n a l notables, w h i l e judges o f cour ts o f f i r s t instance

and appeal were t o be chosen from departmental 1 i s t s mo it. V , A r t . 67). 340

A r t i c l e 45 prov ided t h a t a l l judges were t o be appointed by the F i r s t

Consul, w i t h t h e except ion o f j u s t i c e s o f t he peace, thus abo l i sh ing t h e

e l e c t i v e system. 341 Judges, o ther than j u s t i c e s o f the peace, were t o

ho ld o f f i c e f o r l i f e , unless found neg l i gen t i n t h e performance o f t h e i r

du t i es it. V, A r t . 68). 342 However, t h i s p r o v i s i o n was mod i f i ed by

a "senatus-consu1tum" o f October 12, 1807, which w i thhe ld l i f e tenure

u n t i l a f t e r a judge had s a t f o r f i v e years. 343 F i n a l l y , t he C o n s t i t u t i o n

re ta ined from the Revo lu t ion such p r a c t i c e s as the use o f the grand and

t r i a l j u r i e s , a r b i t r a t i o n , and t h e hand l ing o f c o n c i l i a t i o n by j u s t i c e s

o f the peace (T i t. V, A r t . 60 and 62) . 344

When Napoleon found t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o t u r n h i s f u l l a t t e n t i o n

t o the matter o f j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on , he l a r g e l y rees tab l ished t h e

system created under the Revolut ion. By v i r t u e o f t he law o f 28

Pluviase, An V I I I , cour ts o f f i r s t instance were created i n each

arrondissement w i t h a u t h o r i t y t o judge a l l c i v i l matters, i nc lud ing

appeals lodged from judgments pronounced by j u s t i c e s o f the peace.

However, appeals from one c o u r t o f f i r s t instance t o another c o u r t o f

f i r s t instance were abol ished. Instead, a se r ies o f in termedia te a p p e l l a t e

cou r t s were created t o rev iew judgments o f cour ts o f f i r s t instance as

w e l l as judgments from t h e commercial cour ts . 345

Under the Consulate, t h e judges o f t h e appeal cour ts were main ly

r e c r u i t e d from the same background as those o f t he cour ts o f f i r s t

instance; t h a t i s t o say, from among personnel o f the Revolut ionary

period. However, i n the l a t e v years o f t h e Empire, the appeal cou r t s

were main ly peopled by magis t ra tes , o r t h e sons o f magist rates, o f t h e

former parlements. Thus imper ia l j u s t i c e tended t o become more a k i n

t o o l d regime j u s t i c e . 346

As i n the case of the c i v i l cour ts , the o rgan iza t i on o f t h e

c r i m i n a l cou r t s remained, on t h e whole, s i m i l a r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d .

dur ing the Revo lu t ion - a t l e a s t u n t i l 1810. These cour t s were

s i t u a t e d i n the p r i n c i p a l c i t y o f each department and were composed o f

a pres ident , chosen by Napoleon, together w i t h judges drawn from the

appe l l a te courts . However, as p rev ious l y mentioned, numerous spec ia l

c r i m i n a l cou r t s were created i n 1801 t o deal w i t h mat ters a f f e c t i n g the

s e c u r i t y o f the State. Other than the implementation o f these spec ia l

c r im ina l cour ts , t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t departure from the e x i s t i n g system

concerned the establ ishment o f Courts o f Assize i n 1810 which replaced

the regu la r c r im ina l cou r t s f o r reasons o f economy. 347

CONCLUSION

When the cah iers spoke o f e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y , they represented

the demands o f t h e middle c lass f o r e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s , equal j u s t i c e ,

s e c u r i t y o f p r i v a t e proper ty , and, f i n a l l y , p o l i t i c a l power. A1 though

e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y remained the i dea ls t o which soc ie ty had fo rma l l y

pledged i t s e l f a t the onset o f the Revolut ion, these idea ls were i n e v i t a b l y

g iven a p a r t i a l and c lass i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by the leaders o f the Revolut ion

who were main ly men o f substance from the upper s t r a t a o f the T h i r d Estate.

As they were n o t very mindfu l o f the gr ievances o f the poorer classes, t h e i r

conception o f e q u a l i t y was l i m i t e d t o the d e s i r e t o a b o l i s h p r i v i l e g e . As

A l f r e d Cobban observes: " P r i v i l e g e was t h e enemy, e q u a l i t y the aim, though

i t must be remembered t h a t the e q u a l i t y des i red by the T h i r d Esta te was

an e q u a l i t y no t o f p roper ty bu t o f status." 348

On August 25, 1789, the middle c lass l a i d the d e f i n i t i v e foundations

o f t he new soc ie ty w i t h the Dec lara t ion o f Rights o f Man and the C i t i zen .

As t h i s proclamat ion o f e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s made the f r e e ownership o f

p r i v a t e p roper t y seem equ iva lent t o s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , a cont inu ing c o n f l i c t

between haves and have-nots was i n e v i t a b l e g iven the e x i s t i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s

o f weal th. Th is c o n f l i c t was t o lead the Revo lu t ion on t o a democratic

chal lenge t o the narrower i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t he Declarat ion, and u l t i m a t e l y

t o cause the bourgeois ie t o appeal t o m i 1 i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p t o p r o t e c t i t s

*

soc ia l and economic preeminence.

As would be expected, the l e g i s l a t i o n enacted throughout t h i s p e r i o d

accura te ly r e f l e c t e d the changing a t t i t u d e s d isp layed by the d i f f e r e n t

Revolut ionary Assemblies and by Napoleon. A t t he outse t , the Const i tuent

Assembly proclaimed, a long w i t h l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y , the s a n c t i t y of

p r i v a t e property, though t h i s d i d n o t i nc lude "feudal" p rerogat ives which

were renounced by the Decrees o f August 4. Nevertheless, the respect

p a i d t o property r i g h t s was upheld by the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which were

a l lowed t o remain concerning redemptions and compensation. S i m i l a r l y ,

the des i re t o prevent any r e t u r n t o t h e s i t u a t i o n which e x i s t e d under the

o l d regime was r e f l e c t e d i n the Decrees o f March 15, 1790, and A p r i l 8,

1791, abo l i sh ing pr imogeni ture and proc la iming equal inher i tances. ( ~ u t

s p e c i f i c p r o h i b i t i o n s aga ins t w i l l i n g p roper t y unequal ly were o n l y

introduced i n 1794.)

That c r im ina l law and the j u d i c i a l system needed d r a s t i c change

was immediately recognized by t h e Const i tuent Assembly and, as has been

shown, the reforms brought about by t h i s body were o f l a s t i n g s ign i f i cance .

Under the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, t he compromises, hes i ta t i ons , and

uncer ta in t i es which charac ter ized much o f t h e c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t he

p r i o r Assembly tended t o disappear. The var ious circumstances, such as

t h e s t rugg le w i t h the roya l power and the war w i t h Europe, imposed a

more r igorous course o f a c t i o n upon the l e g i s l a t o r s . I n the space o f

s i x weeks, from August 14 t o September 20, 1792, a se r ies o f important C

decrees were passed. On August 14, the d i v i s i

ordered together w i t h the con f i sca t ion o f t he

on August 20, 25 and 27, a1 1 "d ro i t s se igneur i

on o f communal lands was

proper ty o f t he emigr&;

aux'l were destroyed wi thout

indemnity, and on September 20, the decrees s e c u l a r i z i n g marr iage and

regu la t i ng d ivorce were promulgated. As P. Sagnac s u c c i n c t l y remarks:

" A p r k avoi r a f f ranch i l e s te r res , e l l e a f f ranchi t 1 es personnes. 11349

Between 1792 and 1794, the Convention Assembly attempted t o d e f i n e

the gains o f 1789 i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e q u a l i t y . Accordingly, t h e

l e g i s l a t i o n produced by t h i s body, i n reac t i on t o the precepts o f Roman

law, imposed 1 i m i t a t i o n s upon proper ty r i g h t s by g ran t ing na tu ra l c h i l d r e n

successoral shares equal t o l e g i t i m a t e ch i l d ren , by c u r t a i l i n g paterna l

a u t h o r i t y , and by c a l l i ng f o r an equal d i v i s i o n among h e i r s i r r e s p e c t i v e

o f the wishes o f t h e t e s t a t o r . The a b i l i t y o f t he i n d i v i d u a l t o deal

w i t h p r i v a t e proper ty was thus c i rcumscr ibed i n the b e l i e f t h a t t h e

perpetuat ion o f gross inequal i t i es of

r u i n o f democracy. B r i e f l y s tated, "1

mot s i les grandes inkga l i t& de f a i t

A1 though t h e Const i t u t i o n o f An

bourgeois ie by means o f p roper t y q u a l i

wea l th must necessar i l y lead t o the

' g g a l i t e l k g a l e ne s e r a i t clu'un

con t inua ien t > subs is ter . 1,350

I l l returned p o l i t i c a l power t o the

f i c a t i o n s f o r suf f rage, the fea r

remained t h a t a p o l i t i c a l democracy would be resurrected which would lead

t o soc ia l democracy and the d i v i s i o n o f property . Thus, under the D i rec to ry ,

attempts were made t o rede f ine , p r o t e c t , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e the gains o f

the new governing c lass.

*

The Dec

was genera 1 1 y

bu t w i t h s ign

l a r a t i o n o f R ights accompanying the C o n s t i t u t i o n

conceived i n the s p i r i t o f t h e 1 i b e r a l " p r i n c i p

i f i c a n t departures from i t . E q u a l i t y now became

o f An I l l

l e s o f 1789,"

essen t ia l l y

equal i t y before t h e law and n o t i n c i v i 1 r i g h t s : " ~ ' 6 g a l it; ,cons is te en

ce qu i l a l o i e s t l a mCme pour tous" (A r t . 3). 351 Economic l i b e r t y was

expressly conf irmed by the d e f i n i t i o n g iven t o p r i v a t e property: "La

p r o p r i & t 6 e s t l e d r o i t de j o u i r e t de d isposer de ses biens, de ses

revenus, du f r u i t de son t r a v a i l e t de son indus t r i e " ( ~ r t . 5).352 F i n a l l y ,

the Dec lara t ion saw the country as being governed by landowners as p a r t

o f the na tu ra l o rde r o f th ings : "C'est s u r l e main t ien des p;opri6t6s

que repose l a c u l t u r e des te r res , toutes l e s product ions, t o u t moyen de

t r a v a i l , e t t o u t l ' o r d r e soc ia l " (A r t . 8). 353

The o v e r r i d i n g concern o f the p r o p e r t i e d c lass under the D i r ec to ry

(1 795-1 799) , a p e r i o d o f in tense pol i t i c a l and economi c i n s t a b i 1 i ty , was

the maintenance o f a soc ia l h ie rarchy and the p ro tec

and fami l y p roper t y r i g h t s from in te r fe rence by the

l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e previous Assemblies was amended,

concerning d i vo rce and the r i g h t s granted t o na tu ra l

the l e g i s l a t o r s rees tab l ished imprisonment f o r debt

the i r advantage t h e sa le o f na t i ona l p roper ty . 354

t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l

State. Thus, much

e s p e c i a l l y t h a t

ch i ld ren. I n add i t i on ,

and regu la r i zed t o

As the Revolut ionary decade progressed, therefore, there emerged a

new and even s t ronger system o f vested i n t e r e s t s than e x i s t e d before 1789.

The l i b e r a l experiment o f t he C o n s t i t u t i o n o f An I l l had no t been *

f successful , having been undermined by d i c t a t o r i a l expedients. Thus,

behind the facade o f a l i b e r a l Cons t i t u t i on , t h e ground was g radua l l y

prepared f o r the d i c t a t o r s h i p o f Bonaparte. By 1799, a regime o f repeated

coups 'd 'e ta t made d i c t a t o r s h i p appear p re fe rab le t o e i t h e r Jacobinism o r

r o y a l i s t reac t ion , e s p e c i a l l y when the economic and s o c i a l conquests of

t he Revolut ion seemed t o be threatened.

Under t h e tu te lage o f Napoleon, the upper middle c lass was ab le t o

consol i d a t e i t s supremacy and complete the work o f t h e Revo lu t ion i n terms

o f many o f i t s aims o f 1789. The p rov i s ions o f t he Code Napol6on p ro tec ted

the p roper t y se t t lements o f t h e Revolut ionary p e r i o d w h i l e ma in ta in ing the

p r i n c i p l e s o f e q u a l i t y be fore the law and e q u a l i t y o f oppor tun i t y . The

Roman law t r a d i t i o n cont inued t o recover i t s i n f l uence and t h i s was

r e f l e c t e d both i n the r e s t o r a t i o n o f paternal a u t h o r i t y and the f r e e r

d i s p o s i t i o n o f p r i v a t e proper ty , as w e l l as i n the increased s e v e r i t y o f

the p rov i s ions o f t he Penal Code. I n essence, the Code Napolgon gave

permanence t o the i dea ls and a s p i r a t i o n s o f t he upper midd le c lass . As J.

Godechot observes: ' ' ~ 6 d i ~ ; par des bourgeois, il a en vue uniquement

1 1 i n t 6 r 6 t de l a c lasse poss6dante. I1 r z g l e les cond i t i ons d 'ex i s tence de

l a f a m i l l e , considgrge sous l ' a n g l e de l a p rop r i6 t6 : l e c o n t r a t de mariage,

l es partages, l e s donations, l e s successions sont l es p r inc ipaux o b j e t s

de ses p r ' e o c ~ u ~ a t i o n s . I 1 considsre l a propri 'ete' comme un d r o i t absolu,

ind iscutab le , i n v i o l a b l e e t sac&. 11355

I t would be unduly r e s t r i c t i v e , however, t o p o r t r a y the Revo lu t ionar ies

as being concerned e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h ma te r ia l i n t e r e s t s . The humanitar ian

and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms achieved i n the areas o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure

and j u d i c i a l admin i s t ra t i on were, f o r t he most p a r t , s i g n i f i c a n t and

durable. S i m i l a r l y , t he var ious attempts t o c o d i f y the c i v i l laws provided

an indispensable foundation f o r the eventual successful c o d i f i c a t i o n under

Napoleon. I n the f i n a l analys is , the work o f t he Revolut ionary Assemblies

was l a s t i n g because i t gave concrete expression t o i dea ls which had been

long suppressed under the o l d regime.

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e 2. M. Marion, Dict ionnai t -e des i n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France aux X V I I

e t X V l l le s isc les , (Paris: August Picard, 1923), p. 315.

Ib id. , p. 314. 3. -

4. J. Mackre l l , " C r i t i c i s m o f s e i g n i o r i a l j u s t i c e i n e ighteenth-century France", i n .French Government and Soci e t y 1500- 1850, J . F. Bosher (ed.), (London: Ath lone Press, 1973), p. 125.

5. R. V i l l e r s , L tOrgan isa t ion du Parlement de Par i s e t des Consei ls sup6r ieurs d tapr8s l a ~ 6 f o r m e de Maupeou (1771-1774), (Paris: L i b r a i r i e du Recueil S i rey, 1937), p. 222.

6. A r thu r Young, Trave ls i n France, Constant ia Maxwell (ed.), (cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, l95O), p. 333.

7. J. Godechot, Les I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France sous l a ~ G v o l u t i o n e t l tEmp i re , (Par is : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1968), i inm7

8. I b i d .

Ib id . , p. 142. 9. -

10. P. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e de l a r & o l u t i o n f r a n ~ a i s e , (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1898), p. 2.

-

11. R. David and H, DeVries, The French Legal System, ( ~ e w York: Oceana pub1 i c a t i o n s , 1958), p. 1 1 .

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13. J. Brissaud, "National J u r i s t s and Royal Legis lat ioni ' , i n Cont i nenta 1 Legal His t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 191 2) Vol. 1, p. 265.

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15. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 141.

16. J .M. Thompson, French Rev01 u t ion Documents 1789-94, (Oxford: B a s i l B lackwel l , 1933), p. 13.

17. Baron F, Dglbeke, L ' a c t i o n p o l i t i q u e e t s o c i a l e des avocats au X V l l l s i s c l e , (Paris: L i b r a i r i e du Recuei l S i rey, 1927), p. 137.

18. C.L. Von Bar, "A H i s t o r y o f Cont inenta l Cr iminal Law", i n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1916) Vol. X, p. 259.

19. Ib id . , p. 277.

20. A. Desjard ins, Les cahiers des 6 t a t s g6ngraux en 1789 e t l a l g g i s l a t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , (Paris: G. Pedone-Laurie1 , 1883), p. v i i.

e 21. R. Anchel, Crimes e t chatiments au X V l l l s i z c l e , (par is : L i b r a i r i e

acad&nique Per r i n , 1933), p. 29.

22. Ib id . , p. 4.

23. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr iminal Law, p. 261.

24. Ib id. , p. 263.

25. A . Wattlnne, L ' a f f a i r e des t r o i s rougs, ( ~ a c o n : P r o t a t FrZres, 1921)., P. 49.

I 26. A . Esmein,. "A H i s t o r y of Cont inenta l Cr iminal Procedure", i n Cont inenta l 1

1 Legal H is to ry , ( ~ o s t o n : L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, 1913), Vol . v., p . 397.

Ib id . , p. 398. 27

28. I b i d . , p. 399.

29. Ib id. , p. 400

30. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 401.

31. I b i d . , p. 402.

32. Des ja rd ins , Cahiers des G t a t s g&6raux, p. 78.

33. I b i d . , p. 28.

34. Von Bar, Cont inen ta l C r im ina l Law, p. 316.

#

35. MIT. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccar ia as Reformers o f C r im ina l Law, ( ~ e w York: Fa r ra r , S t raus and G i roux , 1972), p. 23.

I b id . 36.

37. I b i d . , p. 25.

Ib id . , p. 25. 38

39. Esmein, Cont inen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p. 363.

40. I b i d .

41. Ib id . , p. 369.

/

42. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccar ia , p. 27.

43. M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p. 134.

44. Von Bar, Cont inen ta l C r im ina l Law, p. 317.

45. Esmein, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p . 364.

46. I b i d .

47. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law, p. 415.

48. I b i d .

49. I b i d .

50. Mackre l l , S e i g n i o r i a l Jus t i ce , p. 134.

51. Watt inne, T r o i s ROU&, p. 72.

/

52. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p. 101.

53. Peter Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s : The Poet as R e a l i s t , (pr inceton: P r ince ton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 284.

54. Edna Nixon, V o l t a i r e and t h e Calas Case, o on don: V i c t o r Gol lancz Ltd., 1961), p. 216.

55. Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s , pp. 292 - e t 3.

56. I b id . , p. 293.

57. Ib id . , p. 293.

/

58. Maestro, V o l a t i r e and Beccaria, p. 116.

59. I b id . , p. 117.

60. Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s , p. 298.

61. Wattinne, T r o i s Rougs, p. 71.

62. Delbeke, L ' a c t i o n pol i t i q u e , pp. 59-65.

63. W.F. Church. "The Decl ine o f t he French J u r i s t s as P o l i t i c a l ~ h e o r i i t s , 1660-178911, i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r , Mass.: Hefferman Press, 1967) Vol. V, Number 1, Spr ing 1967,

64. Ib id . , p . 31. -

65. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law, p. 318.

66. I b i d . -

67. H i s t o i r e de France, E. Lavisse (ed.), (par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette Vol . I X , p. 195.

68. Church, French J u r i s t s , p. 39.

/

69. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p. 155.

70. Anchel, Crimes e t chst iments, p. 221.

71. A l f r e d Cobban, "The Parlements o f France i n the Eighteenth Century", i n Aspects o f the French Revolut ion, o on don: Granada Pub1 i shing L imi ted, 1971), p. 68.

72. A. Goodwin, The French Revolut ion, ( ~ e w York: Harper & Row, 1966), p. 17.

73. Cobban, Parlements of France, p . 78.

74. R.R. Palmer, The Age o f the Democratic Revolut ion, (Princeton: Pr inceton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 97.

75. I b i d .

76. Goodwin, French Revolut ion, p . 17.

I 77. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 17.

1 . 78. W . O . Doyle, "The Parlements o f France and the Breakdown o f t he Old , - Reg ifhe", i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r , Mass. : Hefferman Press, 1970) Vol. V I , Number 4, F a l l 1970, p. 415.

79. Cobban, Parlements of France, p. 79.

80. F. ~ i g t r i , La r i forrne de l l k t a t au x v l l l e s i z c l e , (Par is : Les ' ed i t i ons de France, 1935), p. 139.

81. J. Dec la reu i l , H i s t o i r e g6ngrale du d r o i t f ransa is de o r i g i n e s d e s 3 1789. (Par is : L i b r a i r i e du Recuei l ~ i r e y . 1925),

82. Desjardins, Cahiers des 6 t a t s g&6raux, p. xx.

83. Ib id . , p. x x i .

84. M. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon e t l a r l forrne j u d i c i a i r e d,e 1788, (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1905), p. 1. -

85. Mackre l l , S e i g n i o r i a l Jus t i ce , p. 128.

86. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, p. 2.

87. Ib id . , p. 6.

88. Goodwin, French Revolut ion, p. 37.

91. E. Glasson, Le Parlernent de Par is , (par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1901) Vol. 2, p. 477.

I b id. , p. 478. 92

93. Mackre l l , S e i g n i o r i a l Jus t ice , p. 127.

94. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, pp. 67-68.

96. Glasson, Parlement de Par is , p. 480.

97. I sambert, Recuei 1 ggngral des anciennes l o i s f r a n ~ a i ses, (Par is : L i b r a i r i e de Plon FrZres, 1822-33) Vol. X X V I l , p. 527.

e 98. J. Flammermont, Remonstrances du Parlement de Par i s au X V l l l

~ i z c l e , (par is : lmpr imer ie nat iona le , 1898) Vol. 3, p. 770.

99. Isambert, Recuei l ggngral , Vol. X X V I I , p. 527.

100. Ib id. , p. 530.

101. -* l b i d p. 531.

102. = l b i d p. 531.

103. Ib id . , p. 531.

104. Ib id . , p. 532.

105. -- l b i d p. 532.

106. Esmein, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Procedure, p. 397.

107. H i s t o i r e de France, E. Lav isse (ed.), Vol. I X , p. 347.

108. Isambert, Recuei l gSnEral, Vol. X X V I I , p. 561.

109. H i s t o i r e de France, E. Lavisse (ed.), Vol. I X , p. 348.

110. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Lamoignon, p. 4.

1 1 1 . Goodwin, French Revolut ion, p. .37.

112. P . Sagnac, La f i n de l ' a n c i e n rkgime e t l a r & o l u t i o n amgricaine (1 765- 1789), ( ~ a r i s: Presses un i v e r s i t a i res de France, 19521, p. 472.

B

113. Wattinne, T r o i s ROU&, p. 171.

114. Thompson, French Revolut ion Documents, p. 110.

115. I b i d . - 116. Ib id .

117. I b i d .

118. Soboul, French Revolut ion, pp. 178 - e t seq.

119. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 27.

I 120. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 44.

121. Ib id. , p. 46.

122. J.H. Stewart, A Documentary Survey o f t h e French Revolut ion, ( ~ e w York: The Macmillan Company, 1966), p. 106.

123. Thompson, French Revolut ion Documents, p. 58.

124. Ib id. , p. 59.

125. -- l b i d p. 60.

126. A. Esmein, L ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 1814, ( ~ i b r a i r i e du Recuei l S i rey, 1911), p. 213.

127. Soboul, French Revolut ion, p. 554.

128. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s - de 1789 2 1814, p. 221.

129. L. Cahen and R. Guyot, L 'oeuvre l e g i s l a t i v e de l a r & o l u t i o n , (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e F 6 l i x Alcan, 1913), p. 27.

130. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 322.

131. Ib id. , p. 333.

132. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s - de 1789 1814, p. 228.

133. - Ibid. , p. 233.

134. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 326.

135. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 233. -

136. Ibid., p. 234.

137. Sagnac, La 1 6 g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 385. I

138. Esmein, D r o i t f ransa is de 1789 2 1814, p. 235. - 139. Ib id. , p. 239.

140. Ibid., p. 242.

141. M. P l a n i o l , "The Revolut ion and the Codes", i n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1912) Vol. 1, p. 278.

142. I b i d .

143. I b i d .

144. A . Esmein, " ~ ' o r i ~ i n a l i t g du Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. 10.

145. F. Markham, Napoleon, ( ~ e w York: The New American L ib ra ry , 1963), p. 96.

146. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 3.

*

J.

I 148. Ib id . - s

149. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 146.

150. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 26.

151. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 47.

152. - Ibid., p. 48.

153. Ibid., p. 48. -

154. Ibid., p. 48. - 155. Ib id. , p. 48. -

156. Po l b i d 9 p. 51.

157. Esmein, ~ ' o r i ~ i n a l i t g du Code C i v i l , Vol . 1, p. 9.

158. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.

159. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 52.

160. Rapport de Carnbaceres, Fenet, Vol. 1, p. 140, c i t e d by A. Esrnein, original i t& du Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (par is : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. 10.

161. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 53.

162. Ib id . -

163. Ib id . , p. 54. -

164. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.

165. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.

166. Sagnac, La 1Ggislation civile, p. 55.

167. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 285.

168. Esmein, Droit fransais de 1789 2 1814, p. 329. - 169. Ibid., p. 331.

170. R.B. Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution, (~hiladelphia and New York: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1967)~ p. 88.

171. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1 , p . 288.

172. De Montholon, "R&it de la captivite' de l'empireur ~apole/on", Vol. 1, p . 401, cited by C.J. Friedrich, "The Ideological and Philosophical Backgroundff, in The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World, B. Schwartz (ed.) , (New York University Press, 1956), p. 17.

173. Esmein, Droit francais de 1789 5 1814, p. 333.

174. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.

175. ~ e n 6 David, French Law: Its Structures, Sources, and Methodology, a at on Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972), p. 12.

176. Godechot, lnstitutions de la France, p. 692.

177. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol . 1, p. 287. 178. Ibid.

179. Godechot, Institutions de la France, p. 692,

180. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 466-467; ~ o c r g , Vol. 1, pp. 254-255, c i t e d by Andr6 Tunc. "The Grand Out l ines o f the Code". i n The Code ~ a ~ o l g o n and t h e Common-Law World, B. ~ c h w a r & ( e m w . York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956), p. 44.

181. David, French Law, p. 14.

182. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 467-469; ~oc t -6 , Vol. 1, pp. 255-257, c i t e d by And& Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 24.

183. P l a n i o l , Revo lu t ion and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 285.

184. Ibid., p. 286. -

185. Ib id. , p. 286.

186. David, French Law, p. 12.

187. P l a n i o l , Revo lu t ion and the Codes, Vol . 1 , p. 286.

188. Ib id . - 189. Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 34.

190. Code NapolGon, L i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d from the o r i g i n a l and o f f i c i a l e d i t i o n publ ished a t Pa r i s i n 1804 by a b a r r i s t e r o f t h e Inner Temple, a at on Rouge: R.G. C l a i t o r pub1 isher , 1960 r e p r i n t ) , P. 19.

191. P. Lerebours-Pigeonnizre, "Le Fami l l e e t l e Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. 275.

192. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.

193. Code ~ a p o l g o n , p. 62.

194. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695. L

195. Tunc, Grand Out l ines , p. 37.

196. Code Napolgon, p. 63.

197. - Ibid., p. 76.

198. - Ibid. , p. 83.

199. - Ibid., p. 86.

200. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.

201 . Code Napolgon, p. 104.

202. Ib id. , p. 44.

203. Ibid., p. 59. - 204. - Ibid. , p. 60.

205. - Ibid. , p. 391.

206. Ibid., p. 393.

207. Tunc, Grand Out l ines , p. 36.

208. Holtman, Napoleonic Revolut ion, p. 92.

209. Code Napolgon, p. 204.

210. - Ibid. , p. 249.

211. - Ibid. , p. 244.

212. ~ e r e b o u r s - ~ i ~ e o n n i z r e , La Fami l l e e t l e Code C i v i l , Vol. 1, p. 280.

213. Code ~ a ~ f o 6 o n , p. 95.

214. - Ibid. , p. 96.

215. lb id . , p. 96.

216. Holtman, Napoleonic Revolut ion, p. 91.

217. Code Napolgon, p. 208.

218. Ib id. , p. 94.

219. P l a n i o l . Revo lu t ion and the C odes, V -

220. A . Sorel , " I n t roduc t ion " t o Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. x x i x .

221. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqa is - de 1789 2 1814, p. 250.

222. H. CarrG, La f i n des parlements (1788-17901, (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1912), p. 83.

223. Wattinne, T r o i s R O U ~ S , p. 177.

224. - Ibid. , p. 180.

225. Esmein, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Procedure, p. 402.

226. I b i d .

227. Ib id. , p. 404.

228. Ib id . , p. 407.

229. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law, p. 321.

230. Ib id .

231. I b i d .

232. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 146.

233. I b i d . - 234. Thompson, French Revolut ion Documents, p. 15.

235. Esrnein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 409.

236. I b i d . - 237. Ib id . , p. 410.

238. - lbid . , p. 415.

239. Ib id. , p. 41 6.

240. Ib id . , p. 417.

241. Ib id. , p. 410.

242. Ib id . , p. 411.

243. - Ibid. , p. 411.

244. Ib id. , p. 419.

245. Ib id . , p. 419.

246. Ib id . , p. 419.

247. Esmein, D r o i t f ranca is de 1789 2 1814, p . 257. a

248. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre I Z g i s l a t i v e , p. 23.

249. Ib id. , p . 194.

250. M. ~ouca?u l t , S u r v e i l l e r e t pun i r , (Par is : E d i t i o n s Gal l imard, 19751, p. 18.

251. Von Bar, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Law, p . 321.

252. I b i d . , p. 322.

253. I b i d . , p. 324.

254. I b i d . , p. 323.

255. I b i d . , p. 323.

256. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n c a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 257.

257. Esmein, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p. 427.

258. I b i d . , p. 428.

259. I b i d . , p. 429.

260. I b i d . , p. 430.

261. I b i d . , p. 434.

262. Von Bar, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Law, p. 323.

263. L. Gershoy, The French Revo lu t i on and Napoleon, ( ~ e w York: Me red i t h P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1965), p. 457.

264. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 775.

265. Esmein, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p. 439.

266. I b i d . , p. 440.

267. I b i d . , p. 439.

268. I b i d . , p. 438.

C

269. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 775.

270. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 336.

271. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 461.

272. Cambridge Modern History, G.W. Prothero, A.W. Ward, S . Leathes, (eds.) (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1906) Vol. I X , p. 171.

273. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r im ine l l e , Louis T r i p i e r (ed.), (par is : L i b r a i r i e de jur isprudence de C o t i l l o n , 1850), p. 817.

274. Cambridge Modern History, Vol. I X , p. 171.

275. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 459.

276. Marc Ancel, " Int roduct ion" t o The French Penal Code, G.O.W. Mue l le r (ed .) , o on don : Sweet & Maxwell L i m i ted, 1960) , p . 3.

277. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 464.

278. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqais de 1789 2 1814, p. 336. r

279. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 472.

280. Ib id . , p. 483.

281. Cambridge Modern History, Vol . I X , p. 172.

282. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 495.

283. I b i d .

284. Esmein, D r o i t f ransa is - de 1789 2 1814, p. 337.

285. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 719.

286. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 631.

287. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 781..

288. l b i d p. 787. * '

289. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Criminal Law, p. 336.

290. Anchel, French Penal Code, p. 9.

291. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Criminal Law, p. 337.

292. Code p&al , F i f t y - n i n t h ed i t i on , (pa r i s : Jurisprudence g&gra le Da l loz , 1962), p. 5.

293. Ib id. , p. 9. - 294. Ib id. , p. 5.

295. Ib id . , p. 11.

296. Ib id . , p. 282.

297. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Criminal Law, p. 338.

298. I b i d . - 299. Code p6nal , p. 2.

300. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqa is de 1789 2 1814, p. 86.

301. Cobban, Parlements o f France, p. 82.

302. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 108.

303. J. Brissaud, "A H i s t o r y of French P u b l i c Law", i n Cont inenta l Legal H is to ry , ondo don: John Murray, 1915) Vol . I X , p . 561.

304. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 144.

305. I b i d . - 306. I b i d .

308. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 145.

311. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. .

I 312. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 144.

313. I b i d .

314. I b i d .

315. I b i d . , p. 152.

316. I b i d . , p. 146.

317. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 106. a

318. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 148.

319. I b i d .

320. I b i d . , p. 149.

321. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 S 1814, p. 107.

322. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 184.

323. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 111. a

324. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 153.

325. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 113.

326. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 256.

327. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 1 1 1 . a

328. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 159.

329. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 117. #

330. Brissaud, French P u b l i c Law, Vol. I X , p. 562.

331. J.L. Godfrey, Revolut ionary Jus t i ce , (chapel H i l l : The U n i v e r s i t y o f Nor th Caro l ina Press, l 9 5 l ) , p. 150.

332. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 596.

333. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqa is de 1789 2 1814, p . 1

334. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 477

335. Ib id . , p. 480.

336. - Ibid. , p. 481.

337. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775.

338. I b i d . -

339. Ib id . , p. 776.

340. Ib id . , p. 776.

341. - Ibid. , p. 773.

342. Ib id . , p. 776.

343. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 619.

344. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775. *

345. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 621.

346. Ib id. , p . 622.

1 347. Holtman, Napoleonic Revolut ion, p. 87. 4 E

348. A l f r e d Cobban, A H i s t o r y o f Modern France, (~armondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd., 1963), Vol. 1, p . 263.

349. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 384.

350. Ib id . , p . 241.

351. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre l e 'g i s la t i ve , p . 111.

352. I b i d .

353. Ib id . , p. 113.

354. Georges Lefebvre, The D i r e c t o r ( ~ e w York: Vintage Books, a D i v i s i o n o f Random Ho"& 168.

355. ~ o d e c h o t ; l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 693.

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