THE INCORPORATION OF TAILORS IN GLASGOW IN THE 18TH ... · Their work is an important part of the...

The Incorporation of Tailors in Glasgow in the 18th by Henry Lumsden 1928

THE INCORPORATION OF TAILORS IN GLASGOW IN THE 18TH. CENTURY

"The thoroughness with which the old craftsmen had

to do their work, the interest which they were·

obliged to take in the general affairs of the craft and of their town, went far towards building up Glasgow's industrial and commercial greatness.

Their work is an important part of the City's long

history."

Henry Lumsden

Bibliography of the Guilds of

Glasgow 1928.


CONTENTS

1. Introduction: The Glasgow Guildry

2. Officers of the Master Court

3. Membership of the Guild

4. Trade Protection

5. Properties

6. Charity Work

7. Growth of Political Awareness

8. Conclusion

Footnotes

Appendices:

a) Charters of the Guilds

b) List of Deacons. 1700-1730.

c) Copy of Accounts. 1749-50.

d) Income from Freedom Fines

e) Income from Mortcloths. 1731

f) Example of an Indenture. 1790

g) Freemen Tailors from Burgess Roll. 1780-89.

h) Regulations concerning Journeymen. 1787.

i) Sample Entries from Minute Books

j) Example of a Burgess Ticket. 1755.

k) Map of Glasgow 1782.

Bibliography.


1 INTRODUCTION The Incorporation of Skinners and Furriers in Glasgow received its first Charter in 1516, granted by the Provost, Bailies,Council and community of Glasgow, with the consent of the Archbishop of Glasgow. It was only in 1516 that the Town Council of Glasgow had first acquired the authority to grant charters, or Seals of Cause as they were called in Scotland, to the crafts, granting them special privileges and exemptions as long as they were given the assent of the Bishop before becoming legally operative. Glasgow at that time was a Burgh of Regality, not a Royal Burgh, hence the lrequirement of the Bishop's approval, not the King's. It was because Glasgow was not a Royal Burgh that its system of guildry was so unique in its character and its composition. In a Scottish Royal Burgh it was the merchants only who formed the Guild. The craftsmen were excluded. The crafts federated in an informal way, usually without legal sanction, into a convenery of trades, managed by a council composed of the deacons of each craft. They were excluded from any position of power within the burgh. Glasgow became a Royal Burgh in 1636 by charter granted by Charles I, 20 years after the system of Guildry had been established. Between the years 1516 and 1605 all the crafts had obtained their Seals of Cause, while the merchants as a class had obtained no legal recognition whatsoever in that time. However, despite this, the merchants dominated both the Town Council and the Magistracy. In the latter part of the sixteenth century in Glasgow there was a long-running dispute between the craftsmen and the merchants. The craftsmen were demanding greater municipal rights and a greater part in the running of the town. Meanwhile the Convention of Royal Burghs had made repeated requests to the Glasgow merchants to form a guild. These had been strenuously opposed by the Incorporated Trades on the grounds'that it would make the merchants even more powerful. The two factions eventually agreed to arbitration. The result in 1605 was the enactment of a Decree Arbitral which became know as the Letter of Guildry. This instituted a unique system of Guildry which was composed of both merchants and craftsmen. The Letter of Guildry had fifty four constitutional clauses, and because they were of such importance in the develnment of the civic administration of Glasgow, the main points are outlined here . The first section deals with the Dean of Guild and his court, his election, his powers and duties and the duties of that council. The next section stipulates how persons may become guild brethern or acquire guild rights, and their order of precedence. It then provides for the distribution of the entry money of the guild brethern. The document then lays down and distinguishes between the rights of three distinct castes of citizens! The burgess guild brethern, the simple burgess and the creamer or huxter. A strict property qualification was enacted for the admission of burgess guild brethern. The simple burgess had fewer trading privileges and was restricted to dealing in such small things as were not agreeable to the guild brethern. He could not deal in imported wares such as silks, spices, drugs, confections, iron, wine, nor could he deal in large quantities. The “creamer” was allowed to pedle his wares on the High Street, or


around the town, a method forbidden to guild brothers. Powers were given to the Dean of Guild and his Court to fine persons attempting to trespass on the privileges of the two higher castes. This closed system of restrictive practice was to continue for almost 250 years until the passing of the Burgh Reform Bill, in 1846. The last three sections of the Letter of Guildry provide machinery for the management of the affairs of the merchant guild brethern, the craft guild brethern and the maltmen respectively. The Guildry was headed by the Dean of Guild who was chosen from a short leet of three by the Town Council. The Dean of Guild’s Council was made up of four merchants and four craftsmen, known as lyners. The judicial powers of this Court were extensive. They could judge mercantile cases between merchants, or merchant and mariner, and any other guild brother. Until the abolition of exclusive trading rights in 1846, it could prevent and punish unfree traders and.craftsmen within the Royalty. The Guild Court also supervised the standards of weights and measures used within the Burgh. The Dean of Guild also hepded the Merchants' Council. However the Letter of' Guildry mede no provision for the Dean of Guild and his Merchant Council meeting together for any purpose other than the administration of their funds and the management of their Hospital. They would seem never to have had any jurisdiction even in disputes between merchants. The Crafts Council, at first known as the Convener's Council, then by the 18th century as Trades House, was led by the Deacon Convener, with the deacons of each craft, the visitor (another term for deacon originating from the time when deacons were illegal) of the maltmen and their assistants. Like the Merchants' Council, they managed their own funds and Hospital, but unlike the Merchants, they had considerable judicial powers. They convened as required to judge upon matters relating, to the crafts, and to make acts and statutes for regulating them. These acts had to be approved by the Town Council, but once they had been, the Deacon Convener could encorce them if necessary by fines, suspension of rights or even imprisonment. The Convener's Council was most frequently used by the crafts as a Court of Appeal. They handled appeals and petitions about the admission of memeers, disputed elections of office bearers, trading rights, discipline and quarrels betlween opposing factions - the last being especially frequent during the reign of Cromwell's Commonwealth and during the unrest of the late 18th century. Each of the fourteen Incorporated Trades had their own Court, known as the Master Court. This was headed by a democratically elected Deacon, although disputed elections were quite common. As well as the Deacon, the Court comprised the late Deacon, that is the "Previous year's Deacon, the Collector, the late Collector, six Masters, and six Deacon’s Masters. This Court regulated its own affairs as much as possible, especially concerning its own trade, where special knowledge was necessary, e.g. Quality control. Each trade passed acts to govern its own members as it saw fit, while accenting directives from Trades House when necessary. Only when their own Master Court had failed to solve a problem, were appeals or petitions sent up to the Convener's Council by the crafts.


Over and above all these was the Town Council, whose composition was also changed following the Letter of Guildry. James VI had desired that the Town Council should hav'e equal numbers of merchants and craftsment and to oblige him,in·1606 12 merchants and 11 craftsmen were admitted to the Council. The merchants objected strongly to such a high proportion of craftsmen as being against the laws of the Realm and the custom of the Burghs. The Craftsmen protested because the merchants still had a majority of the Magistracy and that, by law, no craftsman could become Lord Provost. However the Council was elected in the same proportion the next year, and the 'set' of the Burgh on this basis received the sanction of the Convention of Royal Burghs in 1611. So, from there, legal establishment, the Craft Incorporations of Glasgow were not only running their own affairs, but were also deeply involved in the running of the city of Glasgow itself.


2. OFFICERS OF THE MASTER COURT The Deacon The Deacon was the elected head of the Master Court of the Incorporation of Tailors. His position was a powerful one: he was able to appoint half the Masters on the Court; he was the judge on cases of discipline; he had the authority to give out some pensions on his own written warrant. Because of the importance of this office, the members of the craft were extremely sensitive to anything which might be suspected as malpractice. Many disputes during the eighteenth century were about elections and voting rights. In 1702, the late Deacon, John Wallace made a complaint to the Convener's Court against the Deacon, James Miller. He claimed that Miller had chosen his Masters without reference to the late Deacon, and had put men who were not already Masters into his six. An action, he said, which broke with constant practice. Because Miller had refused to allow Wallace to look up the precedents in the books, Wallace took up instruments against him for illegal procedures, with the support of thirty or forty members of the trade. The Act on which constant practice was based was passed on the 20th September 1605. It stated that the Deacon must choose his Masters from those who had been Masters at some time. The Convener found that the Masters had been elected in accordance with this, but he nevertheless ordered the books to be given to Wallace to let him search for any rescinding of that Act. The Court reconvened one week later when Wallace admitted that far from finding any rescinding of the 1605 Act, he had found several instances of Deacon's Masters being chosen, who had not been Masters in the previous year. The Convener therefore 'found for Miller but suggested that a definitive Act should be composed to avoid any more such complaints. So an Act was passed anent the choosing of Deacon and masters and read publically in the presence of the Trades Bailie of Glasgow. It ruled: that the Deacon must be chosen from the twelve Masters; that he must choose his six Masters out of the eleven who had been Masters in the previous year; and that the Late Deacon must be one of them. It was passed with only four votes against. While Wallace had lost his complaint, the principle behind it was approved of, and was made a Statute. The protest had obviously been made to prevent the Deacon bringing all his friends into office, hence putting himself into an overwhelmingly powerful position on the Master Court. The same purpose can be seen being an Act of 1710, which decreed that no man should be allowed to hold the office of both Deacon and Collector in the same year. If the Deacon who had the authority to dispense the Trade’s funds, were also to have direct charge of the cash, he would have been open to charges of corruption. A Mr James Scot was fined sixteen pounds Scots for accusing Deacon Robert Reid of keeping a twenty shilling fine in 1717. If one looks at the list of Deacons of the Trade it is noticeable that certain names occur several times, e.g., John Wallace, 1700, 1701; Robert Hogg 1705, 1708; John Graham 1707, 1710, 1712. The members must have become unhappy at the power being kept among a few people because they passed an Act in 1719 ordaining that -

"none of the trade who shall be elected Deacon thereof shall continue in that office longer at one time then for the space of one year and after that shall not be put on a list or chosen Deacon until after a space of three years. He is allowed to serve as a Master."


This Act was not altogether effective in passing the power along and the names of certain careermen do still keep re-appearing, e.g. John Clark was Deacon in 1719, re-elected in 1723 and became Deacon-Convener for 1729-30. The only other act passed concerning the rights of Deacons was an Act of Trades House about his voting rights. It decreed that not only was the Deacon entitled to vote privately as a freeman, he was also allowed a casting vote as the Deacon. Voting rights seem to have been a frequent source of argument throughout the century, leading to disputed elections and the enacting of many new statutes in an attempt to cover all possible objections. In 1705, it was decreed that a member must be a guildbrother to have a vote. Trades House became worried about the Trade’s pensioners having votes, which. they dealt with by an Act in August 1722. No-one who was receiving a pension or charity from his trade was to be allowed to hold office or to vote. Also no freeman who owed any money to the Box or to the poor of the Trade was allowed any office or to vote. This last condition was to cause fierce disputes in the following twelve years. In 1724, in an election contest between Gabriel Crosbie and John Minto, the former 'Won by 73 to 71 votes. lt was found that eleven of the members who voted for Crosbie owed money to the Box. Most owed only their payment for one quarter, some for two, no-one for more than one year. John Minto and Cornelius Luke, however, protested to the Convener's Court which found in favour of Minto. So for the first and only time in the eighteenth century, an elected Deacon of the Tailor trade was forced to stand down. John Lockhart was elected Deacon in 1790, but a new election had.to take place when he refused to accept the office. There also had to be a new election in 1733 after the first election was declared unconstitutional, because of confusion about who was entitled to vote. John Miller, Late Deacon, petitioned the Convener's Court to settle the dispute. They asked that a list of all those eligible to vote should be prepared and given to them before the new election. This was done, and Cornelius Luke was elected without further objections. To try to clarify the 1722 Act in the light of this confusion, the Deacon-Convener passed another Act in May 1734. This stated that all freemen must have paid their quarterly accounts up to the election or they were not entitled to vote or to be elected. A member would be entitled to vote, however, if all he owed was annual rent or debt by a heritable security. To prevent any more long delays in elections, it also decreed that, all elections of Masters, Clerks and Officers must take place before the first, day of November, yearly. Only two other changes were made to voting rights during the 18th century. Firstly in 1762, by an Act of Trades House no freeman was to be admitted on the morning of the election of the Deacon. Secondly, in 1790. the Trade decided that no member should have a vote until he had been on the Roll for a year and a day. Deacons were not only vulnerable to objections to their election, they were also subject to fierce personal attacks while in office. There were several disciplinary cases in the early 18th century, dealing with members who had insulted the Deacon. The punishment for such offences was severe, for the office of Deacon had to be respected for the proper administration of the Trade. It is ironic that the slanders and libels were written down, often verbatim, for posterity.


In January 1706, Deacon Robert Hogg took out a Bill of 'Complaint against Benjamin Mclntyre.

McIntyre had reproached and reviled the said Deacon upon the 20th December 1705 in so far as he, in a most disdainful manner playing upon the said Deacon's name, said that he was the dearest hog in the Mercat. • •• if he had not used guile he had never been an Deacon for he is unworthie of it and that he has imbessled or wronged the poor means or had been out of the poors way 20 merks.

For this McIntyre was banned from office and voting for seven years and he had to publically crave pardon of the Deacon. When he did this in July 1706, he was pardoned and allowed to vote again. In 1710, William Douglas, freeman, was found guilty of packing and peeling with unfreemen, for which he was fined .£4 Scots. "Packing and peeling with unfreemen" meant having partners who were not members of the craft and infringement of its privileges by tradesmen who had not entered its membership. However Douglas had also handed in a paper in which he accused the Deacon of "circumventing and threatening him with other scurrilous and abusive expressions". This not only lost him his voting rights for seven years, but cost him 24 hours imprisonment in the Tolbooth. William Robin fared even worse in 1712. In the Deacon's own house, he had said ~

"the devil take all these that had been chosen and the change-keeper to be a deacon."

meaning the deacon· and all members. Several times he repeated - "Divel rive the present Deacon his womb"

and called the Masters - "saulless dogs and beggar bitches". The Minutes note that not only did he lose his voting rights for seven years, but was also locked up in the Tolbooth for 48 hours - a high price for losing one's temper . David Biskett was found guilty of slander by the Deacon Convener's Court in 1716. The minutes describe his crime thus:

"out of a malicious and dissatisfied humour in presence of the Convener at the last election of masters did rail upon and calumniat Cornelius Luke, Deacon, by saying that he was a Deacon illegally chosen and no Deacon, and that he had chosen as great a Jacobite in Glasgow to be one of his Masters, and that he was a great Jacobite himself.”


Biskett denied his slander but two witnesses swore that he had said "illegally chosen" and he was forbidden to vote for five years. Obviously the accusation of being illegally elected was considered of much greater importance than any question of support for the Old Pretender. The Deacon was also responsible for maintaining quality control over the garments produced by his members. The only instance of a prosecution for poor workmanship was in 1758 against Robert White, tailor, who had been selling inadequate hose. The Deacon had found that he was giving the work out of his own house, and employing women, both against the Tradets regulations. When he refused to pay his fine, the Trade "arrested his work", i.e. stopped him trading. White then appealed to the Deacon Convener for a ruling. The Deacon-Convener agreed with the Tailors that hose should be made of wool and "sufficient so as the same may be brought into character and reputation abroad." He also decreed that all hose were to be made by freemen or journeymen in the freemen's own house. However, he disapproved of the Tailors disciplinary measures. He felt that because this had been a 'test rase', no fine should be extracted. Also, that in future, punishment of non-payment of fines should be to debar the culprit from voting rights, and if that failed, to send the culprit before the Magistrates, and fined or punished by the laws of the Trade. They did not feel that the Trade were entitled to stop someone from trading.


The Collector The Collector was responsible for looking after the funds of the Incorporation, and he usually served for two years. The money was kept in the Trades Box which had three keys, held by the Deacon, the Collector and the Clerk respectively. The Collector had to keep the accounts and present them, with his balance at the end of each year, usually in late October. The eighteenth century accounts from 1713 still survive; they were beautifully kept and very detailed. They show the income of the Incorporation coming mainly from rents and annuals on their properties, with much smaller amounts coming from freedom fines, booking money for apprentices and journeymen, and from the rent of mortcloths. Their expenditure was mostly charitable - monthly pensioners, supplipants, verbal orders, written warrants - and small sums in payment to the Clerk, the Officer, and to the Collector himself. (See Appendix C ). After his two years in office, the Collector usually continued on the Master Court for another year at least as the Late Collector. The main concern about the Collectors seems to have been trying to ensure that they handed back the balance to them coming Collector at the end of the financial year. An Act was passed in 1713 making it statutory that, from then on, the Collector must pay up the balance to the succeeding Collector at least within 24 hours thereafter, under pain of a fine of 100 pounds Scots. Despite the threat of this large fine, the obligation was neglected, so that in 1723 the same ruling again made statute and ordained. “John Wood was Collector from November 1767 to July, 1759 where "his affairs went into great disorder". He absconded, owing the Trade a considerable sum of money. An emergency meeting was called in July 1769.

“John Wood, the trade’s Collector, his affair's had lately gone into disorder, and that he had

several days ago left this place and absconded, and he had not as yet returned. And as he had not only a considerable deal of the trade's money in his custody not accounted for, But some papers belonging to the trade without which the trade cannot proceed in the trade's affairs." A new Collector was elected to take over immediately. He produced interim accounts which showed that John Wood owed a balance of £62. 02. 7½ . He "also owed £90 to the Trade for his purchase of a house belonging to them at Deanside Yard. The Trade obtained a warrant from the Town Clerk to remove the mortcloths from Wood's house, and also a warrant to apprehend him. "To Mr Wotherspoon for a warrant to apprehend John Wood 00 : 02 : 06 The accounts from July 1769 until the end of October 1770 show that the tailors spent a considerable sum of money in a legal battle to get their money from Wood. There are ten entries of payments each of five shillings to John Rowan, jaylor of the Tolbooth, for keeping Wood imprisoned. There are numerous payments to lawyers who were pursuing their claim:-

"To sent to Mr McHarg to oppose John Wood at Edinburgh 03 : 00 : 00


To spent at same time with Mr Claud Marshall at his writing to Mr McHarg anent John Wood. 00 : 02 : 06 To paid postage of letter to Mr McHarg 00 : 00 : 06 Meeting anent John Wood, Lawyers fees 02 02 : 00

However all their efforts seem to have been in vain. The last entry concerning John Wood in the accounts was: "To John Rowan's expenses when John Wood was liberated 00 : 00 : 3. There is no record in either the accounts or the minutes of any sum being received from John Wood. One further Act was passed concerning the Collector in 1784, stating that 'the Collector could serve only two years further on the Master Court after their Collector’s service. However, they did allow, someone who had served two years as a Master and two years as a Collector to be elected Deacon,. There were twelve Masters on the Master Court: six were chosen by the Deacon from those who had served the previous year, and were known as the Deacon Masters; the other six masters were elected from members on the qualified roll. Members were eligible for election at the first election after they were qualified to vote. Once elected, Masters had to accept and be sworn in within one calendar month at the latest. Once a Master had served for two years, he was eligible to stand for Deacon. The Clerk The Clerk of the Incorporation was always a notary or lawyer and was expected to become a member of the Incorporation within six months of taking office. He dealt with the many indentures and also the numerous properties belonging to the Incorporation. There are no acts pertaining to the Office of Clerk during the 18th century, other than approving a raise in wages. The Trade's Officer His duties were to notify members of forthcoming meetings, to carry the Box and candles to the meeting place and to act as Deacon’s man. There are numerous payments in the accounts for clothes and boots for the Officer - eg. - "To paid for 12t.yds yarn for Shirts to James McAulay by Deacon and Masters order 00 : 13 : 6 To stockings and shoes and silk napkin 00 : 09 : 8 To 1½ yds German serge tor breeches 00 : 07 : 7


3. MEMBERSHIP OF THE GUILD To be admitted as a member of the craft, the entrant had to be a burgess of the City of Glasgow; he had to be able to turn out good work; he had to be resident in the Burgh: he had to pay the required amount of entry money which varied according to whether the entrant was a time-served apprentice or the son or son-in-law of a member or a stranger; he had to swear an oath of loyalty to the Incorporation. Burgess-ship was granted by the Town Council. After the Letter of Guildry in 1605, burgess-ship was obtained by submitting a testimonial from the Deacon-Convener that the applicant had been tried and was found to be worth twenty pounds of free gear. He then became a burgess or freeman of the Burgh. Certain pieces of work were specified as essay-pieces by the Trade. Up to 1713, these pieces were Wide-kneed breeches and doublet. However, in that year, the tailors decided to change the essay-pieces, because breeches and doublets had not been worn for many years. The Act decreed that essays were to be work in current fashion as appointed by the Deacon and Masters. By 1723 they were worried that standards had dropped and they specified that essays were to be either a man’s coat, waistcoat and a pair of breeches for a gentlemen's tailor or a woman's gown and petticoat for a ladies' tailor or a pair of stays for a staymaker. There is no mention of the required work for the upholsterers who also came under the protection of the tailor's craft. This statute could not have improved matters as the entry in the Minute Books for the 23rd November 1725 shows –

“Act anent proof of work for admissions.

TheTrade having consideration that one of the main ends of the Incorporation is that insufficient tradesmen be not admitted freemen to abuse their lieges with insufficient work. Hitherto men have been admitted not only an too slender proof of their skill, but also being suggested that they have had private help and assistance of other tradesmen in making these essays. It is therefore statute and ordained that before entry a man shall submit, for men, one upper coat, one waistcoat and a pair of breeches according to fashion used at the time •. For a woman, a gown and a petticoat according to fashion used at the time, or a pair of stays if he is a staymaker. "

These· essays shall be made in a locked room

whereof the Essay-maker shall keep the key during the time of making thereof. The person must give oath to the Deacon that what he has made, he has done himself without private assistance of any other. It shall not be in the power of the Deacon and Masters to admit anyone who has made an essay in any other form but that in the statute.


So not only were the craft worried about falling standards of workmanship, but about cheating as well. Entry payments or freedom fines as they were called, varied according to the class of entrant: the total stranger paid the most, apprentices and journeymen next and sons and sons-in-law, the least. For example the rates set in 1743 were as follows:

Stranger £12 sterling Booked man for two years 102 pounds Scots Apprentice 42 pounds Scots

Freeman's son or son-in-law 21 pounds Scots The fee for freemen's sons was reduced in 1745 to twelve pounds Scots plus three pounds Scots for the poor to the Essaymester. The automatic right of freemen's sons to enter the trade was made statute on the 4th July 1734. "This Act may tend to benefit the poor and can in no way be prejudicial to the trade, therefore

it is statute and ordained that in all time hereafter a freeman's son or son-in-law may be entered as a freeman of the Incorporation albeit he be neither a working tailor nor cappable of making an essay.”

This right was granted with the proviso that he would not be allowed to work as a Taylor and that he would have no claim to any money from the Common Good Fund if he became poor. With these conditions it is difficult to understand why anyone should want to join as an unqualified son or son-in-law. This Act was later amended when the entry money was raised to 18 Pounds Scots, and the wording was changed to say that sons would not be excluded from the benefit of the Trades charity. In 1757, the Master Court decided that every entrant freeman should take an oath of loyalty to the Trade, the wording of which clearly aims at sustaining their system of trade protection. "I do solemnly swear that I shall obey,

implement and fulfil the Acts, Rules and regulations made or to be made for the good

and benefit of the said Trade or for the sustenance and maintenance of the poor thereof that I shall not pack or deal with unfreemen

and shall not anyway be concerned either directly or indirectly with any person whomever in any branch or part of the said Trade until first he be entered and admitted a freeman

thereof and that so oft as I shall violate any part of this my oath, shall forfeit and pay a

new upset for the use of the poor of the Trade, so help me God."


Apprentices At the beginning of the 18th century, the tailors relied on their apprenticeship system to bring them new members of the craft. The relationship between apprentice and master was one of mutual responsibility, the conditions being written out in detail by a notary in the indentures (See Appendix F). The Indenture was then endorsed in the books of the craft. The master was then bound to teach the apprentice to be a tailor and with the "utmost endeavour to make him skilled and expert. The Apprentice lived with him, being given bed and board, and ‘washing of clothes’. In return, the apprentice had to be loyal and hard-working. Except in the event of illness, he was never allowed to absent himself. Even in the case of sickness, he either had to pay his master 7 pence sterling for each day or work two days for each day he was absent. The first act passed in the 18th century regarding apprentices was for their protection. To prevent any frauds, no freeman was allowed to keep an apprentice or journeyman on the pretext of a trial for any longer than ten days without lodging indentures, or he would be liable to a fine. The next ‘pernicious practice’ to be dealt with was one whereby freemen tried to lure apprentices and journeymen away from other freemen. An act was passed on 20th August 1731 declaring; it to be an unlawful practice, prohibited in all times coming. In 1758, the trade made a thorough revision of all its earlier statutes. They re-entered four acts concerning apprentices into their books. The first was from the 10th May 1620, decreeing that no freeman could start an apprentice without informing the Deacon. The next was originally passed on 3rd February 1630 and shows that attitudes to trade expansion had not changed in the intervening 130 years! It stated that no freeman was to be allowed to take on more than one apprentice in seven years unless he paid extra dues of twenty merks Scots. This would effectively keep many of the small traders from expanding their business. An Act of 1652 laid down the minimum term of apprenticeship as seven years. If he was given his freedom before term, no money was to be returned. It was also made statute that no freeman was to be allowed to take on an apprentice until two years after his admission as freeman unless he paid twenty merks to the Trade's Poor. It is impossible to tell whether these statutes were intended as restrictive practices, or merely a means of bringing in additional income. However, in 1780 an act was passed rescinding both the regulation of only one apprentice in seven years, and the two years’ service as freeman, before being allowed to take on an apprentice. By the last twenty years' of the 18th century when the population of Glasgow was expanding rapidly, fewer of the new members of the craft were time-served apprentices. Many were strangers and many entered by virtue of marriage to daughters of burgesses and Guildbrothers. Journeymen Journeymen gave the Masters of the craft many problems during the 18th century. At first, they had too few journeymen and had to relax regulations to attract the required number. They had repeated problems with disputes about unfreemen’s work, or about their long working hours and low pay. In the atmosphere of political unrest in the latter half of the 18th century, this led to the journeymen forming a combination and withdrawing their labour.


Journeymen were either apprentices doing the two years at the end of their training, or were men who had finished their apprenticeships but had not the funds or the inclination to become freemen. The minutes for April 25, 1707 record that there had been so many cases of bad behaviour of journeymen that they laid down the working hours as being either from 5 am until 8 pm or from 6 am till 9 pm with one hour off at mid-day for dining. They also felt they were short of journeymen and put aside the rule binding a journeyman to a tailor for the minimum of two years. They rescinded this two years later as being harmful to the interests of the journeymen committed before this date. But there was another acute shortage of journeymen in 1716, and it was decided that all journeymen tailors shall be obliged to serve any freeman of the trade, for such wages as he earns. Nor freeman was allowed to keep or detain a journeyman if he had no work for him. Again in 1727, they made the rules regarding employment of journeymen easier by allowing anyone who wished to serve as a journeyman to do so, as long as they were qualified and had paid their entry money. In 1733, they broadened the field still further, allowing those who were now serving two years, still to be employed by a freeman for wages. On the 25th June 1743, it is again noted that there was a great want of journeymen in the city and ordained that any journeyman could come into the City without having to pay any dues as a stranger. The trade had to enact some regulations about journeymen doing unfree work after the case of William Douglas, previously mentioned, (December 15,1709 and March 3,1710) where a freeman was giving out work to a journeyman working unsupervised outwith the city boundaries. They considered the original charters and the Letter of Deaconry and found that unfreemen had no privilege to work any part of their trade within this burgh. They also found that when several Acts had been made previously to stop journeymen practising as freemen within the Burgh, they had "moved to Gorbals to evade the restrictions. They decided that journeymen would be entered in future with the special proviso that they work solely within the city of Glasgow. Contravention of this would mean loss of liberty as a journeyman and fines. This Act was reinforced on the 30 August 1743 when it was ruled that no freeman was allowed to give liberty to any unfree man or journeyman to work in the Gorbals for the unfreerman’s advantage. The journeymen's conditions were harsh. For the first half of the century they had to work from 6 am to 9 pm for which they were paid the maximum of 7 or 8 shillings Scots per day or only 3 or 4 shillings Scots if they were fed as well. Any master paying any more was liable to a fine of £4 Scots for each transgression. On the 5th March 1771, there was an emergency meeting of the Master Court. The previous day a great number of journeymen had left their work without any warning and were refused to go back until their working day was cut by one hour. It was noted in the minutes that this would be in contravention of an Act of the Incorporation of the 31st Hay 1759 when the hours had been shortened to 6 am to 8 pm, with one hour for dining. Members felt that giving one more hour off in the evening would lead to bad timekeeping and dishonesty. The discussion on this issue reveal a system of "houses of call" or "slatehouses", similar to that used until recently by dockers, for finding work for unemployed journeymen. "(There were)" two public Houses kept by Journeymen Taylors in the City under the name of houses of call which are frequented by a great number of Journeymen where they are encouraged to persevere in their unjust desertion of their masters service, that


these houses have given rise to great abuse, disorder and irregularities. Under the pretence of finding work, they are only jaunts of drunkenness and idleness. Deacon and Masters are to consider and agree upon the proper regulations for a house of that kind and to fix upon the house of some honest sober freeman where the said regulations were to be put up. None but those to whom these Regulations were acceptable were to· be allowed entry. The two sides took their dispute into the newspaper. In the Glasgow Journal N. 1537, March 7th to March 14th 1771, there are two relevant advertisements. The first was obviously put in by the Master Taylors looking for replacement workers.

"JOURNEYMEN TAYLORS

Wanted in Glasgow: any of that profession willing to come here will meet with good encouragement by applying to John Wallace, Taylor in the Saltmarket who will find them business immediately." . Beneath it, is another advertisement placed by the Journeymen themselves .

"The Journeymen Taylors in Glasgow take this opportunity to inform the public that for a long time past, it has been the practice of the Journeymen both in Glasgow and Edinburgh to work from 6 am to 8 pm without any hour of recess but one hour for dinner. That the Journeymen of Edinburgh being sensible of the slavish hardship of working so many hours a day for the small wages which are paid to them, did lately insist before the Court of Session that they should not be obliged to work after 7.00 pm and they obtained a decision in their favour since which time the Journeymen in Edinburgh never work beyond 7.00 pm. The Journeymen Taylors of Glasgow did lately make a modest demand from the Master Taylors that they should be allowed the hour between 7--8. This demand has been refused them: and the Master Taylors regardless how their work is finished have called Journeymen Taylors from the country, who are incapable of finishing work with any sort of neatness or sufficiency. As this is a fair state of the matter and as the Journeymen's demand is fair and reasonable, it is hoped the public will discountenance the masters in their unreasonable proceedings and that no Journeymen Taylor will come from other towns to this; as the effect of that would be to perpetuate the hardship which the Journeymen in Glasgow and most parts of Scotland presently lie under." However on the 28th June 1776, the trade were meeting again to discuss another strike by the journeymen, this time for better wages. They wanted a rise from 13 pence to 15


pence. sterling per day. The members decided that 13 pence was quite· enough and higher than was paid in Edinburgh. They blamed the revolt and desertion on a Combination amongst the Journeymen, in which the Journeymen would be encouraged to persist unless the Master Taylors were fixed to some established rate of wages. They decided therefore that no master should pay more than 13 pence a day under penalty of 20 s. sterling. These rates were not to extend to Upholsterers or Staymasters who were to be allowed to pay less. They also ratified an Act of the 31st May 1759 about hours. In June 1787, the Journeymen came out on strike again, for a raise in wages from 1s 3d to 1s 6d per day.

"the shops of all the. masters in Glasgow lie empty and their business at a stand to the great injury and damage of the Master Taylors.” Again the Masters decided not to yield to the demands saying that the Journeymen were already paid more than their counter parts in Edinburgh. At last in 1787 the Magistrates laid down Regulations concerning the Journeymen. These made rules about wages, hours and houses of call. (See Appendix H ). Similar regulations were later passed by Justices of the Peace in October 1799 following a Bill of Advocation for James Halden and other Journeymen Taylors in Glasgow against the Deacon and Incorporation of Taylors. So the Journeymen must have taken their fight for better wages into the Courts. They lost their case despite producing evidence of the rates of board and lodging in Edinburgh and Glasgow of Journeymen tradesmen, and the regulations first drawn up in 1787 were ratified. The only change was the rates of wages which had risen to 2s a day despite the masters adamancy These regulations were published in the newspapers “so that none may pretend ignorance.” From the first walk-out, over hours in 1771r the journeymen tailors obviously became gradually more organised. From being an illegal combination, they formed the Society of Journeymen Tailors, using not only the newspapers but also the law courts in their struggle for better conditions. Women The Master Tailors had a rather ambivalent attitude to women working in their trade. The Deacon and Masters met with the Trades Baillie to consider what to do about several women who made gowns and clothing for ladies. These women practised their trade within the City of Glasgow and were willing to pay dues to the Incorporation. They decided that they would receive such women into the protection of the Trade, and grant them liberty to work any kind of women's work by themselves and their servants, provided that they had only men-servants and journeymen. So they were not allowed to train any women to follow them on. The master tailors were making sure they could control anyone, male or female, practising their trade, while trying to turn it into a male occupation· Women were slow to join. The first recorded entries in the accounts of dues paid by a woman were for the year 1736-37 when Mrs Rebecca Wallace, Mantuamaker and Mrs Stewart, hoopmaker paid annual dues of £6 Scots each. Mrs Stewart paid only for that one year, and is never mentioned again. Mrs Wallace stayed a member until 1762. There were never more than six women paying dues, and none a1 all after 1762.


In 1744, an Act was passed forbidding any freeman of the Trade to teach any woman or girl any part of the Taylor trade under the penalty of a fine. This Act was ratified in the revision of 1758, although they were to be ·allowed to employ women for certain tasks. These were for the stitching of stays which may be given to women to do in their own houses, and the making of buttonholes and the stitching or putting borders on Holland vests which they were to be allowed to do in freemen’s own houses only.


4. TRADE PROTECTION As one of the main functions of the Incorporations was trade protection, the minutes often reveal great concern over 'unfree men' practising the tailor trade. The Act passed against unfree men on June 3rd 1710 is one of the most indicative of their views. "After consideration of their original charters and Letter of Deaconry find that unfreemen with their craft have no privilege to work any part of their trade within this burgh and that agreeable to the said charter by their daily and constant custom beyond memory of man, they punish transgressors both strangers and inhabitants." By this they made it quite clear that no-one who was not a member of the Incorporation was to be allowed to trade in Glasgow. This could be enforced, if need be, by the Magistrates. Journeymen were also a problem: "Also we have made diverse Acts against Journeymen practising a freeman trade yet the said journeymen use all means to render the said Acts elusory and by sinistrus ways and contrivances using the liberties of freemen themselves. They are unwilling and refuse to bind themselves and work for freemen, for journeymen's wages. Booked journeymen leave and reside within the City, using their knowledge of their freemen's customers and good favour as well as by other clandestine and underhand fraudulent dealing." Journeymen were to cause problems right through the century usually over the same issues. “They make bargains with people to get cloth sent to somewhere like the Gorbals where they take measurements and make up clothes. To prevent this it is statute and ordained that in all time hereafter journeymen shall be entered with this special proviso that they work journeywork within the City of Glasgow only and that they shall do no work for the inhabitants of Glasgow in the Gorbals or anywhere else. Contravention of this would mean loss of their. liberty as a journeyman and fines.” These problems of unfreemen working in the Gorbals, led to a trade agreement being made not only with the 'Taylors of the Gorbals' but also with Port Glasgow. On condition that the tailors of Port Glasgow agreed to become a pendicle of the Incorporation of Glasgow and not allow any strangers to trade in their Burgh the Glasgow tailors agreed not to settle or trade in Port Glasgow. As a pendicle they were not.' allowed much autonomy. The Deacon of Glasgow picked their oversman from one


of three nominees, and they were not allowed to make any acts of their own without permission from Glasgow. There was an Act of Glasgow Town Council to ratify the Agreement on the 20th April 1731. The Gorbals agreement was made in 1740. Old soldiers and sailors had special privileges in burghs with regard to practising trades. Neither as masters nor as servants did they pay any entry money or booking money for the poor of the craft. George III reinforced this by a further Act in 1762 “To enable officers, mariners and soldiers as have been in the land or sea service to exercise trades.” These men were known as “King's Freemen" and did not require to become freemen of the burgh in which they lived. Needless-to-say, these privileges were resented by the freemen and there are two cases recorded in the Tailors Minutes. The first was in November 1767: Dougall Dow had served on one of George's ships in the American War but the Tailors did not believe that he was entitled to Trade Privilege and had obtained sentence in the magistrate’s court against him. Dow obtained suspension against this decree, and the Incorporation felt so strongly about it that they hired a lawyer to carry on this affair to the Court of Session. It has proved impossible however to find out how the matter was concluded. The second case was 1777 when Christopher Lees and others were prosecuted for wrongly claiming to have the right to practise as master tailors, as sons-in-law of old soldiers. An Act was· passed to prohibit anyone from doing so again in the future. By these means the Incorporation of Tailors protected their members from competition. They managed to keep these exclusive trading privileges until the Burgh Reform Act of 1846.


5. PROPERTIES The Incorporation of Taylors owned several properties in the 18th century from which they derived a large income making them one of the richest of the Glasgow Guilds. Two properties were owned jointly with the Trades House and other crafts - Gorbals Lands and the Trades Hall buildings, and seven were owned solely by themselves being know as West Parson' s Croft, North Parson’s Croft: St Rollox Croft, Shellysmyre: Deanside Yard, Taylor Street and Clayknowes. Gorbals Lands In the archives of the Incorporation is a Charter granted by the provost, bailies and Council of Glasgow in favour of the Incorporation of Tailors, granting them six thirty first parts of a quarter of the £6 land of Gorbals and Brigend, at a feu-farm rent of 6s 8d, dated 15 July 1650 Trades House 8/31 Tailors and Maltmen 6/31 Hammermen, and Cordiners and Skinners 2/31 Weavers, Wrights, Fleshers and Coopers 1/31 Bakers and Masons 1/62 These lands were bought from Robert Douglas of Blackston and his wife. At first it was rented out as farmland, but with the growth of heavy industry in Glasgow, the trades began to think of searching for coal on it. On the 8 June 1768, Trades House decided to offer the land in Muir of Gorbals for tack, so that the coal could be worked out and the right to mine sold. A week later with the Crafts approval, they passed an Act anent searching for coal and erecting a Fire Machine. Their measures were designed to help reduce the price of coal to the Inhabitants of the City, though it is hard to believe that there was no self-interest involved in the scheme as well. The Taylors agreed to subscribe £50 sterling to be used - "towards searching for coal, setting down pits and Shafts and erecting a proper fire-engine for working the said coal in the most commodious and advantageous way". On the same day, the Taylors also approved giving £40 towards a new bridge across the Clyde from Glasgow s Stockwell Street to Gorbals, a link which would no doubt increase the value of their property in Gorbals In 1770, Trades House asked the Taylors for a subscription toward the building of the Monklands Canal, which was being built in order to bring quantities of coal cheaply from the Monkland coal field to Glasgow. Presumably because this would be competition for their Gorbals coal, they refused, by a great majority, to contribute. The coalmining venture never became successful and with the escalating value of building land in late eighteenth century, the crafts' decided to divide it up into building plots and start feuing. In 1791, streets were laid off and the compartments were divided into building lots. When they first started feuing the rate was only 1s 6d per square yard but this was to rise dramatically through the 19th century to a high of 25s. In 1750, rents from Gorbals Lands was £19 02 09.


By 1799, the affairs of this property had become so complicated that it was decided that the delegate looking after it should hold office for three years instead of just one. Evidence of the Trades' ownership of this part of Glasgow remains to this day in the name 'Tradeston'. Trades Hall In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the crafts decided that they needed a meeting place of their own. Up till then, most meetings had taken place either in the Session House of the Tron Kirk on the south side of the Gallowgate or at the Trades Hospital in High Street. Trades House passed an Act in 1754, deciding to build a large hall and apartments for the Trades House of the Incorporated Trades but nothing was done until 1791 when Robert Adam was commissioned to design plans for a new building in Glassford Street. This must have been one of Adam's last commissions, he died in 1792. The building was completed in 1794 and has remained largely unchanged to this day. It is the oldest secular building in Glasgow still being used for its original purpose. West Parson's Croft, or Bishop Street and Greenhill Place extended to twelve and a half acres, and were acquired by the Incorporation at three different times: 6½ acres from George Bogle in 1673, price unknown; 3 acres from John Leckie in 1714 price £97 10s; 3 acres from Patrick Bell in 1728, price £162. At first the land was rented out for £24 yearly, but was feued out from 1758 until 1796 when the deacon was authorised to sell the superiority and feu duties. North Parson's Croft or Villa field is described as consisting of 9 acres 3 rods and 19 falls and was acquired from Thomas Knox, skipper in Bo'ness and others on 28th October 1676, price unknown. For several years prior to 1799, they were let at a rent of £40 sterling. It was written in the minutes of 1799 that due to the financial difficulties in Glasgow at that time - the collapse of several banks and the inevitable blow to Glasgow commerce caused by that - the Trades and annual revenue was not all it might be. They noted the high price which ground in Glasgow was fetching, and decided by a large majority to sell North Parson's Croft for which they had already been offered as much as £160 in perpetual feu, and might be expected to get considerably more. on the 27th December, the Incorporation feued them to Basil Ronald, glover in Glasgow, who divided the land into 32 lots. The feuers ran into financial difficulties and the Incorporation obtained reconveyances for the property. St Rollox Croft was purchased by the Incorporation on the 10th November 1708 from William Dunlop, merchant in Glasgow, and Marrgaret Fairie his wife. It consisted of 4 acres in St Rollox Croft and two half acres in Hartfield and Gamgadhill respectively. This was" let for annual rent which in 1750 was set at £8 15 00. In 1776, the Incorporation feued it to Ninian Glen, wright, who agreed to £16 yearly feu duty. Deanside Yard or Balmanno Street was purchased by the Incorporation in 1712 from Andrew Caldwell, merchant. In 1765 it was being let at £15 yearly when the Incorporation feued it to Dr John Balmanno who bound himself and his successors to 8 yearly ground annual of £15 and a grassum of £15 at the expiry of every twentieth year. Taiylor Street or Back Yard was bought from Robert Aitkenhead book binderer in Gateshead, Durham, son of Patrick Aitkenhead bookbinder in Glasgow in June 1710. It lay on the north side of Rottenrow. There was a notarial protest by the Incorporation because he failed to conveyance his yard or orchard called Deanside on the east side


of the tailor's yard there. The land was tacked to gardeners for cultivation until 1792 when it was divided in 28 lots and sold off. Clayknowes consisted of two and a half acres lying within the territory of the Burgh of Glasgow in that part called the Gallowmuir. It was sold in March 1764 to John Maitland tailor for a payment of a grassum of £38 and a yearly feu duty of £3.8.6.


6. CHARITY WORK Another of the most important functions of the Incorporation was to support their own poor. Having the right to reap all the benefits they could from exclusive trading privileges, the craftsmen were held responsible for their old and incapacitated members, and the widows and children of their members. According to the accounts, money was given out in several different categories, the monthly pensioners who received a set sum each month, and the supplicants, who seem to have been anyone who turned up to beg at the Court meetings. In 1731, 113 people received either 14s or 12s Scots by written warrants. However, by far the largest category was verbal orders’, money given out to those to those who came to ask for help on an "as needed" basis.

The Discharge in 1743-44 reads thus: Monthly Pensioners £41 : 02 : 6 Supplicants £34 : 08 : 2 Verbal Orders £382 : 02 : 10 Written Warrants £12 : 07 : 2 With other small items of expenditure such as Court Dues. the total discharge was £484 10s 6d. The total income for that year was only £616 8s 32/3d, so a great proportion of their money was spent on charity at that time. Each craft paid a sum of money annually to Trades House towards the cost of maintaining poor craftsmen in the Trades Hospital. . In February 1786 the Tailors received petitions from five men to be considered for a vacant place there. Two names, one of them a late Deacon, were put forward to the Convener's Council for a final choice to be made. William Riddell was chosen, but the procedure had to be gone through again when he died 3 years later in January 1771. Trades House decided in 1791 that due to additional funds being made available, each trade would be allowed additional pensioners, although how many is not stated. Charitable funds were also made available in the form of gifts or Mortifications to see poor apprentices through their training. Two of these were made in the 18th century, the first being Gilchrist’s Mortification in 1700. A tailor, John Gilchrist who had been Deacon-Convener 1689-90, mortified 1000 merks Scots, the interest from which was to be used as an Apprentice-Fee for the son of a poor Member of the Incorporation every two years.. Three names were to be given preference. Gilchrist, Bryce and Boyd, but failing any applicants having those names. the most deserving were to be chosen. The fee was not to be of any more than 100 merks, and any money left over was to be used for clothing. On the 18th October 1717, Marjory Stephen, widow of John Watson, a Deacon of the Incorporation, mortified 500 merks Scots, the interest from which was to be used every 3 years to put a freeman's son as an apprentice to the tailor's trade. The names of Watson, then Stephen were to be preferred. These mortifications were another method of looking after their own, not only in the obvious preference of family names, but also in that the apprentices had to be freemen's sons. In the early part of the 18th century funds for the support of the poor were derived chiefly from church door collections although the Trades made voluntary contributions


as well. Various attempts were made by the Town Council to impose a tax on burgesses specifically for the upkeep of the poor but with little success. However by 1731, the tailors agreed to give a certain sum out of its common purse to the maintenance of the poor, that sum being £14 sterling yearly but for a five year period only. They wanted to see how the Poor House was run and how the poor were maintained, and to able to adjust their contribution accordingly. When they did review it, a little later than planned in November 1738, they decided not to increase their contribution. They were unhappy with what they termed "some irregularities in the management, which ought to be rectified." They voted to pay their £14 for the coming year and to put their reservations before the Directors of the Hospital. They also paid their contribution for 1740. Despite their initial reluctance to commit themselves, these payments continued to be made until the Poor Law Act of 1840 came into operation. Another kind of temporary poverty which the Trades frequently helped with during the 18th century was famine. The first time was in August 1752 when at a Trades House meeting, it was discussed how much the poor were suffering because of a scarcity of meal. They decided that at the proper season, they could purchase at least 2,000 boIls of meal, each year for a number of years, for providing the poor of the Trades. The Tailors agreed to pay for a share of the 200 boIls. In 1756, the trades became alarmed by newspaper reports from London that there would be a great scarcity of grain in the coming year. It was decided at Trades House that they would buy 4,000 boIls of meal from whichever part of Scotland. it was cheapest, and also 500 to 100 CoIls of oats at 'Dantzick' if it could be got at 13/6 sterling per boIl, including costs of importation. 1765 must. have been a particularly bad year. because the Town Council and Merchants House as well as Trades House decided that they must buy in large supplies of meal and grain to prevent starvation amongst the poor. 1799 also had a terrible harvest and again the Town Council led the initiative for a fund to purchase corn and meal "for averting the calamities which would arise from a scarcity of the necessities of life." Trades House agreed to subscribe .£500 and the Tailors agreed to subscribe a further £300. The trade also contributed a considerable amount towards the building of a public infirmary. In May 1787, they agreed to give £105 and in August they approved Trades House subscription of one year’s interest on their capital – about £400. The Royal Infirmary opened its door in 1794. The trend over the years was from pure self-interest to a sense of civil responsibility. At first they bought supplies only for their own trades, but gradually they became involved in buying supplies for the whole City.


7. GROWTH OF POLITICAL AWARENESS Through the records of the Incorporation of the 18th century it is possible to. see a change of interests. From primary concern in the regulation of their own affairs we see a growing recognition of their potential role in civic duties and a similar determination to play a part in the public life of the nation as a whole. An event which really set the Protestant Burgesses up in arms was an order from the Post-Master General to send a Packet into Glasgow on a Sunday morning. The tailors were horrified that God's laws of Sabbath Sanctification were to be broken saying that. "God may be provoked to pour out his righteous judgement upon the City and its trade and business. We do therefore unanimously testifie and declare our detestation and abhorrence Of the above profanation of the Lord’s Day." The tailors were not the only ones to be shocked at this measure. So many people objected that an action committee was formed and managers appointed to campaign for change. Glasgow Journal No. 980 Saturday May 10 to Saturday May 17 1760

"Whereas converting the Sabbath by a late regulation into a. post day at Glasgow, so large and populous a city, and where so extensive a trade is carried on to most parts of the world, must prove detrimental both to the religious interests of the place: and as a very numerous and cordial subscription was opened, in order to obtain redress by all lawful means of this so great a grievance and a general meeting of the subscribers held on Tuesday last at Glasgow, when the prosecution of this business was committed to nine manager's, then chosen, five being a quorum as also a new voluntary subscription for money then begun. These are therefore advertising that the subscribers to the first general concert may have access to sign for that sums they choose in a book opened for that purpose and lodged in the shop of Messrs. Scot and Brown under the Exchange, Glasgow. And all noblemen, gentlemen and others who wish well to the success of this important affair may also subscribe by themselves or by proxy. In February 1783, they voiced their opposition to two proposed bills. The first was a new Police Bill for extending the Royalty of Glasgow over certain adjoining lands and for regulating the police. This would have given the Police Committee extensive rating powers. The second was for improving additional tolls for passing over the Clyde bridges. The tailors were unanimous that the subjects of these bills were unnecessary; that several parts of them would be against the interests of the town: that they would be oppressive and dangerous to the liberties and properties of the inhabitants. They felt so strongly that they resolved to employ lawyers and solicitors as necessary to send to


London to help oppose the bill. The Bill was set aside at that time but a new version was put forward in 1789 which they again opposed violently. This time, several of the crafts published their opposition in the Glasgow Mercury. This was the Tailors .advertisement – Glasgow Mercury Tuesday 2nd - 9th March 1790 - "At a full meeting of the Corporation of Tailors held this day, they resolved with only one dissenting voice to support the Trade House of Glasgow in a question, in dependence before the Magistrates about the appropriation of a certain sum of the House's funds for opposing the Police Bill and to concur with the House in petitioning Parliament against the Bill as it now stands and the Corporation also ordered the Collector to pay the money they had formerly voted towards opposing, the said Bill or so. much thereof as may be needed under this provision, that if it is not found upon trial at law that it must be refunded to the Corporation that then each individual member shall contribute his proportion to refund the same and they enjoin their representatives in Trade House to vote against the bill in its present state.” What had aroused so much anger was the proposed rating systems to pay for the police, and at that time because of the fierce opposition of the citizens of Glasgow to paying rates, the bill failed to become law. It was not until 1800 that an Act of Parliament creating a Police Board for Glasgow was passed. This Act was very important to life in the city. It was one of the major steps of reform in public administration: it gave the citizens a voice in the election of their representatives. There were 24 wards, whose "commissioners” were elected by ratepayers. It conceded that representation and rating must go together: because the Town Council was a close body, it was not given rating powers; the Police Board which was a representative body was given rating powers. For the first time a rate based on the assessed rental of property in the City was introduced. It also. took a first step towards recognising a responsibility for Public Health by recognising as a public duty, the cleaning of the streets. While the crafts were opposed to the introduction of the rating system, they were certainly not opposed to reform of the City's administration. There are many references to concern about the power of the Town Council in the Tailors' Minutes. In 1762, they voiced their opposition to the Magistrates become the patrons of the churches. In May, 1783 they protested at an Act passed by the Town Council which allowed them to dispose of the Town’s property without consulting any of the community. In February 1784 they agreed to send delegates to a. meeting in Edinburgh "where reform of the set of the burghs was to be discussed. In February 1787, the Taylors approved a Resolution of Trades House that they should campaign for reform of the Town Council 'Which they believed to be too powerful. They hoped to bring in a bill for the better regulating of the elections to the Council. A year, later Trades House outlined its proposals for reform, which had been reached jointly with representatives of Merchant House. It was proposed: that Trades House should choose its own Convener; that the


number of Trades Councillors should be equal to the number of Merchant Councillors; that the duration of service be no longer than 3 years; that a member of the Crafts should be eligible for Lord Provost; that the Master of Work should be eligible from Merchant or Trade rank; that the necessities of life, e.g., meal and potatoes, should be exempt from tax, while tax should be put on luxury foods; that the magistrates and council should not exercise their right of presenting a Minister to any City church without full assent of the majority of hearers in the vacant Church. The Taylors approved of these proposals and voted to give £20 towards the expenses of the campaign. This first campaign had no immediate success and Trades House were involved in other attempts to achieve Burgh Reform in the early19th century, 1818 and 1819. The crafts were also interested in national affairs: In January 1778, Glasgow, was planning to raise a Battalion of men for Government service in fighting the Revolution in America. Trades House was asked to raise £500 of which the Taylors were asked to contribute either two, three or four hundred pounds. They voted to contribute £400 and if enough could not be raised, to borrow money to make up the sum. It was in this atmosphere of threat to the king that the fear of a possible Catholic threat following the repeal of the laws against popery must be seen. In December of the same year, the tailors were alarmed by the repeal of the statutes against popery. From the wording of their resolution it is clear that they still regard, the Catholics as a political. threat, as well as. a religious one. "As the Corporation are concerned that it is both necessary and expedient for the safety of the Protestant interest and the Security of the present happy constitution that all persons in their sphere ought to do everything in their power legal and constitutional for preserving firm and entire that there shall never again be the growth of popery and superstition in the Kingdom." In the 1790s the influence of the French Revolution was spreading in Scotland. The campaigns for administrative reform were fought against a background of economic hardship. Proposals to change the existing Corn Laws were mooted in 1786 and heartily opposed by the crafts of Glasgow. This scheme was said to be intended by the landed interest to protect themselves against the importation of cheap grain. They wanted to make the price of grain in Midlothian the minimum price of any grain imported into the country. The crafts decided that their priorities should be somewhat different: that the people needed a plentiful supply of corn on reasonable terms, and that meant, in manufacturing areas such as Glasgow, importing corn from plentiful areas. The new systems proposed would cause the Counties in the West of Scotland a great deal of distress and would be ruinous to manufacturers and landed interest, the Crafts decided. The Corn Bill was drafted, however, and put to Parliament in 1790, by which time the whole of Glasgow was actively campaigning against it. On the 14 May 1790, the Tailors resolved "to concur with Magistrates and Council, the Merchants and Trades Houses, the Chamber of Commerce and other societies in petitioning Parliament against the intended regulations with respect to the Corn Trade from passing into Law so far as they put Scotland on a worse footing from England." The opposition intensified in 1791, 'When the trades not only ordered their resolutions to be passed to two members of Parliament - Sir Thomas Dundas of Kerse, Home


Secretary, and Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and to be published in the Glasgow Newspapers, The Star and the Edinburg: Advertiser. Despite this, the Corn Law was passed, with disastrous results. The price of bread soared in 1792 following a bad harvest causing much hardship.


8. CONCLUSION The Incorporation of Taylors in Glasgow together with Trades House, played an important part in the life of the City. The guarding of their exclusive trading rights led them to become more and more involved in the development of Glasgow as ‘a prosperous trading centre.' Their concern for the welfare of their members led them to a more general concern for the people of Glasgow both in a charitable and a political sense. The progression which can be seen through their Minutes, is from interest in self-regulation to wide political interest embracing all aspects of life in eighteenth century Glasgow.


APPENDIX A Charters of the Guilds of Glasgow Skinners and Farriers AD 1516 AD 1605 AD 1613 Tailors AD 1527 AD 1546 AD 1569 Weavers AD 1528 AD 1605 AD 1681 Hammermen AD 1536 AD 1570 Masons AD 1551 Bakers AD 1556 Cordiners AD 1558-9 AD 1569 AD 1918 Coopers AD 1569 AD 1691 AD 1695 Fleshers AD 1580 AD 16(?) Bonnetmakers and Bonnetmekers and Dyers AD 1597 AD 1760 AD 1801 Surgeons and Barbers AD 1599 AD 1600 AD 1656 AD 1672 AD 17?? Wrights AD 1600 Maltmen AD 1605 AD 1672 AD 1677 AD 1684 Gardeners AD 1690 AD 1671 AD 1727 AD 1758 Mariners and Fishers AD 16(?)


APPENDIX B List of Deacons of the Incorporation from 1700-1730

1700 John Wallace 1701 John Wallace 1702 James Miller 1703 William Thomson,.Yr. 1704 John Watsone 1705 Robert Hogge 1706 Robert Scott 1707 John Grahame 1708 Robert Hogg 1709 James Brisband 1710 John Grahame 1711 James Logie 1712 John Grahame· 1713 Francis Hopkirk 1714 James Keir 1715 Cornelius Luke 1716 Robert Reid 1717 Peter Mitchell 1718 Robert Reid 1719 John Clark 1720 Gabriel Crosbie 1721 Andrew Murdoch 1722 James Wotherspoon 1723 John Clark 1724 John Minto 1725 Cornelius Luke 1726 John Graham, Yr. 1727 Gabriel Crosbie 1728 Andrew Biggar 1729 John Clark 1730 Walter Gray


APPENDIX C Account of intromissions with dispursements out of the Trades. Means and Estate by William Hodgson their Collector from the 23rd November 1749 to the 23rd·November 1750. In charge and discharge as follows -

Charge

Rents and Annuals

The Collector charges himself with the Ballance received from John Lennox, last Collector. From Margaret Nicoll and Duncan Campbell, one year’s rent of what of the Deansyde yard they possess from Candlemas 1749 - Candlemas 1750. From them as a year’s rent of the house at the foot of the Deansyde yard, the same term. From them in part of some bygone rents of the said house. From William McEwen in part payment of a bill due by him to the trade From George Galbreath one year account of £100 st. from Martimas 1748 to Do. 1749 owing to the trade by bond From Mary Lewis Hanuamaker: her years dues from Candlemas 1750 to Do.1751. From John Faulds one year’s rend of St. Rollocks croft for cropt 1749. From Ninian Craig a year’s rent of West Parsons croft for said cropt 1749. From Hugh Tennant a year’s rent of North Parsons croft the same cropt 1749. From Deacon James Buchanan £50 which he was due the Trade by bill. From do. for 7 months 13 days account of same sum From Rebecca Wallace Manuamaker one years dues from Hallowday 1748 to D. 1749 From Mrs Young borrowed by Deacon and Masters orders and for which bill is granted to her in the Trade name. High Shop next to the Tolbooth from Whitsunday 1749 to D. 1750.

017: 17:11 ½ 012:00:00 003:06:08 000:03:04 012:00:00 005:00:00 000:10:00 008:15:00 024:00:00 012:10:00 050:00:00 001:12:00½ 00:10:00 005:11:01½ 003: 00: 00

050 : 07 : 11½ 106: 08: 02

156: 16: 01½


Charge

Rents and Annuals Brought forward 001: 10: 00 000: 10: 00 001: 00: 00 004: 07: 07 000: 10: 00 000: 13: 04 004: 00: 00 001: 02: 2½ 001: 13: 07 001: 07: 09 000: 16: 08 001: 02: 02½ 001: 00: 00 015: 01: 06 019: 02: 09 002: 19: 02 000:00: 09 000: 10: 00 000: 10: 00 007: 00: 00 003:15:00 007: 15: 00

156: 16: 01½ 068: 10: 00 045: 06: 00 022: 09: 1?

From James Stewart one year’s rent of what he possesses of the back yard from Candlemas 1749 to Do. 1750 From Mrs Scott, Mantuamaker, one year’s dues from March 1749 to D. 1750. From Mrs Janet Williamson, Mantuamaker, two year’s dues from Lammas 1747 to Do. 1749. From Adam Wylie: one year’s rent of Skelliesmyre from Candlemas 1749 to Do. 1750. From Mrs Reid, Mantuamaker, a year’s dues from Whitsunday 1750 to Do. 1751. From Agnes Mcausland a year’s rent of the house possessed by her in Rottenrow from Whitsunday 1749 to Do. 1750. From Alexr Blair & Alexr Allan, a year’s rent of Crubscroft for cropt 1749. From John McKindlay for having 2 Prentis within 5 years. From the Taylors in Gorbals, their years Dues. From Matthew Walker one years' account of 500 merks from June 1749 to Do. 1750 Due to the trade by bond From do. one year account due to the trade by another bond from Martinmas 1749-Do 1750. From Jas Mclintock for housing 2 prentis in 5 years From Deacon Muir as being a new Deacon From the Collector of the Convener's House one year’s rent of the Cornerhouse from Whit 1749 to Do. 1750 From do. for Gorbals rent and Lordship of Coals. From Dan. Campbell one year rent of the house at the foot of Deanside yard from Whit 1749 to Do. 1750. From John Lennox as an oversight in Mat. Walker's account. From Mrs Carmichael, Mantuamaker, a year's dues from Hallowday 1748 to Do. 1749. From the Taylors in Port Glasgow From Collin Nicoll, in part payment of the bond due by him to the trade From Geo. Stirling 1½ year's account from Whit 1749 to Mart. 1750. From Andrew Dick a year's rent from Mart. 1749 to Mart. 1750 of the trades Shop next to the Tolbooth

233:03: 0?


Charge

Rents and Annuals Brought forward 005: 08: 04 001: 07: 00 005:00: 00 000: 10: 00 001:12:06

233:03: 0? 013: 17: ??

From Alexr McAulay, a year’s rent of the back yard from Can. 1749 to Do. 1750 From Do. as a year's rent of his house from Whit 1749 to Do. 1750 From Geo; Galbreath a year's account of £100 st. from Mart. 1749 to Mart. 1750 due to the trade by bond From Wm. McEwen some account not contained in his bill From the tennant in Findlay Steven's land as per a particular account

247: 00: ??

Charge

Freedom Fines 019: 03: 04

From Neil Anderson Duncan Robertson in part payment Robert Kincaid George Murdoch Humphrey Ewing Alex. Monro John Walker Thos. Pettigrew Andrew Lockhart John Arrole John Stanley

003: 00: 04 005: 00: 00 003: 08: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04 000: 18: 04

Apprentices Booking Money

From Jas. McLintock for John McLintock John McKindlay for Geo. Aberdeen John Maxwell for Alexr. Ramsay James Letham for Robert Barton John Hardie for Robert Speir John Logan for Robert Allan Andrew Mensshole for George Mearns John Burnsyde for Charles Arthur Arch. Mitchell for John McVey Walter Paterson for George Ball

000: 08: 04 000: 10: 00 000: 08: 04 000: 08: 04 000: 10: 00 000: 10: 00 000: 10: 00 000: 10: 00 000: 10: 00 000: 10: 00

004: 15: 00


Charge

Journeymen’s booking money who have served 2 years

From Matthew Anderson John McLachlan Peter McKindlav Charles Lamond Daniel Kennedy Donald Mcallum

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

001: 06: 08

Journeymen’s Booking Money who Serve no definite time

From Arch. Campbell Andrew Douglas Duncan McCallum. Hugh McBryde Dugall Dors Joseph Speir James Gilles Arch. Wilson Arch. Keir Adam Vance Thos. Fraser Lachlan Currie John Smith John Wilson John Ferguson Duncan McGregor John Luke Colin Fullerton for two journeymen Duncan McFarlane James Gardner John Ferguson John Stewart John Cameron Jas. Williamson Andrew Monshole

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

00: 04: 051/3 00: 04: 051/3

005: 15: ??

Quarter Accounts Received at Lambas Court

008: 13: 06 028: 05: 09

Mortcloaths Received for the use of the Trades Mortcloathes. Conform to a particular account given into, and read over, In presence of the trade, and by them approven extending in whole. To the Sum of Twenty Eight Pounds, five Shillings & Nine pence Sterling money


Discharge

Monthly Pensions

To the poor in December . To Do in January February March April May June July August September October November

003: 10: 10 003: 10: 10 003: 10: 10 003: 15: 08 003: 15: 08 003: 15: 08 003: 14: 06 003: 14: 06 003: 14: 06 003: 16: 10 003: 16: 10 003: 16: 10

010:12: 011:07: 011: 03; 011: 10: 044: 13

Suplicants

To the Supplicants at Hallowday To Do the Middle Quarter Candlemas Court Beltan Court Lambas Court Deacon's farewell

005: 18: 00 004 :13 :06 006: 00: 00 006: 04: 06 006: 03: 06 005: 12: 06 000: 01: 02 000: 01: 02 000: 01: 02 000: 01: 02 000: 00: 10 000: 00: 04 000:02:04 000:02:04 000:05:06 000:05:06 000:05:10

034: 12: 000: 05: 001: 01:

Court Dues

To James McAulay at Hallowday Court The Convener's officer then The poor man in the house John Rankine a man for carrying up the trades box Candle To the forenamed persons at Candlemass Court To Do. at Beltan Court To Do at Lambas Court To Do. at the Deacon's Election To Do. at the Election of the Masters

001 :07:


Discharge

Verbal Orders

To John Lennox per Deacon & Masters order To Janet Falconer per said order. To Robb Gilchrist Son by same order. To the Man for transporting the Mortcloathes and to the carter for cartage. To John Campbell per Deacon and Masters order. To the late Collectors Servants per said order To Mary Snodgrass To William Corse by a visite. To hep to defray his funeral charges To his family, they being in distress To John McNeil being recommended by the Convener To the Collector of the Convener's House a years Moystie to the Town hosp. To John Jack being recommended by the Convener To John Campbell To Widow Corse per said order To spent at the Middlequarter as usual To John Walker to buy shooes per Deacon and Master's order To spent receiving a part of Wm. McEwen's bill To. Jas. McAulay his New Year’s gift To the Conveners officer at same time To John Rankine at that time To Geo. Craig for his sons prentis fee being preferred to Deacon Watson's Mort. To Do. to buy cloaths in terms of that Mortification To paid for bringing down the key of North Parson's Croft To Wm. Hunter his wife being in childbed To spent at rouping an acre of the Deansyde Yard. To 2 sheets Stampt paper one for roup, the other for the tack To 3 cart draught of sundrie things to the Deansyde Yard To spent at signing John Dougals tack To Jas. McAulay at Candlemas To the beddal of the Barony Kirk To Widow Hogg To Mary Davidson account of 200 merks To six sundry persons To Margaret Buchanan per said order To spent at taking of a child's mortcloath To Deacon Gardner to buy Vest and Breeches to Wm. Muir’s son who is his Prentis

000:04:00 000:01:00 000:05:00 000:02:04 000:01:06 000:02:06 000:02:06 000:05:00 000:10:00 000:05:00. 000:02:00 014:00:00 000:02:06 000:02:00 000:06:00 000:05:00 000:02:00 000:01:00 000:02:06 000:02:06 000:01:02 003:00:00 000:15:00 000:00:02 000:05:00 000:03:09 000:01:01 000:01:00 000:01:00 000:05:0~~ 000:00:06 000:01:00 002: 1 0: 00 000:07:06 000:01:00 000:01:00 000:05:00

002: 00: 019:02: 004:04:0

025:07:0


Diacharge

Verbal Orders Brought Over 000:00:08 001:00:00 000:01:09 000:15:04 000:03:00 000:02:00 000:12:00 000:06:00 000:00:08 000:00:06 000:04:06 024:12:01 000:00:10½ 000:00:06 000:05:06½ 000:04:00 001:13:08 000:01:00 000:05:06½ 026:00:0.0 000:00:02 000:02:00½ 000:00:02 000:03:06 004:06:06 000:05:00 000:13:06 000:16:08 000:00:06½

025:07: 003:06: 053:03: 006: 07:

To spent at a meeting of Deacon Wotherspoon's Legatees To Thos. Bryce for Stabs & Rafters To spent with Mr Weir Settling the Account about the Teinds To Arch. Brisban for thatch & work to the house at Deansyde To Sarah Paterson for dying a fringe for the child's 1st mortcloath To Wm. Kilpatrick recommended by Convener To John Smith for Smith work To 4 horse hirers to meet the Lords of Justiciary in April To Jas. McAulay for hyring the same To a man for waiting on them To Jas. McAulay for furnishing & making his big coat To paid to Mr Weir for tiends of the trades lands To spent at paying thereof To John Rankine for warning Peter Gardner to the Town Court To Jas. McAulay at Beltan To him for stockings and shoes To paid to the Collector for loss for year 1749 To spent with him the same time To Alex. Wotherspoon a year’s feuduty To lent Arch. Black on bill To spent then To paid Arch. Purcell Schoolmaster in Anderston his yearly fial To John Rankine for warning Mrs Ferguson before the Bailie for Mcrtcloath To 3 sundrie persons To Deacon Muir for Cloath for Jas. McAulay's big- Coat & a Suit of cloaths To Wm. Muir to help to defray his daughter's funeral charges To Mary Hutchison 1 year's rent owed her To Deacon Luke for 1 year's rent of the Essay Room To a Sheet of Stamped paper for writing Walter Bartons relict her assignation to the Trade

088:04:


Discharge

Verbal Orders Brought Forward 088: 04: 014:02: 002:18: 030:12:

To paid for a letter from Taylors in Perth To Mrs Scott To Jas. Provans relict by' a visite To lent Wm. Herbertson To Jas. McAulay for Hat, Wig, Shoes & Stockings as usual To Jas. Craig for Rent of the trades lands To Alex. McAulay To John Smith To Jas. McAulay at fair of Glasgow To the Convener's Officer at said time To John Rankine then To Geo. Wilson on a visit To Do. for another visit To spent at receiving the Taylors in Gorbals their dues To their officer then 000:01:02 To the Redcoat Officer & Geo. Arbuckle To Jas. McAulay his fial at Lambas To paid for 4t. of lead for bolts for Crubscroft Yard To spent in Geo Grahame To his lads at same time To Jas. McAulay for making his cloaths To John Hank in for warning 3 fl1antuamakern To John Smith for Smith work To Eliz. Reid To John Lochhead To Wm. Lyon To John Henderson's relict one years a/c To the Convener's House as usual To the Chaplain of the Convener's House To the Convener's Officer To Walter Lennox To Lent Thos. Wilson on Bond To 6 sundrie persons To Robert Muir, mason To Widow Fleming To some Town Officers at the Election of the Deacon

000:00:04 000:05:00 000:03:00 005:00:00 000:16:00 006:14:05 000:13:04 000:02:06 000:01:02 000:01:02 000:01:02 000:04:00 000:05:00 000:08:02 000:01:02 000:01:02 000:05:06½ 000:00:06 000:01:00 000:01:00 000:17:07 000:00:06 000:04:00 000:10:00 003:17:00 000:02:00 000:12:00 004:03:04 000:15:00 ' 000:04:00 000:04:00 020:00:00 000:06:00 000:07:00 000:01:00 000:01:00

135:17:


Discharge

Verbal Orders Brought Forward 000:00:10 000:02:00 000:01:08 000:01:04 000:06:00 000:00:08 000:00:06 001:03:00 000:05:02 000:05:00 000:05:06½ 000:04:00 000:02:06 000:03:00 000:03:09 000:00:03 020:00:00 000:07:00 000:01:00 012:00:00 000:10:09 000:05:00 002:10:00 003:06:00 000:06:04

135:17: 003:05: 039.06

To John Walker for transporting Trade Box To John Ewing & March Brown To David Macfarlane for 2 loads lime To John Smith for a lock and key To 4 horse hyrers to meet the lords of the Justiciary To Jas. McAulay for hyring the same To a man for waiting on them To the poor over and above what was allowed to them at the Convener's farewell To help defray Catherine Ballennie's funeral charges To Jas. McAulay at the Deacon's farewell To Do. his fial at Hallowday To Do. at same time for Shoose and Stockings To Plaistering Andrew Miller's window To Widow McKindley for a visite To the officer & Drummer at rouping of the Acre in Deansyde To paid the postboy for bringing up the Port Glasgow Taylors dues To paid to Joseph Mann a year's account of 8,000 merks To spent in Zacharias Baxter in Gorbals To given his lads pr. same order To paid Alexr. McLeod which trade owed To a year's interest thereof To depursed out of Duncan Robertson's freedom fine for the Essay Masters To Jean Miller relict of Jas. Young one year's account of 1,000 merks To paid to David Easton for 3 yds Velvet for Child's Mortcloath To paid out for Stent & repairations on Findlay Steven Taylor his lands

178:09:


Discharge

Written Warrands 0: 0: 6 0: 1 :0 0: 1 :2 0: 1 :0 0: 0: 6 0: 1 :0 0: 1 :0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 0: 6 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1 :0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 0: 6 0: 1: 2 0: 1 :2

00: 12: 00 00: 12: 00 01: 00:0

To Wm. Glen alias Burns Agnes Brechin Samuel Lewis relict William Thomson William McAndrew David Craig John Hunter David Cumming Margaret Scott James Wright Janet Thomson Elizabeth Craig Frances Custain William Young James Simpson Widow Carruth John Arneil Senior James Bowie Catherine Ballennie Humphry Gilchrist Janet Urie Marion Simpson John Gilmour Margaret Wood Hendry Duncan Mary Jamieson James Muir, Barony Officer Violet Ross Helen Paterson James Walker Andrew Blackwood Mary Campbell James King William Muir Mary Boyd Robert .Clark Mary Brown Francis Custain Widow McKindlay Angus Campbell James McAulay for warning to Convener Hackie's burial Catherine Muir William Hunter John Walker

02:06:0


Discharge

Written Warrands Brought Forward 0: 1: 2 0:1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1 :2

02 06: 07 00: 15: 0 00: 14: 0 00:19: 0

To Widow Minto Robert Steven Widow Biggart Mary Jamieson James Simpson William Adam Peter Burnside Jean Young James Bowie Francis Custain William Muir Deacon Biggart’s relict Isobel Brown Samuel Thomson Janet Urie Agnes Adam David Bain William Dickson John Kilpatrick Widow Alcorn Francis Custain Robert Clark Bernard Gilmour Andrew Main Daniel Macfarlane Charles Duncan Angus Campbell Christian Speir James Tenant William Muir Humphrey Gilchrist James McIlhose William Robbins Catherine Ballinnie George Alexander Janet Duncan James Muir Barony Officer Widow Aldston Joan Chapman John Johnston Agnes McLean James Bowie Mary Snodgrass Widow McLae

04: 15: 0


Discharge

Written Warrands Brought Forward 0: 0: 6 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0

04:15:0 00:16:0 00: 16: 0 01: 01: 0

To William McAndrew Grizell Pirrie Elizabeth Craig Duncan Mckenzie Andrew Nairn John Walker Widow Nairn Widow Minto Francis Custain Janet Sommerville Angus Campbell Daniel Thomson's wife John Arneil Snr. David Anderson Margaret Livingston James Simpson "Margaret Buchanan Isobel Shanks George Pollock John Robertson John Fisher James Cramond Robert Smith Robert Clark John Brown Francis Custain Isobel Browm Hendry Duncan James Provan's relict Widow .Hendry Widow Barton Daniel Thomson's wife Patrick Burnside Mary Brown Widow Mckindlay Janet Kilpatrick James Brown Bessie Scott Philip Owen, a blind man William Muir Christian Paterson Margeret Buchanan Elizabeth Mollison Francis Custain James Simpson Robert Clark Hendry Duncan's daughter James King Janet Maxwell

07: 09: 0


Discharge

Written Warrants Brought Forward 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1 :0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 2: 4 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 0: 6 0: 1: 0 0: 1 :0

07:08:0 00:16:08 00:16:08

To Mary Ruth Alexr. Irvine William Adams Wlidow Hugh Mary Craig Mrs Biggart James Muir, Barony Officer George Linrdsay Christian Finnieston John Aldcorns relict Agnes Hart John Walker Robert Muir Francis Custain John Arneil Snr. Christian Spur Angus Campbell Janet Steven Elpeth Grindlaw James Mcaulay and John Rankine William Muir George Wilson John Rankine James Simpson Widow McLae Jean Stewart Mrs Biggart James Mcaulay Isobel Rankine Robert Clark William Young Francis Custain Elizabeth Craig Jean Love William Watson Margaret Scott Jean Chapman Robert Simpson James Mcaulay Elizabeth Todd Margaret Sinclair John Mcaulay Margaret Bishott Margaret Brown John Walker Jean Aldcorn Janet Wilson Elizabeth Hunter

10:02:0


Discharge

Written Warrants Brought Forward 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 0: 6 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 0 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2 0: 1: 2

10: 02: 0 00: 07: 0 00: 18: 0 01: 01: 0

To Widow Miller Janet Kyle Robert Wright James Mcaulay John Walker John Rankine Janet Paterson

Deacon Walkers Written Warrands .

To George Cormick John Carmichael Isobel Monro Samuel Thomson Angus Campbell Jean Chapman Hendry Duncan James Bowie Peter Burnsyde A very poor woman Elizabeth Hareman William Hunter Duncan Campbell Margaret Biskett Mrs Cook John Hunter John Walker Widow McLae George Stirling Shooemakers Officer Widow Leckie George Pollock Mrs Biggart Robert Speir’s Daughter Francis Custain William Mains relict John Carrik Hendry Duncan's Daughter William Muir John Mcaulay’s relict Robert Clark Widow Minto John Mcaulay Mrs Thomson David Cumming Marion Brash

12: 09: 0

Summa of the Written Warrands James Mcaulay the Trades Officer his preceipts Being 52 in number at 2s4d each 6:01:04 06: 01: 0


Discharge

Clerks fial and his man To the Clerk his years fial and extraordinariness To his servant Contingent expenses To spent at receiving Margt. Nicols rent spent at receiving a years account rent from George Galbreath spent receiving John Fowlis rent Ninian Craigs Deacon Tennants Daniel Campbells rent of the housed Deansyde Adam Wylies Agnes Mcauslands Alexr. Blair and Alexr. Allams Matthew Wathers account cont. the Cornerhouse and Gorballs rents Robert Fowiis rent Andrew Dicks Alex.. Mcaulays George Galbreaths account a second time The Whole Charge Stands Thus Rents and Annuals Freedom Fines Apprentice B.M. J.B.M. 2 years " who serve no time Quarter Accounts Mortcloath Money The Discharge Stands Thus Monthly Pensioners Supplicants Court Dues Verbal orders Written warrants James Mcaulays Precepts Clerk and his Servant Contingent expenses Balance Due by the Collector Balance due to the Collector

07:00:00 00:05:00 00:05:01 00:00:06 00:04:00 00:09:00 00:04:00 00:00:09 00:00:11 00:00:02 00:02:00 00:00:06 00:02:00 00:00:06 00:00:06 00:03:00 00:00:03 247:00:10½ 019:03:04 004:15:00 001:06:08 005:15:062/3 008:13:06 028:05:09 044:13:06 031:12:00 001:07:04 178:09:00 012:09:08 006:01:04 007:05:00 001:13:02

07: 05: 0 01: 13: 0 315: 00: 08 286:11:0 £028:09: 0


APPENDIX D

Income from Rents and Freedom Fines

Year Rents Freedom Fines

1731 - 32 1743 – 44 1758 – 59 1768 – 69 1778 – 79 1788 – 89 1798 – 99

2452 : 19 : 01 L Scots £556 : 02 : 102/3 £242 : 13 : 5¼ £470 : 17 : 4½ £237 :17 : 3½ £342 : 05 : 5 £356 : 00 : 9¾

486 : 00 : 00 L Scots £ 30 : 08 : 4 £ 58 : 18 : 4 £ 23 : 00 : 00 £132 : 15 : 00 £ 52 : 11 : 10 £ 70 : 08 : 4


APPENDIX E Hire of Mortcloths - 1731 Parishes to whom mort cloths were rented

Airdrie Auchenbrock Balshagray Barony Bothwell Caldor Caltoun Campsie Carmunnock Cathcart Eaglesham Eastwood Erskine Gartshore Govan Househill Kilbryde Kilpatrick Kingswell Kirkintilloch Inchannan Jordanllill Neilston New Monkland Old Kilpatrick Paisley Partick Pollockshaws Rutherglen Sandihills Shotts Strathblane

4 1 1 1 5 2 4 2 2 2 6 6 2 4 4 1 3 6 1 7 1 1 14 15 3 1 4 2 1 1 1 2

235 items Income from hire 223 : 06 : 0 L Scots


APPENDIX G Freemen Tailors from the Burgess Roll 1780-89

Year As son of a burgess

By marriage By purchase As apprentice

1780

1781

1782

1783

1784

1785

1786

1787

1788

1789

- 2 2 2 4 1 5 - 1 1

1 1 2 - - 3 4 1 1 1

- 2 1 - 1 4 8 1 - 1

- - 1 1 - 1 1 - - 2


APPENDIX H 3 and 11 July 1787: Regulations of the Magistrates Concerning Journeymen

1. All persons by whom Slatehouses or houses of call for Journeymen out of work are or shall be kept within the City of Glasgow or liberties thereof shall be obliged when required any Journeyman Taylor out of work to put his name on the Slate or list for payment of one penny sterling and no more.

2. That the Slatekeepers shall be obliged instantly when required to give inspection of the Slate, a list of Journeymen Taylors out of work to any Master Taylors who shall deserve the same a payment of one penny sterling for each inspection.

3. Any Master Taylor inspecting the said list and paying one penny sterling shall be at liberty to take into his employment and to engage any Journeyman he chuses whose name is upon the Slate or list.

4. Any Journeyman whose name stands upon the list or slate shall be bound to go and work with any master who offers to employ him and at such a sum of wages as shall be agreed between them, not exceeding 1s 3d sterling per day for sufficiently well qualified Journeymen, and any master who hires a Journeyman shall be obliged to employ and pay him for a full day.

5. No master shall give higher wages to his Journeyman.

6. That all masters and Journeyman Taylors and slate keepers who shall not conform to the above regulations or any other regulations shall forfeit a fine of 10s.

7. All transgressors against foregoing regulations shall be prosecuted summarily and the fines incurred shall be forfeited and paid to the prosecutors or informer.


APPENDIX I Examples of Entries in Minute Books 1. Appnrentice The said day John Buchanan Son of John Buchanan, Journeyman Wright in Glasgow was booked apprentice with the above Walter Johns and George Buchanan for five years from the 1st day of March 1759 and for two years thereafter for meat and fee, Conform to the Indentures Dated the Thirtieth Day of August 1759. Alex. Wotherspoon Clk. T-TH3/1/2 2. Journeyman The said day John Yuill, sone of James Yuill, Taylor in Anderstown was booked Journeyman with James Watson for two years from the 24th day of March last Conform to Indentures betwixt them of this date. Alex. Wothersnoon Clk. T-TH3/1/2 ~ 3. Freeman The same day James Morison Taylor burgess of this burgh was also admitted a freeman .with the Taylor trade. Having made an essay which was approved of, and he found qualifying. .Produced his burgess ticket, paid his freedom fine and. gave his oath de fideli, as use is. T-TH3/1/2 APPENDIX Wordipg of a Burgess Ticket At Glasgow the sixth day of September 1755 the which day in the presence of the Right Honourable George Murdoch Esq. of the said City, George Carmichael, Wm. Crawfurd and James Glen, Baillies "thereof , John Bowman, Dean of Gild and sundry of the Gild Council of said City John Maitland Taylor in Glasgow is admitted and received Burgess and Gildbrother of the said City and the whole liberties Privileges and Immunities belonging to an Burgess and Gildbrother thereof and granted to him in most ample form who gives his Oath of Fideli as Use is extracted furth of the Gild Books of the said City by Robfert Colqluhoun. T-TH3/10/7


BIBLIOGRAPHY A. PRIMARY SOURCES Strathclyde Regional Archives: Records of the Incorporation of Tailors. 1600 -1800. Records of the Trades House of Glasgow. 1600 -1800. Glasgow Burgh Records. 1700 -1800. Plan of the City of Glasgow, Gorballs, Caltoun and Environs by James Barry. 1782. B SECONDARY SOURCES ANDERSON, James R. (ed. ) The Burgesses and Guild Brethren of Glasgow. 1573-1846. Scottish Record Soc. BELL, Sir James & PATON, James. Glasgow - its Municipal Organisation and Administration. 1896 CRAWFURD, George. A sketch of the Trades House of 1858. LUMSDEN, Harry. History of the Hammermen of Glasgow. 1912 LUHSDEN, Harry. Records of the Trades House of Glasgow. 1713-1777. 1934. TAYLOR, J.M. Excerpts from the Records of the Incorporation of Tailors of Glasgow, with copies of original Charters. 1872. C. NEWSPAPERS AND JOURNALS Glasgow Journal Glasgow Mercury Scots Magazine - BLACK, John Cameron.Glasgow’s Ancient Craft "Gilds". 1927. D. PRO'I'OGRAPHS Courtesy of People's Palace.

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