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AbrahamLincoln

AbrahamLincolnThePeople'sLeaderintheStruggleforNationalExistence

By

GeorgeHavenPutnam,Litt.D.

Authorof

"BooksandTheirMakersintheMiddleAges,"

"TheCensorshipoftheChurch,"etc.

WiththeaboveisincludedthespeechdeliveredbyLincolninNewYork,February27,1860;withanintroductionbyCharlesC.Nott,lateChiefJusticeoftheCourtofClaims,andannotationsbyJudgeNottandbyCephasBrainerdof

NewYorkBar.

1909

INTRODUCTORYNOTE

The twelfth of February, 1909, was the hundredth anniversary of the birth ofAbraham Lincoln. In New York, as in other cities and towns throughout theUnion,thedaywasdevotedtocommemorationexercises,andevenintheSouth,incentreslikeAtlanta(thecaptureofwhichin1864hadindicatedthecollapseof the cause of the Confederacy), representative Southerners gave theirtestimonytothelifeandcharacterofthegreatAmerican.

TheCommittee in charge of the commemoration inNewYork arranged for aseriesofaddressestobegiventothepeopleofthecityanditwasmyprivilegetobeselectedasoneof thespeakers. Itwasan indicationof the rapidpassingawayofthegenerationwhichhadhadtodowiththeeventsoftheWar,thatthelist of orators, forty-six in all, included only fourmenwho had ever seen theherowhoselifeandcharactertheyweredescribing.

Inwritingoutlater,primarilyfortheinformationofchildrenandgrandchildren,myownaddress(whichhadbeendeliveredwithoutnotes),IfoundmyselfsofarabsorbedintheinterestofthesubjectandintherecollectionsoftheWarperiod,that I was impelled to expand the paper so that it should present a more

comprehensive study of the career and character of Lincoln than it had beenpossibletoattemptwithinthecompassofanhour'stalk,andshouldincludealsoreferences,inoutline,totheconstitutionalstrugglethathadprecededthecontestandtothechiefeventsoftheWaritselfwithwhichthegreatWarPresidenthadbeenmostdirectlyconcerned.Themonograph,therefore,whileintheformofanessayorhistoricalsketch,retainsincertainportionsthecharacterofthespokenaddresswithwhichitoriginated.

Itisnowbroughtintoprintinthehopethatitmaybefoundofinterestforcertainreadersoftheyoungergenerationandmayserveasanincentivetothereadingofthe fuller histories of the War period, and particularly of the best of thebiographiesofthegreatAmericanwhomwehonourasthePeople'sleader.

Ihavebeenfortunateenoughtosecure(only,however,afterthismonographhadbeenput into type)acopyof thepamphletprinted inSeptember,1860,by theYoungMen'sRepublicanUnionofNewYork,inwhichispresentedthetext,asrevisedbythespeaker,oftheaddressgivenbyLincolnattheCooperInstituteinFebruary,—theaddresswhichmadehimPresident.

This edition of the speech, prepared for use in the Presidential campaign,containsaseriesofhistoricalannotationsbyCephasBrainerdoftheNewYorkBarandCharlesC.Nott,wholaterrenderedfurtherdistinguishedservicetohiscountry as Colonel of the 176th Regiment, N.Y.S. Volunteers, and (after thecloseoftheWar)aschiefjusticeoftheCourtofClaims.

Theseyounglawyers(notyetleadersoftheBar)appeartohaverealisedatoncethat the speech was to constitute the platform upon which the issues of thePresidential election were to be contested. Not being prophets, they were, ofcourse,notinapositiontoknowthatthesamestatementsweretorepresentthecontentionsoftheNorthuponwhichtheCivilWarwasfoughtout.

I am able to include, with the scholarly notes of the two lawyers, a valuableintroduction to the speech,written (as late as February, 1908) by JudgeNott;togetherwithcertainletterswhichinFebruary,1860,passedbetweenhim(astherepresentativeoftheCommittee)andMr.Lincoln.

Theintroductionandthelettershaveneverbeforebeenpublished,and(asisthecase alsowith thematerial of the notes) are now in print only in the presentvolume.

Ijudge,therefore,thatImaybedoingaservicetothesurvivorsofthegeneration

of 1860 and also to the generations that have grown up since the War, byutilising the occasion of the publication of my own little monograph for thereprintingofthesenotesinaformforpermanentpreservationandforreferenceonthepartofstudentsofthehistoryoftheRepublic.

G.H.P.

NEWYORK,April2,1909.

CONTENTS

I.THEEVOLUTIONOFTHEMANII.WORKATTHEBARANDENTRANCEINTOPOLITICSIII.THEFIGHTAGAINSTTHEEXTENSIONOFSLAVERYIV. LINCOLNAS PRESIDENTORGANISES THE PEOPLE FOR THEMAINTENANCEOFNATIONALEXISTENCEV.THEBEGINNINGOFTHECIVILWARVI.THEDARK.DAYSOF1862VII.THETHIRDANDCRUCIALYEAROFTHEWARVIII.THEFINALCAMPAIGNIX.LINCOLN'STASKENDEDAPPENDIX—LINCOLN'SCOOPERINSTITUTEADDRESS:

THEADDRESSOFABRAHAMLINCOLNINTRODUCTORYNOTECORRESPONDENCEWITHLINCOLN,NOTT,ANDBRAINERDPREFACETOTHELINCOLNADDRESSTHECOOPERINSTITUTEADDRESS

INDEXFOOTNOTES

AbrahamLincoln

I

THEEVOLUTIONOFTHEMAN

On the twelfth of February, 1909, the hundredth anniversary of the birth ofAbrahamLincoln,Americansgatheredtogether,throughouttheentirecountry,tohonourthememoryofagreatAmerican,onewhomaycometobeacceptedasthegreatestofAmericans.ItwasineverywayfittingthatthishonourshouldberenderedtoAbrahamLincolnandthat,onsuchcommemorationday,hisfellow-citizensshouldnotfailtobearalsoinhonouredmemorythethousandsofothergoodAmericanswholikeLincolngavetheirlivesfortheircountryandwithoutwhoseloyaldevotionLincoln'sleadershipwouldhavebeeninvain.

The chief purpose, however, as I understand, of amemorial service is not somuch toglorify thedeadas toenlightenand inspire the living.Weborrow thethoughtofhisownGettysburgaddress (soeloquent in itsexquisite simplicity)whenwesaythatnowordsofourscanaddanyglorytothenameofAbrahamLincoln.Hisworkisaccomplished.Hisfameissecure.It isforus,hisfellow-citizens, for the oldermenwho had personal touchwith the great struggle inwhichLincolnwasthenation'sleader,fortheyoungermenwhohavegrownupinthegenerationsincetheWar,andforthechildrenbywhomaretobehandeddown through the new century the great traditions of the Republic, to securefrom the life and character of our great leader incentive, illumination, andinspirationtogoodcitizenship,inorderthatLincolnandhisfellow-martyrsshallnothavediedinvain.

ItispossiblewithinthelimitsofthispapersimplytotouchuponthechiefeventsandexperiencesinLincoln'slife.Ithasbeenmyendeavourtoselectthosethatwerethemostimportantintheformingorintheexpressionofhischaracter.Theterm "forming" is, however, not adequate to indicate the development of apersonalitylikeLincoln's.Weratherthinkofhissturdycharacterashavingbeenforged into its final form through the fiery furnace of fierce struggle, ashammered out under the blows of difficulties and disasters, and as pressedbeneaththeweightofthenation'sburdens,untilwasatlastproducedthefinelytempered nature of the man we know, the Lincoln of history, that exquisitecombination of sweetness of nature and strength of character. The type isdescribedinSchiller'sSongoftheFoundingoftheBell:

Denn,wodasstrengemitdemzarten,Womildessichundstarkespaarten,DagiebteseinengutenKlang.

Thereisatendencytoapplytheterm"miraculous"tothecareerofeveryhero,and in a sense such description is, of course, true. The life of every man,howeverrestricteditsrange,issomethingofamiracle;butthecourseofasinglelife, like that of humanity, is assuredly based on a development that proceedsfromaseriesofcausations.Holmessaysthattheeducationofamanbeginstwocenturiesbeforehisbirth.WemayrecallinthisconnectionthatLincolncameofgoodstock.Itistruethathisparentsbelongedtotheclassofpoorwhites;buttheLincolnfamilycanbetracedfromaneasterncountyofEngland(wemighthopefor the purpose of genealogical harmony that the countywas Lincolnshire) toHingham in Massachusetts, and by way of Pennsylvania and Virginia toKentucky. The grandfather of our Abraham was killed, while working in hisfieldontheKentuckyfarm,bypredatoryIndiansshootingfromthecoverofthedenseforest.Abraham'sfather,Thomas,atthattimeaboy,wasworkinginthefield where his father was murdered. Such an incident in Kentucky simplyrepeated what had been going on just a century before in Massachusetts, atDeerfieldandatdozensofothersettlementsontheedgeofthegreatforestwhichwasthehomeoftheIndians.Duringthehundredyears,thefrontierofthewhiteman'sdomainhadbeenmovedathousandmilestothesouth-westand,asever,therewasstillfrictionatthepointofcontact.

TherecordoftheboyhoodofourLincolnhasbeentoldindozensofformsandin hundreds ofmonographs.We know of the simplicity, of the penury, of thefamilylifeinthelittleone-roomedloghutthatformedthehomeforthefirsttenyearsofAbraham'slife.Weknowofhislittlegroupofbookscollectedwithtoiland self-sacrifice. The series, after some years of strenuous labour, comprisedtheBible,Aesop'sFables, a tattered copy of Euclid'sGeometry, andWeems'sLifeofWashington.TheEuclidhehadsecuredasagreatprizefromthesonofaneighbouring farmer. Abraham had asked the boy the meaning of the word"demonstrate."Hisfriendsaidthathedidnothimselfknow,butthatheknewthewordwasinabookwhichhehadatschool,andhehunteduptheEuclid.Aftersome bargaining, the Euclid came into Abraham's possession. In accordancewith his practice, the whole contents were learned by heart. Abraham's lateropponentsattheBarorinpoliticaldiscussioncametorealisethatheunderstoodthemeaningoftheword"demonstrate."Infact,referencestospecificproblemsofEuclidoccurredinsomeofhisearlierspeechesattheBar.

Ayearormorelater,whentheLincolnfamilyhadcrossedtherivertoIndiana,therewasaddedtothe"library"acopyoftherevisedStatutesoftheState.TheWeems's Washington had been borrowed by Lincoln from a neighbouringfarmer.Theboykeptitatnightunderhispillow,andontheoccasionofastorm,the water blew in through the chinks of the logs that formed the wall of thecabin,drenchingthepillowandtheheadoftheboy(asmallmatterinitself)andwettingandalmostspoilingthebook.Thiswasagravemisfortune.Lincolntookhisdamagedvolumetotheownerandaskedhowhecouldmakepaymentfortheloss.Itwasarrangedthattheboyshouldputinthreedays'workshuckingcornonthefarm."Willthatworkpayforthebookoronlyforthedamage?"askedtheboy.Itwasagreedthatthelabourofthreedaysshouldbeconsideredsufficientforthepurchaseofthebook.

The text of this biography and the words of each valued volume in the little"library"wereabsorbedintothememoryofthereader.Itwashispracticewhengoingintothefieldforwork,totakewithhimwritten-outparagraphsfromthebookthathehadatthemomentinmindandtorepeattheseparagraphsbetweenthe various chores or between the wood-chopping until every page wascommittedbyheart.Paperwasscarceanddearandfortheboyunattainable.Heused for his copying bits of board shaved smooth with his jack-knife. Thismaterialhadtheadvantagethatwhenthetaskofonedayhadbeenmastered,alittlelabourwiththejack-knifepreparedthesurfaceoftheboardfortheworkofthenextday.AsIreadthisincidentinLincoln'sboyhood,IwasremindedofanexperienceofmyowninLouisiana.Ithappenedfrequentlyduringthecampaignof1863thatoursupplieswerecutoffthroughthecaptureofourwaggontrainsby that active Confederate commander, General Taylor. More than once, wewereshortofprovisions,and,inoneinstance,asupplyofstationeryforwhichtheadjutantsofthebrigadehadbeenwaiting,wascarriedofftoservetheneedsofouropponents.Wetoredownaconvenientandunnecessaryshedandutilisedfrom the roof the shingles, the clean portions of which made an admirablesubstituteforpaper.Forsomedays,themorningreportsofthebrigadewerefiledonshingles.

Lincoln'sworkasa farm-handwasvariedby two tripsdown the river toNewOrleans. The opportunity had been offered to the young man by theneighbouring store-keeper,Gentry, to take part in the trip of a flat-boatwhichcarriedtheproduceofthecountytoNewOrleans,tobetheresoldinexchangefor sugaror rum.Lincolnwas,at the timeof these trips, already familiarwithcertainoftheaspectsandconditionsofslavery,buttheinspectionoftheslave-

marketinNewOrleansstampeduponhissensitiveimaginationafreshandmoresombrepicture,andmadealastingimpressionoftheiniquityandhorroroftheinstitution.Fromthetimeofhisearlymanhood,Lincolnhatedslavery.Whatwasexceptional, however, in his state of mind was that, while abominating theinstitution,hewasabletogiveasympatheticunderstandingtotheopinionsandtotheprejudicesoftheslave-owners.Inallhislongfightagainstslaveryasthecursebothofthewhiteandoftheblack,andasthegreatobstacletothenaturalandwholesomedevelopmentofthenation,wedonotatanytimefindatraceofbitternessagainstthemenoftheSouthwhowereendeavouringtomaintainandtoextendthesystem.

It was of essential importance for the development of Lincoln as a politicalleader, first forhisState, and later in thecontest thatbecamenational, thatheshouldhavepossessedanunderstanding,whichwasdeniedtomanyoftheanti-slavery leaders,of theactualnature,character,andpurposeof themenagainstwhom he was contending. It became of larger importance when Lincoln wasdirecting from Washington the policy of the national administration that heshouldhaveasympatheticknowledgeoftheproblemsofthemenoftheBorderStates who with the outbreak of the War had been placed in a position ofexceptional difficulty, and that he should have secured and retained theconfidenceofthesemen.ItseemsprobablethatiftheWarPresidenthadbeenamanofNorthernbirthandNorthernprejudices,ifhehadbeenonetowhomthewider, the more patient and sympathetic view of these problems had beenimpossible or difficult, the Border States could not have been saved to theUnion.ItisprobablethatthesupportgiventothecauseoftheNorthbythesixtythousand or seventy thousand loyal recruits from Missouri, Kentucky,Tennessee,Maryland,andVirginia,mayevenhaveprovedthedecidingfactorinturningthetideofevents.Thenation'sleaderforthestruggleseemstohavebeensecured through a process of natural selection as had been the case a centuryearlier with Washington. We may recall that Washington died but ten yearsbeforeLincolnwasborn;andfromthefact thateach leaderwasathandwhenthe demand came for his service, and when without such service the nationmighthavebeenpressedtodestruction,wemaygraspthehopethat in timeofneed the nation will always be provided with the leader who can meet therequirement.

AfterLincolnreturnedfromNewOrleans,hesecuredemploymentforatimeinthe grocery or general store ofGentry, andwhen hewas twenty-two years ofage,hewentintobusinesswithapartner,sometwentyyearsolderthanhimself,

incarryingonsuchastore.Hehadsoimpressedhimselfupontheconfidenceofhis neighbours that, while he was absolutely without resources, there was nodifficulty inhisborrowingthemoneyrequiredforhisshareof thecapital.Theundertakingdidnotproveasuccess.Lincolnhadnobusinessexperienceandnoparticularbusiness capacity,whilehispartnerproved tobeuntrustworthy.Thepartner decamped, leaving Lincoln to close up the business and to take theresponsibility for the joint indebtedness. ItwasseventeenyearsbeforeLincolnwasable, fromhismodestearningsasa lawyer, toclearoff this indebtedness.Thedebtbecameoutlawedinsixyears'timebutthiscouldnotaffectLincoln'ssenseoftheobligation.Afterthefailureofthebusiness,Lincolnsecuredworkascounty surveyor. In this, he was following the example of his predecessorWashington,withwhosecareerasasurveyortheyoungsterwhoknewWeems'sbiography by heart, was of course familiar. His new occupation took himthrough thecountyandbroughthimintopersonal relationswithamuchwidercircle than he had known in the village of New Salem, and in his case, thepersonal relation counted formuch; the history shows that no one who knewLincoln failed to be attracted by him or to be impressed with the fullestconfidenceintheman'sintegrityofpurposeandofaction.

II

WORKATTHEBARANDENTRANCEINTOPOLITICS

In1834,whenhewastwenty-fiveyearsold,Lincolnmadehisfirstentranceintopolitics, presenting himself as candidate for theAssembly.His defeatwas notwithoutcompensations;hesecuredinhisownvillageortownship,NewSalem,nolessthan208outofthe211votescast.Thisprophethadhonourwiththosewhoknewhim.Twoyears later,he triedagainand this timewithsuccess.Hisjourneysasasurveyorhadbroughthimintotouchwith,andintotheconfidenceof,enoughvotersthroughoutthecountytosecuretheneededmajority.

Lincoln'sactiveworkasalawyerlastedfrom1834to1860,orforabouttwenty-sixyears.Hesecuredinthecasesundertakenbyhimaverylargeproportionofsuccessful decisions. Such a result is not entirely to be credited to hiseffectiveness as an advocate.The first reasonwas that in his individualwork,that is to say, in thematters thatwere taken up by himself rather than by hispartner,heacceptednocaseinthejusticeofwhichhedidnothimselfhavefullconfidence. As his fame as an advocate increased, he was approached by anincreasingnumberofclientswhowantedtheadvantageoftheeffectiveserviceoftheyounglawyerandalsoofhisassuredreputationforhonestyofstatementand of management. Unless, however, he believed in the case, he put suchsuggestionstoonesideevenatthetimewhentheincomewasmeagreandwheneverydollarwasofimportance.

Lincoln's record at the Bar has been somewhat obscured by the value of hispublic service, but as it comes to be studied, it is shown to have been bothdistinctiveandimportant.Hislaw-bookswere,likethoseofhisoriginallibrary,few,butwhatevervolumeshehadofhisownandwhateverhewasabletoplacehishandsuponfromtheshelvesofhisfriends,hemasteredthoroughly.Hisworkat theBar gave evidence of his exceptional powers of reasoningwhile itwasitselfalsoalargeinfluenceinthedevelopmentofsuchpowers.Thecounselwhopractised with and against him, the judges before whom his arguments werepresented, and themembers of the juries, the hard-headedworking citizens oftheState,seemtohaveallbeenequallyimpressedwiththeexceptionalfairness

withwhich the young lawyer presented not only his own case but that of hisopponent.Hehadgreattactinholdinghisfriends,inconvincingthosewhodidnotagreewithhim,andinwinningoveropponents;buthegavenofutileefforttotaskswhichhisjudgmentconvincedhimwouldproveimpossible.Henever,says Horace Porter, citing Lincoln's words, "wasted any time in trying tomassagethebackofapoliticalporcupine.""Amanmightaswell,"saysLincoln,"undertaketothrowfleasacrossthebarnyardwithashovel."

Hehadasayoungsterwonreputeasatellerofdramaticstories,andthosewholistenedtohisargumentsincourtwereexpectingtohavehiswordstothejurybrightened and rendered for the moment more effective by such stories. Thehearerswereoftendisappointed in suchexpectation.Neitherat theBar,nor, itmay be said here, in his later work as a political leader, did Lincoln indulgehimself in the telling a story for the sake of the story, nor for the sake of thelaugh to be raised by the story, nor for the momentary pleasure or possibletemporaryadvantageof thediscomfitureof theopponent.The storywasused,whetherinlaworinpolitics,onlywhenithappenedtobetheshortestandmosteffectivemethodofmakingclearanissueorofillustratingastatement.Inlateryears,whenhehaduponhimtheterribleburdensofthegreatstruggle,Lincolnused stories from time to time as a vent to his feelings.The impressiongivenwas that by an effort ofwill and inorder tokeephismind fromdwelling toocontinuously upon the tremendous problems upon which he was engaged, hewould, by the use of some humorous reminiscence, set his thoughts in adirectionasdifferentaspossiblefromthatofhiscares.AthirdandveryvaluableuseofthestorywhichgrewupinhisWashingtondayswastoturnasidesomepersistentbutimpossibleapplication;andtogivetotheapplicant,withtheleastriskofunnecessaryannoyancetohisfeelings,the"no"thatwasnecessary.Itisdoubtlessalsothecasethat,ashashappenedtoothermengiftedwithhumour,Lincoln'sreputationasastory-tellercausedtobeascribedtohimagreatseriesof anecdotes and incidentsofonekindor another, someofwhichwouldhavebeen entirely outside of, and inconsistentwith, his own standard and his ownmethod.There is the further and finalword tobe said aboutLincoln's stories,that theywere entitled to the geometrical commendationof "beingneither toolongnortoobroad."

In1846,LincolnwaselectedtoCongressasaWhig.Thecircleofacquaintanceswhomhehadmadeinthecountyassurveyorhadwidenedoutwithhisworkasalawyer;hesecuredaunanimousnominationandwaselectedwithoutdifficultyinaconstituencycomprisingsixcounties.Ifindintherecordofthecampaignthe

detailthatLincolnreturnedtocertainofhisfriendswhohadundertakentofindthefundsforelectionexpenses,$199.90outofthe$200subscribed.

In1847,LincolnwasoneofthegroupofWhigsinCongresswhoopposedtheMexicanWar.Thesemen took the ground that thewarwas oneof aggressionand spoliation. Their views, which were quite prevalent throughout NewEngland, are effectively presented inLowell'sBiglowPapers.When the armywas once in the field, Lincolnwas, however, ready to give his Congressionalvoteforthefullestandmostenergeticsupport.Ayearormorelater,heworkedactively for the election of General Taylor. He took the ground that theresponsibility for the war rested not with the soldiers who had fought it to asuccessfulconclusion,butwiththepoliticianswhohaddevisedtheoriginalland-grabbingscheme.

In1849,wefindLincoln'snameconnectedwithaninventionforliftingvesselsovershoals.HissojournontheSangamonRiverandhismemoryoftheattempt,successfulforthemomentbutendinginfailure,tomaketheriveravailableforsteamboats, had attracted his attention to the problemof steering river vesselsovershoals.

In1864,whenIwascampaigningontheRedRiverinLouisiana,Inoticedwithinterest a device that had been put into shape for the purpose of lifting riversteamersover shoals.Thisdevice took the formof stiltswhich for thesmallervessels(andonlythesmallersteamerscouldasarulebemanagedinthisway)werefastenedonpivotsfromtheupperdeckontheoutsideofthehullandwereworked from the deck with a force of two or three men at each stilt. Thedifficulty on theRedRiverwas that theRebel sharp-shooters from the banksmadethemanagementofthestiltsirregular.

In1854,DouglascarriedthroughCongresstheKansas-NebraskaBill.ThisbillrepealedtheMissouriCompromiseof1820,andcancelledalsotheprovisionsoftheseriesofcompromisesof1850.Itspurposewastothrowopenforsettlementandfor laterorganisationasSlaveStates thewhole territoryof theNorth-westfromwhich, under theMissouriCompromise, slavery hadbeen excluded.TheKansas-Nebraska Bill not only threw open a great territory to slavery but re-openedthewholeslaverydiscussion.Theissuesthatwerebroughttothefrontinthe discussions about this bill, and in the still more bitter contests after thepassageof thebill inregard to theadmissionofKansasasaSlaveState,werethe immediateprecursorsof theCivilWar.The larger causes lay furtherback,but theWarwould have been postponed for an indefinite period if it had not

beenforthepressingonthepartoftheSouthfortherighttomakeSlaveStatesthroughouttheentireterritoryofthecountry,andforthereadinessonthepartofcertain Democratic leaders of the North, of whom Douglas was the chief, toacceptthiscontention,andthroughsuchexpedientstogain,ortoretain,politicalcontrolfortheDemocraticparty.

Inoneof thelongseriesofdebates inCongressonthequestionof theright totake slaves into free territory, aplanter fromSouthCarolinadrewanaffectingpictureofhisrelationswithhisoldcolouredfoster-mother,the"mammy"oftheplantation."Doyoutellme,"hesaid,addressinghimselftoaFree-soilopponent,"thatI,afreeAmericancitizen,amnottobepermitted,ifIwanttogoacrosstheMissouriRiver,totakewithmemywholehomecircle?DoyousaythatImustleavemyold'Mammy'behindinSouthCarolina?""Oh!"repliedtheWesterner,"the troublewith you is not that you cannot take your 'Mammy' into this freeterritory,butthatyouarenottobeatlibertytosellherwhenyougetherthere."

Lincoln threw himself with full earnestness of conviction and ardour into thefight topreserve for freedom the territorybelonging to thenation. IncommonwiththemajorityoftheWhigparty,heheldtheopinionthatifslaverycouldberestrictedtotheStatesinwhichitwasalreadyinexistence,ifnofurtherStatesshould be admitted into the Union with the burden of slavery, the institutionmust,inthecourseofagenerationortwo,dieout.Hewasclearinhismindthatslaverywas an enormous evil for thewhites aswell as for the blacks, for theindividualasforthenation.Hehadhimself,asayoungman,beenbroughtuptodo toilsome manual labour. He would not admit that there was anything inmanuallabourthatoughttoimpairtherespectofthecommunityforthelabourerortheworker'srespectforhimself.Nottheleastoftheevilsofslaverywas, inhis judgment, its inevitable influence in bringing degradation upon labour andthelabourer.

ThepassageoftheKansas-NebraskaActmadecleartotheNorththattheSouthwouldacceptnolimitationsforslavery.ThepositionoftheSouthernleaders,inwhichtheyhadthesubstantialbackingoftheirconstituents,wasthatslaveswerepropertyandthattheConstitution,havingguaranteedtheprotectionofpropertyto all the citizens of the commonwealth, a slaveholder was deprived of hisconstitutionalrightsasacitizenifhiscontrolofthisportionofhispropertywasinanywayinterferedwithorrestricted.TheargumentinbehalfofthisextremeSouthernclaimhadbeenshapedmosteloquentlyandmostforciblybyJohnC.Calhoun during the years between 1830 and 1850. The Calhoun opinion wasrepresented a few years later in the Presidential candidacy of John C.

Breckinridge.ThecontentionofthemoreextremeoftheNorthernopponentsofslavery voters, whose spokesmen were William Lloyd Garrison, WendellPhillips,JamesG.Birney,OwenLovejoy,andothers,wasthattheConstitutionin so far as it recognised slavery (which it did only by implication) was acompactwith evil. They held that the Fathers had been led into this compactunwittingly and without full realisation of the responsibilities that they wereassumingfortheperpetuationofagreatwrong.Theyrefusedtoaccepttheviewthat later generations ofAmerican citizenswere to be bound for an indefiniteperiodbythiserrorofjudgmentonthepartoftheFathers.Theyproposedtogetrid of slavery, as an institution incompatiblewith the principles onwhich theRepublic was founded. They pointed out that under the Declaration ofIndependence all men had an equal right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit ofhappiness,"andthattherewasnolimitationofthisclaimtomenofwhiterace.Ifit was not going to be possible to argue slavery out of existence, these menpreferred to have the Union dissolved rather than to bring upon States likeMassachusettsashareoftheresponsibilityforthewrongdonetomankindandtojusticeunderthelawsofSouthCarolina.

TheWhigparty,whosegreatleader,HenryClay,hadclosedhislifein1852,justat the time when Lincoln was becoming prominent in politics, held that allcitizenswereboundby thecompactentered intoby theirancestors, firstundertheArticlesofConfederationof1783,andlaterundertheConstitutionof1789.Our ancestors had, for the purpose of bringing about the organisation of theUnion, agreed to respect the institution of slavery in the States in which itexisted.TheWhigsof1850,held, therefore, thatinsuchoftheSlaveStatesashadbeenpartoftheoriginalthirteen,slaverywasaninstitutiontoberecognisedandprotectedunderthelawoftheland.Theyadmitted,further, thatwhattheirgrandfathershaddonein1789,hadbeeninameasureconfirmedbytheactionoftheirfathersin1820.TheMissouriCompromiseof1820,inmakingclearthatallStates thereafter organised north of the line thirty-six thirty were to be FreeStates,madeclearalsothatStatessouthofthatlinehadtheprivilegeofcomingintotheUnionwiththeinstitutionofslaveryandthatthecitizensinthesenewerSlaveStates shouldbeassuredof the same recognitionand rightsashadbeenaccordedtothoseoftheoriginalthirteen.

TheMissouriCompromisepermittedalsotheintroductionofMissouriitselfintotheUnionasaSlaveState(asacounterpoisetotheStateofMaineadmittedthesame year), although almost the entire territory of the State of Missouri wasnorthofthelatitude36°30'.

We may recall that, under the Constitution, the States of the South, whiledenying the suffrage to the negro, had secured the right to include the negropopulationasabasisfortheirrepresentationinthelowerHouse.Inapportioningthe representatives to the population, five negroes were to be counted as theequivalent of threewhitemen. The passage, in 1854, of theKansas-NebraskaAct,thepurposeofwhichwastoconfirmtheexistenceofslaveryandtoextendtheinstitutionthroughoutthecountry,wascarriedintheHousebythirteenvotes.TheHousecontainedatthattimenolessthantwentymembersrepresentingthenegro population. The negroes were, therefore, in this instance involuntarilymadetheinstrumentsforstrengtheningthechainsoftheirownserfdom.

It was in 1854 that Lincoln first propounded the famous question, "Can thenationendurehalfslaveandhalffree?"Thisquestion,slightlymodified,becamethekeynotefouryearslaterofLincoln'scontentionagainsttheDouglastheoryof"squatter sovereignty." The organisation of the Republican party dates from1856.Variousclaimshavebeenmadeconcerning theprecisedateandplaceatwhichwere firstpresented thestatementofprinciples thatconstituted the finalplatformof theparty,and in regard to themenwhowere responsible for suchstatement.AtameetingheldasfarbackasJuly,1854,atJackson,Michigan,aplatform was adopted by a convention which had been brought together toformulateoppositiontoanyextensionofslavery,andthisJacksonplatformdidcontain thesubstanceof theconclusionsandcertainof thephraseswhich laterwere included in the Republican platform. In January, 1856, Parke Godwinpublished in Putnam's Monthly, of which he was political editor, an articleoutlining thenecessaryconstitutionof thenewparty.Thisarticlegavea fullerexpressionthanhadthusfarbeenmadeoftheviewsofthemenwhowerelateracceptedas the leadersof theRepublicanparty.InMay,1856,LincolnmadeaspeechatBloomington, Illinois, setting forth theprinciples for theanti-slaverycampaign as they were understood by his group of Whigs. In this speech,Lincolnspeaksof"thatperfectlibertyforwhichourSouthernfellow-citizensaresighing, the liberty of making slaves of other people"; and again, "It is thecontentionofMr.Douglas,inhisclaimfortherightsofAmericancitizens,thatifA sees fit toenslaveB,noothermanshallhave the right toobject."Of thisBloomington speech, Herndon says: "It was logic; it was pathos; it wasenthusiasm;itwasjustice,integrity,truth,andright.Thewordsseemedtobesetablazeby thedivinefiresofasoulmaddenedbyagreatwrong.Theutterancewashard,knotty,gnarly,backedwithwrath."

Fromthistimeon,Lincolnwasbecomingknownthroughoutthecountryasone

oftheleadersinthenewissues,ableandreadytogivetimeandservicetotheanti-slaveryfightandtothecampaignworkoftheRepublicanorganisation.ThispoliticalserviceinterferedtosomeextentwithhisworkattheBar,buthedidnotpermit political interests to stand in theway of any obligations that had beenassumed to his clients. He simply accepted fewer cases, and to this extentreducedhisverymoderateearnings. Inhisworkasa lawyer,henevershowedany particular capacity for increasing income or for looking after his ownbusiness interests. Itwashisprincipleandhispractice todiscourage litigation.Heappears,duringthetwenty-fiveyearsinwhichhewasinactivepractice, tohavemadeabsolutelynoenemiesamonghisprofessionalopponents.Heenjoyedan exceptional reputation for the frankness with which he would accept thelegitimatecontentionsofhisopponentsorwouldevenhimself state theircase.JudgeDavidDavis, beforewhomLincoln had occasion during these years topractise,saysthattheCourtwasalwayspreparedtoacceptasabsolutelyfairandsubstantiallycompleteLincoln'sstatementofthemattersat issue.Davissaysitoccasionally happened that Lincoln would supply some consideration ofimportance on his opponent's side of the case that the other counsel hadoverlooked.ItwasLincoln'sprincipletoimpressuponhimselfattheoutsetthefull strengthof theotherman's position. Itwas alsohisprinciple to accept nocase in the justice of which he had not been able himself to believe. Hepossessed also by nature an exceptional capacity for the detection of faultyreasoning; and his exercise of the power of analysis in his work at the Barprovedofgreatservicelaterinwideninghisinfluenceasapoliticalleader.Thepower that he possessed, when hewas assured of the justice of his cause, ofconvincingcourtandjurybecamethepowerofimpressinghisconvictionsupongreatbodiesofvoters.Later,whenhehaduponhisshoulderstheleadershipofthenation,he tookthepeople intohisconfidence;hereasonedwith themas iftheyweresittingasagreatjuryforthedeterminationofthenationalpolicy,andhe was able to impress upon them his perfect integrity of purpose and thesoundnessofhisconclusions,—conclusionswhichthusbecamethepolicyofthenation.

He calls himself a "mast-fed lawyer" and it is true that his opportunities forreadingcontinuedtobemostrestricted.DavissaidinregardtoLincoln'sworkasa lawyer: "He had amagnificent equipoise of head, conscience, and heart. Innon-essentials he was pliable; but on the underlying principles of truth andjustice,hiswillwasasfirmassteel."WefindfromtherecordofLincoln'sworkin the Assembly and later in Congress that he would never do as aRepresentativewhat hewasunwilling to do as an individual.His capacity for

seeing the humorous side of things was of course but a phase of a generalclearness of perception. The man who sees things clearly, who is able torecognisebothsidesofamatter, themanwhocanseeallroundaposition, theoppositeofthemaninblinders,thatmannecessarilyhasasenseofhumour.Heisable,ifoccasionpresents,tolaughathimself.Lincoln'scapacityforabsorbingand for retaining information and for having this in readiness for use at thepropertimewas,aswehaveseen,somethingthatwentbacktohisboyhood.Hesaysofhimself:"Mymindissomethinglikeapieceofsteel; it isveryhardtoscratchanythingonitandalmostimpossibleafteryouhavegotittheretorubitout."

Lincoln'scorrespondencehasbeenpreservedwithwhat isprobablysubstantialcompleteness. The letters written by him to friends, acquaintances, politicalcorrespondents, individual men of one kind or another, have been gatheredtogether and have been brought into print not, as ismost frequently the case,underthediscretionorjudgmentofafriendlybiographer,butbyagreatvarietyofmoreorlesssympatheticpeople.ItwouldseemasifbutveryfewofLincoln'sletters could have been mislaid or destroyed. One can but be impressed, inreadingtheseletters,withtheabsolutehonestyofpurposeandofstatementthatcharacterises them. There are very few men, particularly those whose activelives have been passed in a period of political struggle and civil war, whosecorrespondence could stand such a test. There never came to Lincolnrequirementtosaytohiscorrespondent,"Burnthisletter."

III

THEFIGHTAGAINSTTHEEXTENSIONOFSLAVERY

In1856, theSupremeCourt, under the headship of JudgeTaney, gaveout thedecisionof theDredScott case.Thepurport of this decisionwas that a negrowasnottobeconsideredasapersonbutasachattel;andthatthetakingofsuchnegrochattelintofreeterritorydidnotcancelorimpairthepropertyrightsofthemaster. Itappeared to themenof theNorthas ifunder thisdecision theentirecountry, including in addition to the national territories the independentStateswhich had excluded slavery, was to be thrown open to the invasion of theinstitution.TheDredScottdecision, taken inconnectionwith therepealof theMissouriCompromise(andthetwoactsweredoubtlessapartofonethoroughlyconsidered policy), foreshadowed as their logical and almost inevitableconsequence thebringingof theentirenationunder thecontrolofslavery.ThemenofthefutureStateofKansasmadeduring1856-57apluckyfight tokeepslaveryoutoftheirborders.Theso-calledLecomptonConstitutionundertooktoforceslaveryuponKansas.Thisconstitutionwasdeclaredbytheadministration(thatofPresidentBuchanan)tohavebeenadopted,butthefraudulentcharacterofthevotingwassoevidentthatWalker, theDemocraticGovernor,althoughasympathiserwith slavery, felt compelled to repudiate it. This constitutionwasrepudiatedalsobyDouglas,althoughDouglashaddeclaredthattheStateoughtto be thrown open to slavery. Jefferson Davis, at that time Secretary ofWar,declaredthat"Kansaswasinastateofrebellionandthattherebellionmustbecrushed." Armed bands from Missouri crossed the river to Kansas for thepurposeof casting fraudulent votes and for the further purposeof keeping theFree-soilsettlersawayfromthepolls.

This fight for freedom in Kansas gave a further basis for Lincoln's statement"thatahousedividedagainstitselfcannotstand;thisgovernmentcannotendurehalf slave and half free." It was with this statement as his starting-point thatLincolnenteredintohisfamousSenatorialcampaignwithDouglas.Douglashadalready represented Illinois in theSenate for two termsandhad, therefore, theadvantage of possession and of a substantial control of the machinery of theState.Hehadthereputeatthetimeofbeingtheleadingpoliticaldebaterinthe

country.Hewasshrewd,forcible,courageous,and,inthematterofconvictions,unprincipled.Heknewadmirablyhowtocater to theprejudicesof themasses.Hiscareerthusfarhadbeenoneofunbrokensuccess.HisSenatorialfightwas,in his hope and expectation, to be but a step towards the Presidency. TheDemocraticparty,withanabsolutecontrolsouthofMasonandDixon'sLineandwith a very substantial support in the Northern States, was in a position, ifunbroken, to controlwith practical certainty the Presidential election of 1860.Douglasseemedtobethenaturalleaderoftheparty.Itwasnecessaryforhim,however, while retaining the support of theDemocrats of theNorth, tomakeclear to those of theSouth that his influencewouldwork for themaintenanceandfortheextensionofslavery.

The Southwaswell pleasedwith the purpose andwith the result of theDredScottdecisionandwith therepealof theMissouriCompromise. It isprobable,however, that if theDred Scott decision had not given to the South so full ameasure of satisfaction, the Southwould have beenmore ready to accept theleadership of aNorthernDemocrat likeDouglas. Up to a certain point in theconflict,theyhadfelttheneedofDouglasandhadrealisedtheimportanceofthesupport thathewas inaposition tobringfromtheNorth.When,however, theMissouriCompromisehadbeen repealed and theSupremeCourt haddeclaredthat slaves must be recognised as property throughout the entire country, theSouthernclaimswere increased toapoint towhichcertainof the followersofDouglaswerenotwillingtogo.ItwasalargecomplimenttotheyounglawyerofIllinoistohaveplaceduponhimtheresponsibilityofleading,againstsuchacompetitorasDouglas,thecontestoftheWhigs,andoftheFree-soilersbackoftheWhigs,againstanyfurtherextensionofslavery,acontestwhichwasreallyafightforthecontinuedexistenceofthenation.

Lincolnseemstohavegoneintothefightwithfullcourage,thecourageofhisconvictions.Hefelt thatDouglaswasatrimmer,andhebelievedthattheissuehadnowbeenbroughttoapointatwhichthetrimmercouldnotholdsupportonbothsidesofMasonandDixon'sLine.HeformulatedattheoutsetofthedebateaquestionwhichwaspressedpersistentlyuponDouglasduring thesucceedingthreeweeks.Thisquestionwaswordedasfollows:"CanthepeopleofaUnitedStates territory, prior to the formation of a State constitution or against theprotestofanycitizenoftheUnitedStates,excludeslavery?"Lincoln'scampaignadvisers were of opinion that this question was inadvisable. They took theground thatDouglaswould answer the question in suchway as to secure theapproval of the voters of Illinois and that in so doing he would win the

Senatorship. Lincoln's response was in substance: "That may be. I hold,however,thatifDouglasanswersthisquestioninawaytosatisfytheDemocratsoftheNorth,hewillinevitablylosethesupportofthemoreextreme,atleast,oftheDemocratsoftheSouth.WemaylosetheSenatorshipasfarasmypersonalcandidacy is concerned. If, however,Douglas fails to retain the support of theSouth, he cannot become President in 1860. The line will be drawn directlybetween thosewho arewilling to accept the extreme claims of the South andthosewhoresisttheseclaims.Arightdecisionistheessentialthingforthesafetyof the nation." The question gave no little perplexity to Douglas. He finally,however,repliedthatinhisjudgmentthepeopleofaUnitedStatesterritoryhadtherighttoexcludeslavery.WhenaskedagainbyLincolnhowhebroughtthisdecisionintoaccordwiththeDredScottdecision,herepliedinsubstance:"Well,they have not the right to take constitutionalmeasures to exclude slavery butthey can by local legislation render slavery practically impossible." TheDredScott decision had in fact itself overturned the Douglas theory of popularsovereignty or "squatter sovereignty." Douglas was only able to say that hissovereignty contention made provision for such control of domestic or localregulationsaswouldmakeslaveryimpossible.

TheSouth,renderedautocraticbytheauthorityof theSupremeCourt,wasnotwillingtoacceptthepossibilityofslaverybeingthusrestrictedoutofexistenceinanypartof thecountry.TheSouthernersrepudiatedDouglasasLincolnhadprophesied they would do. Douglas had been trying the impossible task ofcarrying water on both shoulders. He gained the Senatorship by a narrowmargin;hesecuredinthevoteintheLegislatureamajorityofeight,butLincolnhadeveninthisfightwonthesupportofthepeople.Hismajorityonthepopularvotewasfourthousand.

The series of debates between these two leaders came to be of nationalimportance.ItwasnotmerelyaquestionoftherepresentationintheSenatefromtheStateofIllinois,butofthepresentationofarguments,notonlytothevotersof Illinois but to citizens throughout the entire country, in behalf of therestriction of slavery on the one hand or of its indefinite expansion andprotection on the other. The debatewas educational notmerely for the voterswholistened,butforthethousandsofothervoterswhoreadthereports.Itwouldbeanenormousadvantagefor thepoliticaleducationofcandidatesandfor theeducationofvoters if suchdebatescouldbecome the routine inCongressionalandPresidentialcampaigns.Under thepresentroutine,wehave, inplaceofanassemblyofvotersrepresentingtheconflictingviewsofthetwopartiesorofthe

severalpoliticalgroups, ahomogeneousaudienceofonewayof thinking, andspeakerswhohavenoopponentpresenttocheckthetemptationtolaunchforthinto wild statements, personal abuse, and irresponsible conclusions. Aninterruption of the speaker is considered to be a disturbance of order, and themanwhoisnotfullyinsympathywiththeviewsoftheaudienceislikelytobeputoutasan interloper.Withasystemof jointdebates, thespeakerswouldbeunderaneducational repression.Falseorexaggeratedstatementswouldnotbemade, or would not be made consciously, because they would be promptlycorrected by the other fellow. There would of necessity come to be a betterunderstanding and a larger respect for thepositionsof theopponent.Themenwhowouldbeselectedas leadersorspeakers toenforce thecontentionsof theparty, would have to possess some reasoning faculty as well as oratoricalfluency.Thevoters,insteadofbeingshutinwithonegroupofargumentsmoreor less reasonable, would be brought into touch with the arguments of othergroupsofcitizens.Icanconceiveofnobettermethodforbringingrepresentativegovernmentontoahigherplaneandformakinganelectionwhatitoughttobe,areasonabledecisionbyreasoningvoters,thantheinstitutionofjointdebates.

Icitecertainof the incisivestatements thatcame intoLincoln's sevendebates."A slave, says Judge Douglas (on the authority of Judge Taney), is a humanbeingwho is legally not a person but a thing." "I contend [saysLincoln] thatslavery is foundedon theselfishnessofman'snature.Slavery isaviolationofthe eternal right, and as long as God reigns and as school-children read, thatblackevilcanneverbeconsecratedintoGod'struth.""Amandoesnotlosehisright to a piece of propertywhich has been stolen.Can aman lose a right tohimselfifhehimselfhasbeenstolen?"ThefollowingwordspresentasummaryofLincoln'sstatements:

JudgeDouglascontendsthatifanyonemanchoosestoenslaveanother,nothirdman has a right to object. Our Fathers, in accepting slavery under theConstitutionasalegalinstitution,wereofopinion,asisclearlyindicatedbytherecordedutterances,thatslaverywouldinthecourseofafewyearsdieout.Theywere quite clear in theirminds that the slave-trademust be abolished and foreverforbiddenandthisdecisionwasarrivedatundertheleadershipofmenlikeJeffersonandwithoutaprotestfromtheSouth.Jeffersonwashimselftheauthorof the Ordinance of 1787, which in prohibiting the introduction of slavery,consecrated to freedom the great territory of theNorth-west, and thismeasurewasfullyapprovedbyWashingtonandbytheothergreatleadersfromtheSouth.Whereslaveryexists,fulllibertyrefusestoenter.Itwasonlythroughthiswise

action of the Fathers that it was possible to bring into existence, throughcolonisation, the great territories and great States of theNorth-west. It is thissettlement,andthelateradjustmentof1820,thatDouglasandhisfriendsintheSouthareundertakingtooverthrow.Slaveryisnot,asJudgeDouglascontends,alocalissue;itisanationalresponsibility.TherepealoftheMissouriCompromisethrowsopennotonlyagreatnewterritorytothecurseofslavery;itthrowsopenthe whole slavery question for the embroiling of the present generation ofAmericans. Taking slaves into free territory is the same thing as reviving theslave-trade. It perpetuates and develops interstate slave-trade. Governmentderives its just powers from the consent of the governed.TheFathers did notclaimthat"therightofthepeopletogovernnegroeswastherightofthepeopletogovernthemselves."

The policy of JudgeDouglaswas based on the theory that the people did notcare,butthepeopledidcare,aswasevincedtwoyearslaterbythepopularvoteforPresidentthroughouttheNorth.Oneofthosewhoheardthesedebatessays:"Lincoln loved truth for its own sake.He had a deep, true, living conscience;honestywashispolarstar.Heneveractedforstageeffect.Hewascool,spirited,reflective,self-possessed,andself-reliant.Hisstylewasclear,terse,compact...Hebecametremendousinthedirectnessofhisutterancewhen,ashissoulwasinspired with the thought of human right and Divine justice, he rose toimpassionedeloquence,andatsuchtimeshewas,inmyjudgment,unsurpassedbyClayorbyMirabeau."

As the debates progressed, it was increasingly evident that Douglas foundhimselfhardpushed.Lincolnwouldnotallowhimself tobeswerved from themainissuebyanytergiversationorpersonalattacks.HeinsistedfromdaytodayinbringingDouglasback to this issue: "Whatdoyou,Douglas,propose todoabout slavery in the territories? Is ityour final judgment that there is tobenofurtherreservationoffreeterritoryinthiscountry?Doyoubelievethatitisfortheadvantageofthiscountrytoputnorestrictiontotheextensionofslavery?"Douglas wriggled and squirmed under this direct questioning and his finalrepliesgave satisfactionneither to theNorthernDemocratsnor to thoseof theSouth.TheissueuponwhichthePresidentialcontestof1860wastobefoughtout had been fairly stated. It was the same issue under which, in 1861, thefightingtooktheformofcivilwar.Itwastheissuethattookfouryearstofightout and that was finally decided in favour of the continued existence of thenation as a free state. In this fight, Lincoln was not only, as the contest wasfinallyshaped,theoriginalleader;hewasthefinalleader;andatthetimeofhis

deaththegreatquestionhadbeendecidedforever.

HoraceWhite,insumminguptheissuesthatwerefoughtoutindebatebetweenLincolnandDouglas,says:

"Forty-fouryearshavepassedawaysincetheCivilWarcametoanendandwearenowabletotakeadispassionateviewofthequestionindispute.ThepeopleoftheSoutharenowgenerallyagreedthattheinstitutionofslaverywasadirefulcurse toboth races.Weof theNorthmust confess that therewasconsiderablefoundationfor theassertedrightofStates tosecede.AlthoughtheConstitutiondid in distinct terms make the Federal Government supreme, it was not sounderstoodatfirstbythepeopleeitherNorthorSouth.Particularismprevailedeverywhereatthebeginning.NationalismwasanaftergrowthandaslowgrowthproceedingmainlyfromthehabitintowhichpeoplefelloffindingtheircommoncentreofgravityatWashingtonCityandofviewingitastheplacewhencetheAmerican name and fame were blazoned to the world. During the first halfcenturyoftheRepublic,theNorthandSouthwerechangingcoatsfromtimetotime,on thesubjectofStateRightsand theright tosecede,butmeanwhile theConstitution itself was working silently in the North to undermine theparticularismofJeffersonandtostrengthenthenationalismofHamilton.Ithadaccomplisheditsworkintheearlythirties,whenitfounditsperfectexpressionin Webster's reply to Hayne. But the Southern people were just as firmlyconvincedthatHaynewasthevictorinthatcontestastheNorthernpeoplewerethatWebster was. The vast material interests bottomed on slavery offset andneutralisedtheunifyingprocessintheSouth,whileitcontinueditswholesomeworkintheNorth,andthustheclashingofideaspavedthewayfortheclashofarms.Thatthebehaviouroftheslaveholdersresultedfromthecircumstancesinwhichtheywereplacedandnotfromanyinnatedeviltryisafactnowconcededbyallimpartialmen.ItwasconcededbyLincolnbothbeforetheWarandduringtheWar,andthisfactaccountsfortheaffectionbestoweduponhimbySouthernheartsto-day."

LincolncarriedintopoliticsthesamestandardofconsistencyofactionthathadcharacterisedhisworkattheBar.Hewrites,in1859,toacorrespondentwhomhewasdirectingtofurthertheorganisationofthenewparty:"Donot,inordertosecurerecruits,lowerthestandardoftheRepublicanparty.Thetrueproblemfor1860,istofighttopreventslaveryfrombecomingnational.Wemust,however,recogniseitsconstitutionalrighttoexistintheStatesinwhichitsexistencewasrecognisedundertheoriginalConstitution."Thispositionwasunsatisfactorytothe Whigs of the Border States who favoured a continuing division between

SlaveStatesandFreeStatesoftheterritoryyettobeorganisedintoStates.Itwasalso unsatisfactory to the extreme anti-slaveryWhigs of the new organisationwhoinsisteduponthrottlingslaverywhere-everitexisted.ItisprobablethattheraidmadebyJohnBrown,in1859,intoVirginiaforthepurposeofrousingtheslavestofightfortheirownliberty,hadsomeimmediateinfluenceincheckingthe activity of the more extreme anti-slavery group and in strengthening theconservative side of the neworganisation.Lincoln disapproved entirely of thepurpose of Brown and his associates, while ready to give due respect to theidealisticcourageoftheman.

InFebruary,1860,Lincolnwas invitedbycertainof theRepublican leaders inNewYork to deliver one of a series of addresseswhich had been planned tomakecleartothevotersthepurposesandthefoundationsofthenewparty.Hisname had become known to the Republicans of the East through the debateswithDouglas. Itwas recognised that Lincoln had taken the highest ground inregardtotheprinciplesofthenewparty,andthathiscounselsshouldproveofpracticalserviceintheshapingofthepolicyofthePresidentialcampaign.Itwasbelieved also that his influence would be of value in securing voters in theMiddleWest.TheCommitteeofInvitationincluded,inadditiontoagroupoftheoldWhigs(ofwhommyfatherwasone),representativeFree-soilDemocratslikeWilliamC.Bryant and JohnKing.Lincoln'smethods as a political leader andoratorwereknowntooneortwomenonthecommittee,buthisnamewasstillunfamiliar to anEasternaudience. Itwasunderstood that thenew leader fromtheWestwas going to talk toNewYork about the fight against slavery. It isprobable that at least the largerpartof theaudienceexpected something"wildandwoolly."TheWestatthattimeseemedveryfarofffromNewYorkandwasstill but little understood by the Eastern communities. New Yorkers found itdifficulttobelievethatamanwhocouldinfluenceWesternaudiencescouldhaveanything to say thatwould countwith the cultivated citizens of the East. Themoreoptimisticofthehearerswerehoping,however,thatperhapsanewHenryClayhadarisenandwerelookingforutterancesoftheornateandgrandiloquentkindsuchas theyhadheardfrequentlyfromClayandfromotherstatesmenoftheSouth.

The first impression of the man from theWest did nothing to contradict theexpectation of something weird, rough, and uncultivated. The long, ungainlyfigureuponwhichhungclothesthat,whilenewforthistrip,wereevidentlythework of an unskilful tailor; the large feet, the clumsy hands of which, at theoutset,at least, theoratorseemedtobeundulyconscious;thelong,gaunthead

cappedbyashockofhairthatseemednottohavebeenthoroughlybrushedout,made a picturewhich did not fit inwithNewYork's conception of a finishedstatesman.Thefirstutteranceof thevoicewasnotpleasant totheear, thetonebeing harsh and the key too high. As the speech progressed, however, thespeaker seemed to get into control of himself; the voice gained a natural andimpressive modulation, the gestures were dignified and appropriate, and thehearers cameunder the influence of the earnest look from the deeply-set eyesandoftheabsoluteintegrityofpurposeandofdevotiontoprinciplewhichwerebehindthethoughtandthewordsofthespeaker.Inplaceofa"wildandwoolly"talk,illuminedbymoreorlessincongruousanecdotes;inplaceofahigh-strungexhortation of general principles or of a fierce protest against Southernarrogance,theNewYorkershadpresentedtothemacalmbutforcibleseriesofwell-reasoned considerations upon which their action as citizens was to bebased. It was evident that the man from theWest understood thoroughly theconstitutionalhistoryofthecountry;hehadmasteredtheissuesthathadgrownupabouttheslaveryquestion;heknewthoroughly,andwaspreparedtorespect,therightsofhispoliticalopponents;heknewwithequalthoroughnesstherightsof the men whose views he was helping to shape and he insisted that thereshould be no wavering or weakening in regard to the enforcement of thoserights;hemadeitclearthatthecontinuedexistenceofthenationdependeduponhavingtheseissuesequitablyadjustedandheheldthattheequitableadjustmentmeanttherestrictionofslaverywithinitspresentboundaries.Hemaintainedthatsuchrestrictionswere justandnecessaryaswell for thesakeoffairness to theblacks as for the finalwelfareof thewhites.He insisted that thevoters in thepresent States in the Union had upon them the largest possible measure ofresponsibilityinsocontrollingthegreatdomainoftheRepublicthattheStatesofthefuture,theStatesinwhichtheirchildrenandtheirgrandchildrenweretogrowupascitizens,mustbepreservedinfullliberty,mustbeprotectedagainstany invasion of an institutionwhich represented barbarity.Hemaintained thatsuch a contention could interfere in no way with the due recognition of thelegitimatepropertyrightsofthepresentownersofslaves.HepointedouttotheNewEnglanderoftheanti-slaverygroupthattherestrictionofslaverymeantitsearly extermination. He insisted that war for the purpose of exterminatingslaveryfromexistingslaveterritorycouldnotbejustified.Hewasprepared,forthepurposeofdefendingagainstslaverythenationalterritorythatwasstillfree,totaketheriskofthewarwhichtheSouththreatenedbecausehebelievedthatonlythroughsuchdefencecouldtheexistenceofthenationbemaintained;andhebelieved,further,thatthemaintenanceofthegreatRepublicwasessential,notonlyfortheinterestsofitsowncitizens,butfortheinterestsoffreegovernment

throughout the world. He spoke with full sympathy of the difficulties andproblemsrestingupontheSouth,andheinsistedthatthemattersatissuecouldbe adjusted onlywith a fair recognition of these difficulties.Aggression fromeithersideofMasonandDixon'sLinemustbewithstood.

IwasbutaboywhenIfirstlookeduponthegauntfigureofthemanwhowastobecome thepeople's leader, and listened to his calmbut forcible arguments inbehalfoftheprinciplesoftheRepublicanparty.ItisnotlikelythatatthetimeItookin,withanyadequateappreciation,theweightofthespeaker'sreasoning.Ihave read the addressmore thanonce since and it is, of course, impossible toseparatemy first impressions frommy later direct knowledge. I do rememberthat I was at once impressedwith the feeling that herewas a political leaderwhosemethodsdifferedfromthoseofanypoliticiantowhomIhadlistened.Hiscontentionswere based not upon invective or abuse of "the other fellow," butpurelyonconsiderationsofjustice,onthateverlastingprinciplethatwhatisjust,andonlywhatisjust,representsthelargestandhighestinterestsofthenationasawhole.Idoubtwhetherthereoccurredinthewholespeechasingleexampleofthe stories which had been associated with Lincoln's name. The speaker wasevidentlyhimself impressedwith thegreatnessof theopportunityandwith thedignityandimportanceofhisresponsibility.Thespeechinfactgavethekeynotetothecomingcampaign.

It is hardly necessary to add that it also decided the selection of the nationalleadernotonlyforthepoliticalcampaign,butthroughthecomingstruggle.IfithadnotbeenfortheimpressionmadeuponNewYorkandtheEastgenerallybyLincoln'sspeechandbythemanhimself,thevoteofNewYorkcouldnothavebeensecuredintheMayconventionforthenominationofthemanfromIllinois.

RobertLincoln(writingtomeinJuly,1908)says:

"Aftermy father's address inNewYork inFebruary, 1860,hemadeatriptoNewEnglandinordertovisitmeatExeter,N.H.,whereIwasthenastudentinthePhillipsAcademy.Ithadnotbeenhisplan todoanyspeaking inNewEngland,but, as a result of the address in New York, he receivedseveralrequestsfromNewEnglandfriendsforspeeches,andI find that before returning to the West, he spoke at thefollowing places: Providence, R.I., Manchester, N.H.,Exeter,N.H.,Dover,N.H.,Concord,N.H.,Hartford,Conn.,Meriden, Conn., New Haven, Conn., Woonsocket, R.I.,Norwalk,Conn.,andBridgeport,Conn.Iamquitesurethatcoming and going he passed through Bostonmerely as anunknowntraveller."

Mr.LincolnwritestohiswifefromExeter,N.H.,March4,1860,asfollows:

"Ihavebeenunabletoescapethistoil.IfIhadforeseenit,IthinkIwouldnothavecomeEastatall.ThespeechatNewYork,beingwithinmycalculationbeforeIstarted,wentoffpassably well and gave me no trouble whatever. Thedifficultywastomakenineothers,beforereadingaudienceswhohadalreadyseenallmyideasinprint."[1]

AneditionofMr.Lincoln'saddresswasbroughtintoprintinSeptember,1860,bytheYoungMen'sRepublicanUnionofNewYork,withnotesbyCharlesC.Nott (later Colonel, and after the war Judge of the Court of Claims inWashington)andCephasBrainerd.ThepublicationofthispamphletshowsthatasearlyasSeptember,1860,thehistoricimportanceandpermanentvalueofthisspeechwerefairlyrealisedbythenational leadersof theday.In theprefacetothereprint,theeditorssay:

"The address is characterised by wisdom, truthfulness andlearning...Fromthefirstlinetothelast—fromhispremisestohisconclusion, thespeaker travelswithaswift,unerringdirectnessthatnologicianhaseverexcelled.Hisargumentiscompleteandispresentedwithouttheaffectationoflearning,and without the stiffness which usually accompanies datesanddetails...Asinglesimplesentencecontainsachapterofhistorythathastakendaysoflabourtoverify,andthatmust

havecosttheauthormonthsofinvestigationtoacquire.Thereadermaytakeupthisaddressasapoliticalpamphlet,buthe will leave it as an historical treatise—brief, complete,perfect, sound, impartial truth—which will serve the timeand the occasion that called it forth, and which will beesteemedhereafternolessforitsunpretendingmodestythanforitsintrinsicworth."[2]

HoraceWhite,whowashimselfpresent at theChicagoConvention,writes (in1909)asfollows:

"To anybody looking back at the Republican NationalConvention of 1860, itmust be plain that therewere onlytwo men who had any chance of being nominated forPresident.

"These were Lincoln and Seward. I was present at theConventionas a spectator and Iknew this fact at the time,but it seemed tomeat thebeginning thatSeward'schanceswere the better. One third of the delegates of IllinoispreferredSeward and expected to vote for him after a fewcomplimentary ballots for Lincoln. If there had been noLincoln in the field, Seward would certainly have beennominated and then the course of historywould havebeenvery different from what it was, for if Seward had beennominated and elected there would have been no forcibleoppositiontothewithdrawalofsuchStatesasthendesiredtosecede.And as a consequence theRepublican partywouldhavebeenrentintwainanddisabledfrommakingeffectualresistancetootherdemandsoftheSouth.

"ItwasSeward'sconviction that thepolicyofnon-coercionwould have quieted the secessionmovement in theBorderStates and that the Gulf States would, after a while, havereturned to the Union like repentant prodigal sons. Hisproposal to Lincoln to seek a quarrel with four Europeannations, who had done us no harm, in order to arouse afeeling of Americanism in the Confederate States, was anoutgrowth of this conviction. It was an indefensibleproposition,akintothatwhichpromptedBismarcktomake

use of France as an anvil on which to hammer and weldGermanytogether,butitwasnotanunpatrioticone,sinceitwasbottomedonadesiretopreservetheUnionwithoutcivilwar."

Neverwasapolitical leadershipmore fairly,morenobly,andmorereasonablywon.When the ballot boxes were opened on the first Tuesday in November,Lincolnwas found to have secured the electoral vote of everyNorthern StateexceptNewJersey,andinNewJerseyfourelectorsoutofseven.Breckinridge,theleaderoftheextremeSouthernDemocrats,hadbackofhimonlythevotesofthe Southern States outside of the Border States, these latter being dividedbetween Bell and Douglas. Douglas and his shallow theories of "squattersovereignty"hadbeenburiedbeneaththegoodsenseofthevotersoftheNorth.

IV

LINCOLNASPRESIDENTORGANISESTHEPEOPLEFORTHEMAINTENANCEOFNATIONALEXISTENCE

After the election of November, 1860, events moved swiftly. On the 20th ofDecember,comesthefirstactoftheCivilWar,thesecessionofSouthCarolina.The secession of Georgia had for a time been delayed by the influence ofAlexander H. Stephens who, on the 14th of November, had made a greatargumentforthemaintenanceoftheUnion.HischieflocalopponentatthetimewasRobertToombs,theSouthernleaderwhoproposedinthenearfutureto"calltheroll-callofhisslavesonBunkerHill."LincolnwasstillhopefulofsavingtothecauseoftheUniontheBorderStatesandthemoreconservativedivisionsofStates,likeNorthCarolina,whichhadsupportedtheWhigparty.

In December, we find correspondence between Lincoln and Gilmer of NorthCarolina,whomhehadknown inWashington."Theessentialdifference," saysLincoln,"betweenyourgroupandmine is thatyouholdslavery tobe in itselfdesirableandassomethingtobeextended.Iholdittobeanessentialevilwhich,with due regard to existing rights, must be restricted and in the near futureexterminated."

Onthe23dofFebruary,1861,LincolnreachesWashingtonwhereheistospenda weary and anxious two weeks of waiting for the burden of his newresponsibilities. He is at this time fifty-two years of age. In one of his briefaddressesonthewaytoWashingtonhesays:

"Itisbutlittletoamanofmyage,butagreatdealtothirtymillionsofthecitizensoftheUnitedStates,andtoposterityinallcomingtime,iftheUnionoftheStatesandthelibertiesofthepeoplearetobelost.Ifthemajorityisnottorule,whowouldbethejudgeoftheissueorwhereissuchjudgetobefound?"

ItisdifficulttoimagineamoreexasperatingconditionofaffairsthanobtainedinWashington while Lincoln was awaiting the day of inauguration. The

government appeared to be crumbling away under the nerveless direction, orlackofdirection,ofPresidentBuchananandhisassociates.Inhislastmessageto Congress, Buchanan had taken the ground that the Constitution made noprovisionforthesecessionofStatesorforthebreakingupoftheUnion;butthatit also failed to contain any provision for measures that could prevent suchsecession and the consequent destruction of the nation. The old gentlemanappearedtobeentirelyunnervedbythepressureofevents.Hecouldnotseeanydutybeforehim.Hecertainlyfailedtorealisethatthemoreimmediatecauseofthe storm was the breaking down, through the repeal of the MissouriCompromise,ofthebarriersthathadin1820,andin1850,beenplacedagainsttheextensionof slavery.Heevidently failed tounderstand that itwashisownactioninbackinguptheinfamousLecomptonConstitution,andtheinvasionofKansasby the slave-owners,whichhad finallyaroused the spiritof theNorth,andfurtherthatitwastheinfluenceofhisadministrationwhichhadgiventotheSouth thebelief that itwasnow in aposition to control for slavery thewholeterritoryoftheRepublic.

It has before nowbeen pointed out that, under certain contingencies, the longinterval between the national election and the inaugural of the new PresidentfromthefirstTuesdayinNovemberuntilthefourthdayofMarchmust,innotafewinstances,bringinconvenience,disadvantage,anddifficultynotonlytothenewadministrationbuttothenation.Thesemonthsinwhichthemembersofanadministration which had practically committed itself to the cause ofdisintegration, were left in charge of the resources of the nation gave amostseriousexampleandevidenceofsuchdisadvantage.Thishistoricinstanceoughtto have been utilised immediately after theWar as an influence for bringingabout a change in the date for bringing into power the administration that hasbeenchoseninNovember.

By the timewhenLincolnand themembersofhisCabinethadplaced in theirhandstheresponsibilitiesofadministration, theresourcesat thedisposalof thegovernment had, as far as practicable, been scattered or rendered unavailable.TheSecretaryoftheNavy,aSoutherner,hadtakenpainstosendtothefarthestwatersof thePacificasmanyaspossibleof thevesselsof theAmerican fleet;theSecretaryofWar,alsoaSoutherner,hadformonthsbeenbusyintransferringtothearsenalsoftheSouththegunsandammunitionthathadbeenstoredintheFederalarsenalsoftheNorth;theSecretaryoftheTreasuryhadhadnodifficultyindisposingofgovernmentfunds inonedirectionoranotherso that therewaspractically no balance to hand over to his successor available for the most

immediatenecessitiesofthenewadministration.

OneofthesayingsquotedfromWashingtonduringtheseweekswastheanswergiven by Count Gurowski to the inquiry, "Is there anything in addition thismorning?""No,"saidGurowski,"itisallinsubtraction."

Bythedayoftheinaugural,thesecessionofsevenStateswasanaccomplishedfact and the government of the Confederacy had already been organised inMontgomery.AlexanderH.Stephens had so farmodified his original positionthathehadacceptedthepostofVice-Presidentandinhisowninauguraladdresshadused thephrase, "Slavery is thecorner-stoneofournewnation," aphrasethat was to make much mischief in Europe for the hopes of the newConfederacy.

Inthefirstinaugural,oneofthegreataddressesinanoteworthyseries,Lincolnpresented to the attention of the leaders of the South certain very trenchantarguments against the wisdom of their course. He says of secession for thepurposeofpreservingtheinstitutionofslavery:

"You complain that under the government of the UnitedStates your slaves have from time to time escaped acrossyourbordersandhavenotbeenreturnedtoyou.TheirvalueaspropertyhasbeenlessenedbythefactthatadjoiningyourSlaveStateswerecertainStatesinhabitedbypeoplewhodidnotbelieveinyourinstitution.Howisthisconditiongoingtobechangedbywarevenunder theassumption that thewarmay be successful in securing your independence? Yourslaveterritorywillstilladjointerritoryinhabitedbyfreemenwhoare inimical toyour institution;but thesemenwill nolonger be bound by any of the restrictions which haveobtainedundertheConstitution.Theywillnothavetogiveconsideration to the rightsof slave-ownerswhoare fellow-citizens.Yourslaveswillescapeasbeforeandyouwillhavenomeasureofredress.Yourindignationmayproducefurtherwars,butthewarscanbuthavethesameresultuntilfinally,after indefinite loss of life and of resources, the institutionwillhavebeenhammeredoutofexistencebytheinevitableconditionsofexistingcivilisation."

Lincoln points out further in this same address the difference between his

responsibilities and those of the Southern leaderswho are organising forwar."You,"hesays,"havenooathregisteredinHeaventodestroythisgovernment,whileIhavethemostsolemnoathtopreserve,direct,anddefendit."

"Itwasnotnecessary,"saysLincoln,"fortheConstitutiontocontainanyprovisionexpresslyforbiddingthedisintegrationof the state; perpetuity and the right to maintain self-existence will be considered as a fundamental law of allnational government. If the theory be accepted that theUnited States was an association or federation ofcommunities, the creation or continued existence of suchfederationmustrestuponcontract;andbeforesuchcontractcanberescinded,theconsentisrequiredofbothorofallofthepartiesassentingtoit."

He closes with the famous invocation to the fellow Americans of the Southagainstwhom throughout thewholemessage there had not been oneword ofbitternessorrancour:"Wearenotenemiesbutfriends.Wemustnotbeenemies.Thoughpassionmayhavestrainedourrelations,itmustnotbreakourbondsofaffection."

Itwas,however,toolateforargument,andtoolateforinvocationsoffriendship.TheissuehadbeenforcedbytheSouthandthewarforwhichtheleadersoftheSouthhadformonths,ifnotforyears,beenmakingpreparationwasnowtobebegun by Southern action. It remained tomake clear to theNorth, where thepeopleuptothelastmomenthadbeenunwillingtobelieveinthepossibilityofcivilwar,thatthenationcouldbepreservedonlybyfightingforitsexistence.Itremained to organise the men of the North into armies which should becompetent to carry out this tremendous task of maintaining the nation'sexistence.

Itwas just after thegreat inaugural andwhenhisheadmusthavebeen fullofcaresandhishandsofwork,thatLincolntooktimetowriteatouchinglittlenotethat I find inhiscorrespondence. Itwasaddressed toaboywhohadevidentlyspokenwithnaturalprideofhavingmetthePresidentandwhosewordhadbeenquestioned:

"TheWhiteHouse,March18,1861.

"Ididseeand talk inMay lastatSpringfield, Illinois,withMasterGeorgeEdwardPatten."

With the beginning of the work of the administration, came trouble with themembersoftheCabinet.Theseveralsecretarieswere,informatleast,thechoiceofthePresident,butasmustalwaysbethecaseintheshapingofaCabinet,andaswasparticularlynecessaryatatimewhenitwasoffirstimportancetobringinto harmonious relations all of the political groups of the North which wereprepared to be loyal to the government, the men who took office in the firstCabinetofLincolnrepresentednotanypersonalpreferenceofthePresident,butpolitical or national requirements.TheSecretaryofState,Mr.Seward, had, asweknow,beenLincoln's leadingopponent for thePresidentialnominationandhad expressedwith some freedomof criticism his disappointment that he, thenatural leader of the party, should be put to one side for an uncultivated,inexperienced Westerner. Mr. Seward possessed both experience and culture;morethanthis,hewasascholar,andcameofalonglineofgentlefolk.Hehadpublicspirit,courage,legitimatepoliticalambition,andsomeofthequalitiesofleadership.Hisnaturewas,however,notquitelargeenoughtostandthepressureofpoliticaldisappointmentnorquiteelasticenoughtodeveloprapidlyunderthetremendousurgencyofabsolutelynewrequirements.ItisinevidencethatmorethanonceinthemanagementofthecomplexandseriousdifficultiesoftheStateDepartmentduring theyearsofwar,Seward losthishead. It is alsoon recordthat the wise-minded and fair-minded President was able to supply certainseriousgapsanddeficienciesinthedirectionoftheworkoftheDepartment,andfurtherthathisservicewassorenderedastosavethedignityandthereputeofthe Secretary. Seward's subjectivity, not to say vanity, was great, and it tooksomelittle timebeforehewasabletorealise thathiswasnot thefirstmindorthestrongestwill-powerin thenewadministration.OnthefirstofApril,1861,less than thirty days after the organisation of the Cabinet, Seward writes toLincolncomplaining that the"governmenthadasyetnopolicy; that itsactionseemedtobesimplydrifting";thattherewasalackofanyclear-mindedcontrolinthedirectionofaffairswithintheCabinet,inthepresentationtothepeopleofthepurposesofthegovernment,andintheshapingoftheall-importantrelationswithforeignstates."Who,"saidSeward,"istocontrolthenationalpolicy?"Theletter goes on to suggest thatMr. Seward iswilling to take the responsibility,leaving, if needs be, the credit to the nominal chief. The letterwas a curiousexample of theweakness and of the bumptiousness of theman,while it gaveevidencealso,itisfairtosay,ofarealpublic-spiriteddesirethatthingsshouldgorightandthatthenationshouldbesaved.ItwasevidentthathehadasyetnoadequatefaithinthecapacityofthePresident.

Lincoln'sanswerwascharacteristicoftheman.Therewasnoirritationwiththe

bumptiousness, no annoyance at the lack of confidence on the part of hisassociate. He states simply: "There must, of course, be control and theresponsibilityforthiscontrolmustrestwithme."Hepointsoutfurtherthatthegeneralpolicyof theadministrationhadbeenoutlinedin theinaugural, thatnoaction since taken had been inconsistentwith this. The necessary preparationsfor the defence of the governmentwere in train and, as the President trusted,were being energetically pushed forward by the several department heads. "Ihavearight,"saidLincoln,"toexpectloyalco-operationfrommyassociatesintheCabinet.Ineedtheircounselandthenationneedsthebestservicethatcanbesecured from our united wisdom." The letter of Seward was put away andappears never to have been referred to between the twomen. It saw the lightonly after the President's death. If he had lived it might possibly have beensuppressedaltogether.Amonth later,Seward said to a friend, "There is in theCabinetbutonevoteandthatiscastbythePresident."

The post next in importance under the existing war conditions was that ofSecretary of War. The first man to hold this post was Simon Cameron ofPennsylvania.CameronwasveryfarfrombeingafriendofLincoln's.ThetwomenhadhadnopersonalrelationsandwhatLincolnknewofhimhelikednotatall.The appointment hadbeenmadeunder thepressureof theRepublicansofPennsylvania, a State whose support was, of course, all important for theadministration.ItwasnotthefirstnorthelasttimethattheRepublicansofthisgreat State, whose Republicanism seems to be much safer than its judgment,have committed themselves to unworthy and undesirable representatives,menwhowerenotfittedtostandforPennsylvaniaandwhowereneitherwillingnorable tobeof any service to the country.TheappointmentofCameronhad, asappearsfromthelaterhistory,beenpromisedtoPennsylvaniabyJudgeDavisinreturn for the support of the Pennsylvania delegation for the nomination ofLincoln.Lincolnknewnothingof thepromise andwas able to saywith truth,and to prove, that he had authorised no promises and no engagementswhatsoever.Hehad,infact,absolutelyprohibitedDavisandtheoneortwoothermenwhoweresupposedtohavesomerighttospeakforhimintheconvention,fromtheacceptanceofanyengagementsorobligationswhatsoever.Davismadethe promise to Pennsylvania on his own responsibility and at his own risk;Lincoln felt under too much obligation to Davis for personal service and forfriendlyloyaltytobewilling,whentheclaimwasfinallypressed,toputittoonesideasunwarranted.TheappointmentofCameronwasmadeandprovedtobeexpensive for the efficiency of theWarDepartment and for the repute of theadministration. It became necessary within a comparatively short period to

securehisresignation.Itwasinevidencethathewastraffickinginappointmentsandincontracts.HewasreplacedbyEdwinM.Stanton,whowasknownlateras"theCarnot of theWar."Stanton's career as a lawyer had givenhimnodirectexperienceofarmyaffairs.Heshowed,however,exceptionalability,greatwillpower,andanenormouscapacityforwork.Hewasambitious,self-willed,andmostarbitraryindeedandinspeech.ThedifficultywithStantonwasthathewasaslikelytoinsultandtobrowbeatsomeloyalsupporterofthegovernmentastobring to book, and,when necessary, to crush, greedy speculators and disloyaltricksters.Hisjudgmentinregardtomenwasinfactveryoftenatfault.Hecameinto early and unnecessary conflict with his chief and he found there a willstronger thanhis own.The respect of the twomen for eachother grew into acordial regard. Each recognised the loyalty of purpose and the patriotism bywhich theactionsofbothwere influenced.Lincolnwasable tosomeextent tosoften and to modify the needless truculency of the greatWar Secretary, andnotwithstandingagooddealoftroublesomefriction,armieswereorganisedandthetroopsweresenttothefront.

The management of the Treasury, a responsibility hardly less in importanceunderthewarconditionsthanthatoftheorganisationofthearmies,wasplacedinthehandsofSenatorChase.Hereceivedfromhisprecursoranemptytreasurywhile from the administration came demands for immediate and rapidlyincreasing weekly supplies of funds. The task came upon him first ofestablishinganationalcreditandsecondlyofutilisingthiscreditforloanssuchasthecivilisedworldhadnotbeforeknown.Theexpendituresextendedbyleapsandboundsuntilbythemiddleof1864theyhadreachedthesumof$2,000,000a day. Blunders were made in large matters and in small, but, under thecircumstances, blunders were not to be avoided and the chief purpose wascarried out.A sufficient creditwas established, firstwith the citizens at homeandlaterwithinvestorsabroad,tomakeamarketforthemillionsofbondsinthetwogreatissues,theso-calledseven-thirtiesandfive-twenties.Thesalesofthesebonds, together with a wide-reaching and, in fact, unduly complex system oftaxation,securedthefundsnecessaryforthesupportofthearmyandthenavy.At thecloseof theWar, thegovernment, aftermeeting thisexpenditure,hadanationalwardebtofsomethingoverfourthousandmillionsofdollars.Thegrossindebtedness resulting from the War was of course, however, much largerbecauseeachStatehadincurredwarexpendituresandcountiesaswellasStateshadissuedbondsforthepaymentofbounties,etc.Thecriticismwasmadeatthetime by the opponents of the financial system which was shaped by theCommittee ofWays andMeans in co-operationwith theSecretary, a criticism

that has often been repeated since, that theWar expenditurewould have beenmuch less if the amounts needed beyond what could be secured by presenttaxation had been supplied entirely by the proceeds of bonds. In addition,however, to the issues of bonds, the government issued currency to a largeamount,whichwasmadelegaltenderandwhichonthefaceofitwasnotmadesubjecttoredemption.

Inadditiontothebillsrangingindenominationfromonedollartoonethousand,the government brought into distribution what was called "postal currency." Ilanded in New York in August, 1862, having returned from a University inGermanyforthepurposeofenlistinginthearmy.Iwasamusedtoseemyfathermakepaymentintherestaurantformyfirstlunchinpostagestamps.Hepickedtherequisitenumber,orthenumberthathebelievedwouldberequisite,fromaballofstampswhichhad,undertheinfluenceofthesummerheat,stucktogetherso closely as to be very difficult to handle.Many of the stampswere in factpractically destroyed and were unavailable. Some question arose between therestaurantkeeperandmyfatherastotheavailabilityofoneortwoofthestampsthathadbeenhandedover.MyfatherexplainedtomethatimmediatelyaftertheoutbreakoftheWar,specie,includingeventhenickelsandcopperpennies,haddisappeared from circulation, and the people had been utilising for the smallchange necessary for current operations the postage stamps, a use which, inconnection with the large percentage of destruction, was profitable to thegovernment, but extravagant for the community. A little later, the postaldepartmentwasconsiderateenoughtobringintoprintaseriesofpostagestampswithoutanygumon theback.Thesecould,ofcourse,behandledmoreeasily,butwere still seriouslyperishable.Towards thecloseof theyear, theTreasurydepartmentprintedfromartisticallyengravedplatesababycurrencyinnotesofabout two and a half inches long by one and a half inches wide. Thedenominationscomprisedtencents,fifteencents, twenty-fivecents,fiftycents,and seventy-five cents. The fifteen cents and the seventy-five cents were notmuchcalledfor,andwereprobablynotprintedmorethanonce.Theywouldnowbe scarce as curiosities. The postal currency was well printed on substantialpaper,but inconnectionwith the largerequirement forhandling that isalwaysplaceduponsmallcurrency,theselittlepapernotesbecameverydirtyandwereeasily used up. The government must have made a large profit from thepercentage that was destroyed. The necessary effect of this distribution ofgovernment"I.O.U.'s,"basednotuponanyredemptionfundofgoldbutmerelyuponthegeneralcreditofthegovernment,wastoappreciatethevalueofgold.InJune,1863,justbeforethebattleofGettysburg,thedepreciationofthispaper

currency,whichrepresentedofcoursetheappreciationofgold,wasintheratioof100to290.Ithappenedthatthenumber290,whichmarkedthehighestpricereachedbygoldduringtheWar,wasthenumberthathadbeengiveninLaird'sship-yard(ontheMersey)totheConfederatecruiserAlabama.

Chasewasnotonlyahard-workingSecretaryoftheTreasurybutanambitious,active-minded,andintriguingpolitician.Herepresentedintheadministrationthemoreextremeanti-slaverygroup.Hewasoneof thosewho favoured from thebeginningimmediateactiononthepartofthegovernmentinregardtotheslavesin the territory thatwas still controlled by the government. It is doubtless thecasethatheheldtheseanti-slaveryviewsasamatterofhonestconviction.Itisinevidencealsofromhiscorrespondencethatheconnectedwiththeseviewsthehope and the expectation of becoming President. His scheming for thenomination for 1864 was carried on with the machinery that he had at hisdisposalasSecretaryoftheTreasury.TheissuesbetweenChaseandSewardandbetweenChaseandStantonweremanyandbitter.Thepressureonthepartoftheconservative Republicans to get Chase out of the Cabinet was considerable.Lincoln,believingthathisservicewasvaluable,refusedtobeinfluencedbyanyfeelingofpersonalantagonismorpersonalrivalry.Heheldon to theSecretaryuntil the lastyearof theWar,whendeciding that theCabinetcould thenworkmore smoothlywithout him, he accepted his resignation.Even then, however,although he had had placed in his hands a note indicating ameasure ofwhatmightbecalledpersonaldisloyaltyonthepartofChase,LincolnwasunwillingtolosehisserviceforthecountryandappointedhimasChiefJustice.

Montgomery Blair was put into the Cabinet as Postmaster-General moreparticularlyastherepresentativeoftheloyalistsoftheBorderStates.Hisfatherwas a leader in politics in Missouri, in which the family had long been ofimportance.Hisbrother,FrankP.Blair,servedwithcreditinthearmy,reachingthe rank ofMajor-General. The Blair family was quite ready to fight for theUnion, but was very unwilling to do any fighting for the black man. TheywantedtheUnionrestoredasithadbeen,MissouriCompromiseandall.ItwasBlairwhohadoccasion from time to time topointout, andwithperfect truth,that if, through the influence of Chase and of the men back of Chase inMassachusettsandnorthernOhio, immediateactionshouldbe taken toabolishslaveryintheBorderStates,fiftythousandmenwhohadmarchedoutofthoseStatestothesupportoftheUnionmightbeandprobablywouldberecalled."Byastrokeofthepen,"saidBlair,"Missouri,easternTennessee,westernMaryland,loyalKentucky,nowloyallysupportingthecauseofthenation,willbethrown

intothearmsoftheConfederacy."DuringthefirsttwoyearsoftheWar,andinfactuptoSeptember,1863,theviewsofBlairandhisassociatesprevailed,andwith the fuller history before us, we may conclude that it was best that theyshouldhaveprevailed.Thiswas,atleast,theconclusionofLincoln,theonemanwhoknewnosectionalprejudices,whohadbeforehimalltheinformationandallthearguments,andwhohaduponhimthepressurefromallquarters.Itwasnot easy under the circumstances to keep peace between Blair and Chase.ProbablynomanbutLincolncouldhavemettherequirement.

TheSecretaryof theNavy,GideonWelles,ofConnecticut,whilenotamanofbrilliancy or of great initiative, appears to have done his part quietly andeffectively in thegreatworkof thebuildingandorganisingofanewfleet.HecontributednothingtothefrictionoftheCabinetandhewasfromthebeginningaloyalsupporterofthePresident.Whatweknownowabouttheissuesthatarosebetween the different members of the Cabinet family comes to us chieflythrough theDiaryofWelles,whohasdescribedwith apparent impartiality theidiosyncrasies of each of the secretaries and whose references to the tact,patience, andgracefully exercisedwill-powerof thePresident are fully in linewiththebestestimatesofLincoln'scharacter.

One of the first and most difficult tasks confronting the President and hissecretariesintheorganisationofthearmyandofthenavywasinthematterofthehigherappointments.Thearmyhadalwaysbeenafavouriteprovisionforthemen from theSouth.The representatives ofSouthern familieswere, as a rule,averse to tradeand therewere, in fact,under themore restrictedconditionsofbusiness in theSouthernStates,comparativelyfewopeningsfor tradingon thelargerormercantilescale.Asaresultofthispreference,thecadetshipsinWestPointandthecommissionsinthearmyhadbeenheldinmuchlargerproportion(accordingtothepopulation)bymenofSouthernbirth.ThiswaslessthecaseinthenavybecausethemarineinterestsofNewEnglandandoftheMiddleStateshadeducatedalargernumberofNorthernmenfornavalinterests.Whenthewarbegan,averyconsiderablenumberofthebesttrainedandmostvaluableofficersinthearmyresignedtotakepartwiththeirStates.ThearmylosttheserviceofmenlikeLee,Johnston,Beauregard,andmanyothers.AfewgoodSoutherners,such as Thomas of Virginia and Anderson of Kentucky, took the ground thattheirdutytotheUnionandtotheflagwasgreaterthantheirobligationtotheirState.Inthenavy,Maury,Semmes,Buchanan,andothermenofabilityresignedtheir commissions and devoted themselves to the (by nomeans easy) task ofbuildingupanavyfor theSouth;butFarragutofTennesseeremainedwith the

navytocarrytheflagofhiscountrytoNewOrleansandtoMobile.

Itwaseasyandnaturalduringtheheatof1861tocharacteriseastraitorsthemenwhowentwiththeirStatestofightagainsttheflagoftheircountry.Lookingatthe matter now, forty-seven years later, we are better able to estimate thecharacterand the integrityof themotivesbywhich theywereactuated.Wedonotneedto-daytousethetermtraitorsformenlikeLeeandJohnston.ItwasnotatallunnaturalthatwiththeirunderstandingofthegovernmentoftheStatesinwhichtheyhadbeenborn,andwith theirbelief that theseStateshadaright totakeactionforthemselves,theyshouldhavedecidedthattheirobligationlaytotheStateratherthantowhattheyhadpersistedinthinkingofnotasanationbutas amere confederation.Wemay rather believe thatLeewas as honest in hiswayasThomasandFarragut in theirs,but theview that theUnitedStates isanationhasbeenmaintainedthroughtheloyalservicesofthemenwhoheldwithThomasandwithFarragut.

V

THEBEGINNINGOFTHECIVILWAR

On April 12, 1861, came with the bombardment of Fort Sumter the actualbeginning of theWar. The foreseeing shrewdness of Lincoln had resisted allsuggestions for any such immediate action on the part of the government aswould place upon the North the responsibility for the opening of hostilities.Shortly after the fall of Sumter, a despatch was drafted by Seward for theguidance of American ministers abroad. The first reports in regard to theprobableactionofEuropeangovernmentsgavetheimpressionthatthesympathyof these governments was largely with the South. In France and England,expressionshadbeenusedbyleadingofficialswhichappearedtoforeshadowanearly recognition of the Confederacy. Seward's despatch as first drafted wasunwisely angry and truculent in tone. If brought into publication, it wouldprobablyhaveincreasedtheantagonismofthemenwhowererulingEngland.Itappeared in fact to foreshadow war with England. Seward had assumed thatEnglandwasgoingtotakeactivepartwiththeSouthandwasatoncethrowingdownthegauntletofdefiance.ItwasLincolnwhoinsistedthatthiswasnotime,whatevermightbetheprovocation,fortheUnitedStatestobeshakingitsfistatEurope.Thedespatchwasrewordedandtheharshandangryexpressionswereeliminated.TherightclaimedbytheUnitedStates,incommonwithallnations,tomaintain its own existence was set forth with full force, while it was alsomade clear that thenationwas strong enough tomaintain its rights against allfoeswhetherwithinorwithout itsboundaries. It is ratherstrange to recall thatthroughout the relations of the two men, it was the trained and scholarlystatesmanoftheEastwhohadtoberepressedforunwisetruculencyandthattherepression was done under the direction of the comparatively inexperiencedrepresentativeof theWest, themanwhohadbeendreadedby theconservativeRepublicansofNewYork as likely to introduce into thenational policy "wildandwoolly"notions.

InLincoln'sfirstmessagetoCongress,heasksthefollowingquestion:"Mustagovernmentbeofnecessitytoostrongforthelibertiesofitsownpeopleortooweak to maintain its own existence? Is there in all republics this inherentweakness?"ThepeopleoftheUnitedStateswereableunderthewiseleadershipofLincolntoanswerthisquestion"no."Lincolnbeginsatoncewiththepublic

utterancesofthefirstyearoftheWartotakethepeopleoftheUnitedStatesintohis confidence.He is their representative, their servant.He reasons out beforethepeople,asifitconstitutedagreatjury,theanalysisoftheirposition,oftheirresponsibilities, and the grounds on which as their representative this or thatdecisionisarrivedat.SaysSchurz:"Lincolnwieldedthepowersofgovernmentwhen stern resolutionand relentless forcewere theorderof theday, and,wonandruledthepopularmindandheartbythetendersympathiesofhisnature."

TheattackonSumterplacedupon theadministration thedutyoforganisingatonce for the contest now inevitable the forces of the country. This work oforganisationcameatbestbutlatebecausethosewhowerefightingtobreakupthenationhadtheirpreparationswelladvanced.Thefirstcallfortroopsdirectedthe governors of the loyal States to supply seventy-five thousandmen for therestorationoftheauthorityofthegovernment.MassachusettswasthefirstStateto respond by despatching to the front, within twenty-four hours of thepublicationofthecall, itsSixthRegimentofMilitia;theSeventhofNewYorkstarted twenty-fourhours later.Thehistoryof thepassageof theSixth throughBaltimore, of the attack upon the columns, and of the deaths, in the resultingaffray, of soldiers and of citizens has often been told. When word came toWashington that Baltimore was obstructing the passage of troops boundsouthward, troops called for the defence of the capital, the isolation of thegovernmentbecamesadlyapparent.Forawearyandanxioustendays,LincolnandhisassociatesweredreadingfrommorningtomorningtheapproachoverthelongbridgeofthetroopsfromVirginiawhosecamp-firescouldbeseenfromthesouthernwindowsof theWhiteHouse, andwere lookinganxiouslynorthwardforthearrivalofthemenonwhosepromptservicethesafetyofthecapitalwasto depend. I havemyself stood in Lincoln's old study, thewindows ofwhichoverlookthePotomac,andhaverecalledtomindthefearfulpressureofanxietythatmusthaveweighedupon thePresidentduring those longdays;as lookingacross the river, he could trace by the smoke the picket lines of the Virginiatroops. He must have thought of the possibility that he was to be the lastPresidentoftheUnitedStates,thatthetorchhandedovertohimbythefalteringhandsofhispredecessorwastoexpirewhilehewasresponsiblefortheflame.The immediate tensionwasfinallybrokenby theappearanceof thewearyandbatteredcompaniesoftheMassachusettstroopsandthearrivaltwodayslater,bythe way of Annapolis, of the NewYork Seventh with an additional battalionfromBoston.

It was, however, not only in April, 1861, that the capital was in peril. The

anxietyofthePresident(neverforhimselfbutonlyforhisresponsibilities)wastoberepeatedinJuly,1863,whenLeewasinMaryland,andinJuly,1864,atthetimeofEarly'sraid.

Wemayrememberthepeculiarburdensthatcomeuponthecommander-in-chiefthroughhispositionattherearofthearmiesheisdirecting.Therearofabattleis,eveninthetimeofvictory,aplaceofdemoralisinginfluence.Ittakesamanof strong nerve not to lose heart when the only people with whom he is inimmediate contact are those who through disability or discouragement aremakingtheirwayto therear.Thesutlers, the teamsters, thewoundedmen, thepanic-struck(andwiththebestofsoldierscertaingroupsdoloseheartfromtimetotime,menwhoinanotheractionwhenstartedrightarereadytotaketheirfullshareof thefighting)—theseare thegroups that inanyactionarestreaming totherear.Itisimpossiblenottobeaffectedbytheunderminingoftheirspiritsandoftheirhopefulness.Ifthebattleisgoingwrongly,ifinadditiontothosewhoareproperlymakingtheirwaytotherear,therecomealsobodiesoftroopspushedout of their position who have lost heart and who have lost faith in theircommanders,thepressuretowardsdemoralisationisalmostirresistible.

WemayrecallthatduringtheentirefouryearsofWar,Lincoln,thecommander-in-chief,was always in the rear.Difficult aswas the task of themenwho ledcolumns into action, of the generals in the field who had the immediateresponsibilityforthedirectionofthosecolumnsandofthefightingline,itwasin noway to be comparedwith the pressure and sadness of the burdenof themanwhostoodbackofallthelines,andtowhomcameallthediscouragements,the complaints, the growls, the criticisms, the requisitions or demands forresourcesthatwerenotavailable,thereportsofdisasters,sometimesexaggeratedand sometimes unduly smoothed over, the futile suggestions, the conflictingcounsels, the indignant protests, the absurd schemes, the self-seekingapplications, that poured into theWhiteHouse from all points of the field ofactionand fromallpartsof theBorderStatesandof theNorth.Themanwhoduring four years could stand that kind of battering and pressure and who,insteadofhavinghishopefulnesscrushedoutofhim,insteadoflosingheartorpowerofdirectionorthefullcontrolofhisresponsibilities,steadilydevelopedinpatience,instrength,inwidthofnature,andinthewisdomofexperience,sothathewasablenotonlytokeepheartfirmandmindclearbuttogivetothesoldiersinthefrontandtothenationbehindthesoldierstheinfluenceofhisgreatheartandclearmindandofhisfirmpurpose, thatmanhadwithinhimthenatureofthehero.Selectedintimeofneedtobeartheburdensofthenation,hewasable

so to fulfil his responsibilities that he takes place in the world's history as aleaderofmen.

InJuly,1861,oneofthespecialproblemstobeadjustedwastheattitudeoftheBorderStates.Missouri,Kentucky,Tennessee,andWestVirginiahadnotbeenwillingattheoutsettocastintheirlotwiththeSouth,buttheywerenotpreparedtogiveanyassuredoractivesupporttotheauthorityofthenationalgovernment.The Governor and the Legislature of Kentucky issued a proclamation ofneutrality;theydemandedthatthesoiloftheStateshouldberespectedandthatit should not be traversed by armed forces from either side. TheGovernor ofMissouri,whilenotabletocommittheStatetosecession,didhavebehindhimwhat was possibly a majority of the citizens in the policy of attempting topreventtheFederaltroopsfromenteringtheState.Maryland,oratleasteasternMaryland, was sullen and antagonistic. Thousands of theMarylanders had infactalreadymadetheirwayintoVirginiaforservicewiththeConfederacy.Ontheotherhand, therewerealso thousandsof loyalcitizens in theseStateswhowere prepared, under proper guidance and conservative management, to givetheirowndirectaidtothecauseofnationality.Inthecourseof thesucceedingtwo years, theBorder States sent into the field in theUnion ranks some fiftythousandmen.Atcertainpointsoftheconflict,thepresenceoftheseUnionmenofKentucky,Tennessee,Maryland,andMissouriwasthedecidingfactor.Whilethesemenwerewilling to fight for theUnion, theywere strongly opposed tobeingusedfor thedestructionofslaveryandfor thefreeingof theblacks.Theacceptance,therefore,ofthepolicythatwaspressedbytheextremeanti-slaverygroup, for immediate action in regard to the freeingof the slaves,wouldhavemeant at once the dissatisfaction of this great body of loyalists important innumber and particularly important on account of their geographical position.Lincolnwasable,althoughwithnolittledifficulty,toholdbackthepressureofNorthern sentiment in regard toanti-slaveryactionuntil thecourseof theWarhad finally committed the loyalists of the Border States to the support of theUnion.Forthesupportofthispolicy,itbecamenecessarytorestraincertainoftheleadersinthefieldwhoweremixingupcivilandconstitutionalmatterswiththeirmilitaryresponsibilities.ProclamationsissuedbyFremontinMissouriandlater by Hunter in South Carolina, giving freedom to the slaves within theterritory of their departments, were promptly and properly disavowed. SaidLincoln:"Ageneralcannotbepermittedtomakelawsforthedistrictinwhichhehappenstohaveanarmy."

ThedifficultiesinregardtothematterofslaveryduringthewarbroughtLincoln

into active correspondence with men like Beecher and Greeley, anti-slaveryleaders who enjoyed a large share of popular confidence and support. InNovember,1861,LincolnsaysofGreeley:"Hisbackingisasgoodasthatofanarmyofonehundredthousandmen."TherecouldbenoquestionoftheearnestloyaltyofHoraceGreeley.Underhismanagement, theNewYorkTribunehadbecome a great force in the community. The paper represented perhaps morenearly than any paper in the country the purpose and the policy of the newRepublicanparty.Unfortunately,Mr.Greeley'sjudgmentandwidthofviewdidnotdevelopwithhisyearsandwith theincreasinginfluenceofhis journal.Hebecameundulyself-sufficient;heundertooknotonlytolaydownapolicyfortheguidanceof theconstitutional responsibilitiesof thegovernment,but todictatemethods for the campaigns. The Tribune articles headed "On to Richmond!"whilecausingirritationtocommandersinthefieldandconfusioninthemindsofquietcitizensathome,werefinallyclassedwiththethingstobelaughedat.Inthe later years of the War, the influence of the Tribune declined veryconsiderably. Henry J. Raymond with his newly founded Times succeeded tosomeofthepowerasajournalistthathadbeenwieldedbyGreeley.

In November, 1861, occurred an incident which for a time threatened a verygrave international complication, a complication that would, if unwiselyhandled, have determined the fate of the Republic. Early in the year, theConfederategovernmenthad sent certain representatives across theAtlantic todowhatmightbepracticabletoenlistthesympathiesofEuropeangovernments,or of individuals in these governments, tomake amarket for theConfederatecottonbonds,toarrangeforthepurchaseofsuppliesforthearmyandnavy,andto secure the circulation of documents presenting the case of the South. Mr.YanceyofMississippiwasthebest-knownofthisfirstgroupofemissaries.WithhimwasassociatedJudgeMannofVirginiaanditwasMannwhoinNovember,1861,wasinchargeoftheLondonofficeoftheConfederacy.Inthismonth,Mr.Davis appointed as successor toMann,Mr.Mason ofVirginia, towhomwasgivenamoreformalauthorisationofaction.Atthesametime,JudgeSlidellofLouisiana was appointed as the representative to France. Mason and SlidellmadetheirwaytoJamaicaandsailedfromJamaicatoLiverpool in theBritishmail steamerTrent. Captain Charles Wilkes, in the United States frigate SanJacinto, hadbeenwatching theWest Indieswaterswith reference to blockaderunners and toWilkes came knowledge of the voyage of the two emissaries.Wilkes took the responsibility of stopping theTrent when shewas a hundredmiles or more out of Kingston and of taking from her as prisoners the twocommissioners.ThecommissionerswerebroughttoBostonandweretherekept

under arrest awaiting the decision from Washington as to their status. Thisstopping on the high seas of a British steamer brought out a great flood ofindignationinGreatBritain.ItgavetoPalmerstonandRussell,whowereatthattime in charge of the government, the opportunity for which they had beenlooking toplaceon thesideof theConfederacy theweightof the influenceofGreatBritain. ItstrengthenedthehopesofLouisNapoleonforcarryingout, inconjunctionwithGreatBritain, a scheme that he had formulated underwhichFrancewastosecureawesternempire inMexico, leavingEnglandtodowhatshemightfindconvenientintheadjustmentoftheaffairsoftheso-calledUnitedStates.

ThefirstreportsecuredfromthelawofficersoftheCrowntookthegroundthatthe capturewas legal under international law and under the practice of GreatBritain itself. This report was, however, pushed to one side, and Palmerstondrafted a demand for the immediate surrender of the commissioners. Thisdemandwassowordedthataself-respectinggovernmentwouldhavehadgreatdifficulty in assenting to it without risk of forfeiting support with its owncitizens. Itwas in fact intended to bring about a state ofwar.Under thewiseinfluence ofPrinceAlbert,QueenVictoria refused to give her approval to thedocument. It was reworded by Albert in such fashion as to give to thegovernmentof theUnitedStatesanopportunity foradjustmentwithout lossofdignity. Albert was clear in his mind that Great Britain ought not to becommittedtowarfor thedestructionof thegreatRepublicof theWestandfortheestablishmentofastateofwhichthecorner-stonewasslavery.Fortunately,Victoria was quite prepared to accept in this matter Albert's judgment.Palmerstonprotestedandthreatenedresignation,butfinallysubmitted.

When the news of the capture of the commissioners came to Washington,Sewardforoncewasinfavourofaconservativeratherthanatruculentcourseofaction.Headvisedthatthecommissionersshouldbesurrenderedatonceratherthan to leave toGreatBritain theopportunityformakingadictatorialdemand.Lincolnadmitted the riskof suchdemandand thedisadvantageofmaking thesurrenderunderpressure,buthetookthegroundthatiftheUnitedStateswaitedfortheBritishcontention,acertaindiplomaticadvantagecouldbegained.Whenthedemandcame,Lincolnwasable,witharewording(notforthefirsttime)ofSeward'sdespatch,totakethegroundthatthegovernmentoftheUnitedStateswas"wellpleased thatHerMajesty'sgovernment shouldhave finallyacceptedtheold-timeAmericancontention thatvesselsofpeaceshouldnotbesearchedonthehighseasbyvesselsofwar." Itmayberecalled that theexerciseof the

rightofsearchhadbeenoneofthemostimportantofthegrievanceswhichhadbroughtabouttheWarof1812-1814.InthediscussionoftheTreatyofGhentin1814,theEnglishandAmericancommissioners,whileagreeingthatthisrightofsearch must be given up, had not been able to arrive at a form of words,satisfactorytobothparties,foritsrevocation.Bothsetsofcommissionerswereveryeagertobringtheirproceedingstoaclose.TheAmericanscouldofcoursenot realise that if theyhadwaited a fewweeks thenewsof thebattle ofNewOrleans,foughtinJanuary,1815,wouldhavegreatlystrengthenedtheirposition.Itwasfinallyagreed"asbetweengentlemen"thattherightofsearchshouldbeno longer exercised by Great Britain. This right was, however, not formallyabrogateduntilDecember,1861,nearlyhalfacenturylater.Thislittlediplomatictriumphsmoothedover for thepublicof theNorth theannoyanceofhaving toaccept theBritishdemand. Ithelped tostrengthen theadministration,which inthisfirstyearoftheWarwasbynomeanssureofitsfoundations.ItstrengthenedalsotheopinionofcitizensgenerallyintheirestimateofthewisemanagementandtactfulnessofthePresident.

SomeofthemostseriousoftheperplexitiesthatcameuponLincolnduringthefirsttwoyearsoftheWarweretheresultofthepeculiarcombinationofabilitiesanddisabilitiesthatcharacterisedGeneralMcClellan.McClellan'sworkpriortotheWarhadbeenthatofanengineer.HehadtakenhighrankatWestPointandlater, resigning from the army, had rendered distinguished service in civilengineering. At the time of the Lincoln-Douglas debates, McClellan waspresidentof the IllinoisCentralRailroad.Hewasa close friendandbackerofDouglasandhehaddonewhatwaspracticablewiththeall-importantmachineryoftherailroadcompanytorendercomfortablethetravellingofhiscandidateandtoinsurehissuccess.ReturningtothearmywiththeopeningoftheWar,hehadwon success in a brief campaign in Virginia in which he was opposed by acomparativelyinexperiencedofficerandbyasmallerforcethanhisown.PlacedincommandofthearmyofthePotomacshortlyaftertheBullRuncampaign,hehadshownexceptionalabilityinbringingthetroopsintoastateoforganisation.Hewas probably the bestman in theUnited States to fit an army for action.Therewere few engineer officers in the armywho could have rendered betterservice in the shaping of fortifications or in the construction of an entrenchedposition.Heshowedlaterthathewasnotabadleaderforadefeatedarmyinthesupervisionoftheretreat.Hehad,however,norealcapacityforleadershipinanaggressivecampaign.Hisdispositionledhimtobefullofapprehensionofwhattheother fellowwasdoing.He suffered literally fromnightmares inwhichheexaggerated enormously the perils in his paths, making obstacles where none

existed,multiplyingbytwoorbythreethetroopsagainsthim,insistinguponthenecessity of providing not only for probable contingencies but for veryimpossiblecontingencies.Hewasneverreadyforanadvanceandhealwaysfeltproudly triumphant, after having come into touchwith the enemy, that hehadaccomplishedthetaskofsavinghisarmy.

Theonly thing aboutwhichhewasneither apprehensivenordoubtfulwashisability as a leader,whethermilitary or political.While he found it difficult toimpresshiswilluponanopponentinthefield,hewasverysturdywithhispenin laying down the law to the Commander-in-chief (the President) and inemphasisingtheimportanceofhisownviewsnotonlyinthingsmilitarybutinregard to the whole policy of the government. The peculiarity about thenightmaresandmiscalculationsofMcClellanwasthat theypersistedlongafterthedata for their correctionwere available. In abookbrought intoprintyearsafter the War, when the Confederate rosters were easily accessible inWashington,McClellandidnothesitatetomakethesamestatementsinregardtothenumbersoftheConfederateforcesopposedtohimthathehadbroughtintothe long series of complaining letters to Lincoln in which he demandedreinforcementsthatdidnotexist.

TherecordsnowshowthatatthetimeoftheslowadvanceofMcClellan'sarmyby theWilliamsburg Peninsula, GeneralMagruder had been able, with a fewthousandmenandwithdummygunsmadeoflogs,togivetheimpressionthatasubstantialarmywasblockingthewaytoRichmond.McClellan'sadvancewas,therefore,madewith the utmost "conservatism," enablingGeneral Johnston tocollectbackofMagruder thearmythatwasfinally todriveMcClellanback tohisbase.It isfurther inevidencefromthelaterrecords thatwhensomeweekslaterGeneralJohnstonconcentratedhisarmyatGaines'sMilluponPorter,whowas separated from McClellan by the Chickahominy, there was but aninconsiderableforcebetweenMcClellanandRichmond.

At thecloseof thesevendays' retreat,McClellan,whohadwithamagnificentarmythrownawayaseriesofpositions,writestoLincolnthathe(Lincoln)"hadsacrificed the army." In another letter, McClellan lays down the laws of anational policywith a completeness and a dictatorial utterance such aswouldhardlyhavebeenjustifiedifhehadsucceededthroughhisownmilitarygeniusinbringingtheWartoaclose,butwhich,comingfromadefeatedgeneral,wasridiculous enough. Lincoln's correspondence with McClellan brings out theinfinitepatienceofthePresident,andhisdesiretomakesurethatbeforeputtingtheGeneraltoonesideasavaingloriousincompetent,hehadbeenallowedthe

fullest possible test. Lincoln passes over without reference and apparentlywithout thought thelongseriesof impertinent impersonalitiesofMcClellan.Inthis correspondence, as in all his correspondence, the great captain showedhimselfabsolutelydevotedtothecausehehadinmind.Earlyintheyear,monthsbeforethePeninsularcampaign,whenMcClellanhadhadthearmyincampforaseriesofmonthswithoutexpressingtheleastintentionofaction,Lincolnhadintalkingwith the Secretary ofWar used the expression: "IfGeneralMcClellandoesnotwanttousethearmyjustnow,Iwouldliketoborrowitforawhile."ThatwasasfarastheCommander-in-chiefeverwentincriticismoftheGeneralin the field. While operations in Virginia, conducted by a vacillating andvainglorious engineer officer, gave little encouragement, somethingwas beingdone to advance the cause of the Union in theWest. In 1862, a young mannamedGrant,whohadreturnedtothearmyandwhohadbeentrustedwiththecommand of a few brigades, captured Fort Donelson and thus opened theTennessee River to the advance of the army southward. The capture of FortDonelsonwasrenderedpossiblebytheuseofmortarsandwasthefirstoccasionin thewar inwhichmortarshadbeenbrought tobear. I chanced tocome intotouch with the record of the preparation of themortars that were supplied toGrant'sarmyatCairo.Sometime in thenineties Iwassojourningwith the lateAbramS.HewittathishomeinRingwood,NewJersey.Inoticed,inlookingoutfromthepiazza,amortar,properlymountedonamortar-bedandencompassedbysomeyardsofagreatchain,placedontheslopeoverlookingthelittlevalleybelow,as if toprotect thehouse. Iaskedmyhostwhatwas thehistoryof thispiece of ordnance. "Well," he said, "the chain youmight have some personalinterestin.Itisapartofthechainyourgreat-uncleIsraelplacedacrosstheriveratWestPointforthepurposeofblockingoratleastofcheckingthepassageoftheBritishvessels.Thechainwas forgedhere in theRingwood foundryand Ihavesecuredapartofitasamemento.ThemortarwasgiventomebyPresidentLincoln, as also was the mortar-bed." This report naturally brought out thefurther question as to the grounds for the gift. "Imade thismortar-bed," saidHewitt,"togetherwithsomeothers,andLincolnwasgoodenoughtosaythatIhadinthisworkrenderedaservicetotheState.ItwasinDecember,1861,whentheexpeditionagainstFortDonelsonandFortHenrywasbeingorganisedatFortCairoundertheleadershipofGeneralGrant.Grantreportedthatthefield-piecesathis commandwouldnotbe effective against the earthworks thatwere tobeshelled and made requisition for mortars." The mortar I may explain to myunmilitary readers is a short carronadeof largebore andwitha comparativelyshortrange.Themortarwithaheavychargethrowsitsmissileatasharpangleupwards,sothat,insteadofattemptingtogothroughanearthwork,itisthrown

into the enclosure. The recoil from a mortar is very heavy, necessitating theconstruction of a foundation called a mortar-bed which is not only solid butwhichpossesses a certain amountof elasticity throughwhich the shockof therecoilisabsorbed.Itisonlythroughtheuseofsuchabedthatamortarcanbefiredfromthedeckofavessel.Withoutsuch,protection,theshockwouldsmashthroughthedeckandmightsendthecrafttothebottom.

TheOrdnanceDepartmentreportedtotheSecretaryofWarandtheSecretarytoLincolnthatmortarswereonhandbutthatnomortar-bedswereavailable.Itwasoneofthemanycasesinwhichtheunpreparednessofthegovernmenthadleftaseriousgapintheequipment.ThefurtherreportwasgiventoLincolnthattwoorthreemonths'timewouldberequiredtomanufacturethethirtymortar-bedsthatwereneeded.AdelayofanysuchperiodwouldhaveblockedtheentirepurposeofGrant'sexpedition.Inhisperplexity,Lincolnrememberedthatinhisfamousvisit toNewYork twoyearsbefore,hehadbeen introduced toMr.Hewitt, "awell-knownironmerchant,"as"amanwhodoesthings."LincolntelegraphedtoHewitt asking ifHewitt couldmake thirtymortar-beds andhow long itwouldtake.HewitttoldmethatthemessagereachedhimonaSaturdayeveningatthehouse of a friend.Hewired an acknowledgmentwith theword that hewouldsendareportonthefollowingday.SundaymorninghelookeduptheordnanceofficerofNewYorkforthepurposeofascertainingwherethepatternmortar-bedwaskept."Itwasratherimportant,Major,"saidHewitttome,"thatIshouldhaveanopportunityofexaminingthispatternforIhadneverseenamortar-bedinmylife, but this of course I did not admit to the ordnance officer." The patternrequiredwas, it seemed, in thearmoryatSpringfield.Hewittwired toLincolnaskingthatthebedshouldbeforwardedbythenightboattohiminNewYork.Hewittandhismenmettheboat,securedthepatternbed,andgavesomehourstopuzzlingovertheconstruction.AtnoononMonday,HewittwiredtoLincolnthathecouldmakethirtymortar-bedsinthirtydays.InanotherhourhereceivedbywireinstructionsfromLincolntogoahead.Intwenty-eightdayshehadthethirty mortar-beds in readiness; and Tom Scott, who had at the time, veryfortunately for the country, taken charge of the military transportation, hadprovidedthirtyflat-carsforthetransitofthemortar-bedstoCairo.Thetrainwasaddressedto"U.S.Grant,Cairo,"andeachcarcontainedanotification,paintedinwhiteonablackground,"not tobeswitchedon thepenaltyofdeath."Thattraingotthroughandasotherportionsoftheequipmenthadalsobeendelayed,themortarswerenotsoverylate.Sixschooners,eachequippedwithamortar,werehurrieduptherivertosupporttheattackofthearmyonFortDonelson.Afirstassaulthadbeenmadeandhadfailed.Thefieldartillerywas,asGranthad

anticipated,ineffectiveagainsttheearthworks,whilethefireoftheConfederateinfantry,protectedbytheirworks,hadprovedmostsevere.Theinstant,however,thatfrombehindapointontheriverbelowthefortshellswerethrownfromtheschoonersintotheinnercircleofthefortifications,theConfederatecommander,Floyd,recognisedthatthefortwasuntenable.Heslippedawaythatnightleavinghis junior,General Buckner, tomake termswithGrant, and those termswere"unconditional surrender," which were later so frequently connected with theinitialsofU.S.G.

Buckner'snamecomesagain intohistory inapleasant fashion.Yearsafter theWar,whenGeneralGranthad,throughtherascalityofaWallStreet"pirate,"losthisentiresavings,Buckner,himselfapoorman,wrotebeggingGranttoacceptasaloan,"toberepaidathisconvenience,"acheckenclosedforonethousanddollars.Otherfriendscameto therescueofGrant,andthroughtheearningsofhisownpen,hewasbeforehisdeathabletomakegoodallindebtednessandtoleaveacompetencytohiswidow.ThechecksentbyBucknerwasnotused,butthepromptfriendlinesswassomethingnottobeforgotten.

Hewitt'smortar-bedswereusedagainafewweekslaterforthecaptureofIslandNumberTenandtheyalsoprovedserviceable,usedinthesamefashionfromthedecksofschooners,inthecaptureofFortsJacksonandSt.PhilipwhichblockedtheriverbelowNewOrleans.Itwasonlythroughthefirefromtheseschooners,which were moored behind a point on the river below the forts, that it waspossibletoreachtheinnercircleoftheworks.

IaskedHewittwhetherhehadseenLincolnafterthismatterofthemortar-beds."Yes," said Hewitt, "I saw him a year later and Lincoln's action wascharacteristic.IwasinWashingtonandthoughtitwaspropertocallandpaymyrespects.IwastoldonreachingtheWhiteHousethatitwaslateinthedayandthat thewaiting-roomwasveryfulland that Iprobablyshouldnotbereached.'Well,'Isaid,'inthatcase,Iwillsimplyaskyoutotakeinmycard.'Nosoonerhad the card been delivered than the door of the study opened and Lincolnappearedreachingoutbothhands.'WhereisMr.Hewitt?'hesaid;'Iwanttosee,I want to thank, themanwho does things.' I sat with him for a time, a littlenervousinconnectionwiththenumberofpeoplewhowerewaitingoutside,butLincolnwould not letme go. Finally he asked, 'What are you inWashingtonfor?''Well,Mr.Lincoln,'saidI,'Ihavesomebusinesshere.Iwanttogetpaidforthosemortar-beds.' 'What?' saidLincoln, 'youhavenotyetgotwhat thenationowes you?That is disgraceful.'He rang the bell violently and sent an aid forSecretary Stanton andwhen the Secretary appeared, hewas questioned rather

sharply.'HowaboutMr.Hewitt'sbillagainsttheWarDepartment?Whydoeshehave to wait for his money?' 'Well, Mr. Lincoln,' said Stanton, 'the order forthosemortar-bedswasgivenratherirregularly.ItneverpassedthroughtheWarDepartmentandconsequently theaccountwhenrenderedcouldnotreceive theapprovalofanyordnanceofficer,anduntilsoapprovedcouldnotbepaidbytheTreasury.' 'If,' saidLincoln, 'I shouldwrite on that account anorder to have itpaid,doyousupposetheSecretaryoftheTreasurywouldpayit?''Isupposethathe would,' said Stanton. The account was sent for and Lincoln wrote at thebottom: 'Pay this bill now.A. Lincoln.' 'Now,Mr. Stanton,' saidLincoln, 'Mr.HewitthasbeenverybadlytreatedinthismatterandIwantyoutotakealittlepains to see that he gets hismoney. I am going to ask you to go over to theTreasurywithMr.HewittandtogetthepropersignaturesonthisaccountsothatMr. Hewitt can carry a draft with him back to New York.' Stanton, ratherreluctantly, accepted the instruction and," said Hewitt, "he walked with methrough the various departments of the Treasury until the final signature hadbeenplacedonthebillandIwasabletoexchangethisforaTreasurywarrant.Ishould," said Hewitt, "have been much pleased to retain the bill with thatsignatureofLincolnbeneaththewords,'Paythisnow.'

"Towards the end of the War," he continued, "when there was no furtherrequirementformortars,IwrotetoMr.LincolnandaskedwhetherImightbuyamortarwithitsbed.LincolnrepliedpromptlythathehaddirectedtheOrdnanceDepartment to send me mortar and bed with 'the compliments of theadministration.'Iampuzzledtothink,"saidHewitt,"howthatparticularitemintheaccountsoftheOrdnanceDepartmentwaseveradjusted,butIamverygladtohavethisreminiscenceoftheWarandofthePresident."

Lincoln's relations with McClellan have already been touched upon. TherewouldnotbespaceinthispapertoreferindetailtotheactiontakenbyLincolnwith other army commandersEast andWest.Theproblem that confronted theCommander-in-chief of selecting the right leaders for this or that undertaking,andofpromoting themenwhogaveevidenceof thegreatercapacity thatwasrequiredforthelargerarmiesthatwerebeingplacedinthefield,wasoneofnolittledifficulty.Thereaderofhistory,lookingbackto-day,withtheadvantageofthe full record of the careers of the various generals, is tempted to indulge ineasycriticismoftheblundersmadebythePresident.WhydidthePresidentputup so long with the vaingloriousness and ineffectiveness ofMcClellan?Whyshouldhehaveacceptedevenforonebriefandunfortunatecampaigntheserviceof an incompetent like Pope? Why was a slow-minded closet-student like

Halleck permitted to fritter away in the long-drawn-out operations againstCorinththeadvantageofpositionandofforcethathadbeensecuredbythearmyoftheWest?WhywasapoliticaltricksterlikeButler,withnoarmyexperience,or a well-meaning politician like Banks with still less capacity for themanagement of troops, permitted to retain responsibilities in the field,makingblundersthatinvolvedwasteoflifeandofresourcesandthelossofcampaigns?WhywerenottherealmenlikeSherman,Grant,Thomas,McPherson,Sheridan,and others broughtmore promptly into the important positions?Whywas thearmy of the South permitted during the first two years of theWar to have solargeanadvantageinskilledandenterprisingleadership?Alittlereflectionwillshowhowunjust is the criticism implied through suchquestions.Weknowoftheincapacityofthegeneralswhofailedandoftheeffectivenessofthosewhosucceeded,onlythroughtheresultsofthecampaignsthemselves.Lincolncouldonly study themenashecame toknowabout themandheexperimented firstwithoneandthenwithanother,doingwhatseemedtobepracticabletosecureanatural selection and the survival of the fittest. Suchwatchful supervision andpainstaking experimenting was carried out with infinite patience and with anincreasingknowledgebothof therequirementsandof themenfittedtofill therequirements.

Wemustalsorecallthat,Commander-in-chiefashewas,Lincolnwasnotfreetoexercise without restriction his own increasingly valuable judgment in theappointment of the generals. It was necessary to give consideration to theopinionofthecountry,thatistosay,totheindividualjudgmentsofthecitizenswhoseloyalco-operationwasabsolutelyessentialforthesupportofthenation'scause. These opinions of the citizens were expressed sometimes through theappealsofearnestlyloyalgovernorslikeAndrewofMassachusetts,orCurtinofPennsylvania, and sometimes through the articles of a strenuous editor likeGreeley,whose influenceandsupport itwas,ofcourse,all important toretain.Greeley's absolute ignorance of military conditions did not prevent him fromemphasisingwith thePresident and thepublichisverydecidedconclusions inregard to the selection of men and the conduct of campaigns. In this all-perplexing problem of the shaping of campaigns, Lincoln had to consider theresponsibilities of representative government.The taskwould, of course, havebeenmucheasierifhehadhadpowerasanautocrattoactonhisowndecisionssimply.TheappointmentofButler andBankswas thought tobenecessary forthepurposeofmeetingtheviewsoftheloyalcitizensofsoimportantaStateasMassachusetts,andotherappointments, the resultsofwhichweremoreor lessunfortunate,may in likemannerbe traced tocausesor influencesoutsideof a

militaryorarmypolicy.

GeneralFrankV.Greene,inapaperonLincolnasCommander-in-chief,writesinregardtohiscapacityasaleaderasfollows:

"Astimegoeson,Lincoln'sfameloomseverlargerandlarger.Greatstatesman,astutepolitician,clearthinker,classicwriter,masterofmen,kindly,lovableman,—thesearehistitles.Tothesemustbeadded—militaryleader.Hadhefailedinthatquality,theotherswouldhavebeenforgotten.HadpeacebeenmadeonanytermsbutthoseofthesurrenderoftheinsurgentforcesandtherestorationoftheUnion,Lincoln'scareerwouldhavebeenacolossalfailureandtheEmancipationProclamation a subject of ridicule. The prime essential was military success.Lincoln gained it. Judged in the retrospect of nearly half a century, with hiseverywrittenwordnowinprintandwithallthefactsoftheperiodbroughtoutand placed in proper perspective by the endless studies, discussions, andargumentsoftheinterveningyears,itbecomesclearthat,firstandlastandatalltimesduringhisPresidency,inmilitaryaffairshiswasnotonlytheguidingbutthecontrollinghand."

It is interesting, as theWar progressed, to trace the development of Lincoln'sownmilitaryjudgment.Hewasalwaysmodestinregardtomattersinwhichhisexperiencewas limited, and during the first twelvemonths inWashington, hehadcomparativelylittletosayinregardtotheplanningoreventhesupervisionof campaigns.His letters, however, toMcClellan andhis later correspondencewith Burnside, with Hooker, and with other commanders give evidence of asteadilydevelopingintelligenceinregardtolargermilitarymovements.Historyhas shown that Lincoln's judgment in regard to the essential purpose of acampaign, and the bestmethods for carryingout suchpurpose,was in a largenumberofcasesdecidedlysounderthanthatofthegeneralinthefield.WhenheemphasisedwithMcClellanthatthetrueobjectivewastheConfederatearmyinthefieldandnotthecityofRichmond,helaiddownaprinciplewhichseemstous elementary but to whichMcClellan had been persistently blinded. Lincolnwrites to Hooker: "We have word that the head of Lee's army is nearMartinsburg in the Shenandoah Valley while you report that you have asubstantialforcestillopposedtoyouontheRappahannock.Itappears,thereforethat the line must be forty miles long. The animal is evidently very slimsomewhereanditoughttobepossibleforyoutocutitatsomepoint."Hookerhadthesameinformationbutdidnotdrawthesameinference.

Apart fromLincoln'swork in selecting, and in largemeasure in directing, the

generals,hehadafurther important relationwith thearmyasawhole.Wearefamiliarwiththeterm"themanbehindthegun."Itisatruismtosaythatthegunhas little value whether for offence or for defence unless the man behind itpossessestherightkindofspiritwhichwillinfuseandguidehispurposeandhisactionwiththegun.ForthelongyearsoftheWar,theCommander-in-chiefwasthemanbehindall theguns in the field.Themen in the front came tohavearealisingsenseoftheinfinitepatience,thepersistenthopefulness,thesteadinessof spirit, the devotedwatchfulness of the great captain inWashington. It wasthroughthespiritofLincolnthatthespiritintherankswaspreservedduringthelong months of discouragement and the many defeats and retreats. The finaladvance of Grant which ended at Appomattox, and the triumphant march ofShermanwhichculminated in the surrenderatGoldsboroughof the lastof thearmies of the Confederacy, were the results of the inspiration, given alike tosoldierandtogeneral,fromthepatientanddevotedsoulofthenation'sleader.

InMarch,1862,LincolnreceivedthenewsofthevictorywonatPeaRidge,inArkansas,byCurtisandSigel,abattlewhichhadlastedthreedays.Thefirstdaywasadefeatandourtroopswereforcedback;thefightingofthesecondresultedinwhatmightbecalledadrawnbattle;butonthethird,ourarmybrokeitswaythrough the enclosing lines, bringing theheavier loss to theConfederates, andregaineditsbase.ThisbattlewasinasensetypicalofmuchofthefightingoftheWar.Itwasoneofalongseriesoffightswhichcontinuedformorethanoneday.Thehistoryof theWarpresentsmanyinstancesofbattles that lastedtwodays,threedays,fourdays,andinonecasesevendays.ItwasdifficulttoconvincetheAmerican soldier, on either side of the line, that he was beaten. The generalmight lose his head, but the soldiers, in the larger number of cases, went onfightinguntil,withanewleaderorwithmoreintelligentdispositionsonthepartoftheoriginalleader,afirstdisasterhadbeenrepaired.Thereisnoexampleinmodernhistoryoffightingofsuchstubborncharacter,oritisfairertosay,therewasnoexampleuntiltheRusso-JapaneseWarinManchuria.TherecordshowsthatEuropean armies,when outgeneralled or outmanoeuvred, had the habit ofretiring from the field, sometimes ingoodorder,more frequently in a state ofdemoralisation.TheAmerican soldier fought the thingout becausehe thoughtthe thing out. The patience and persistence of the soldier in the field wascharacteristicof,and,itmayfairlybeclaimed,wasinpartdueto,thepatienceandpersistenceofthegreatleaderinWashington.

VI

THEDARKDAYSOF1862

Thedarkdaysof1862wereinAprilbrightenedbytheall-importantnewsthatAdmiral Farragut had succeeded in bringing the Federal fleet, or at least theleadingvesselsinthisfleet,pastthebatteriesofFortsSt.PhilipandJacksonontheMississippi,andhadcompelledthesurrenderofNewOrleans.Theopeningof theMississippiRiverhadnaturallybeen includedamong themost essentialthings to be accomplished in the campaign for the restoration of the nationalauthority. It was of first importance that the States of theNorth-west and theenormouscontiguousterritorywhichdependedupontheMississippiforitswaterconnection with the outer world should not be cut off from the Gulf. Theprophecywasinfactmademorethanoncethat incasetheStatesof theSouthhad succeeded in establishing their independence, therewouldhave come intoexistence on the continent not two confederacies, but probably four. ThecommunitiesonthePacificCoastwouldnaturallyhavebeentemptedtosetupforthemselves,andasimilarcoursemightalsonaturallyhavebeenfollowedbythegreatStatesoftheNorth-westwhoseinterestsweresocloselyboundupwiththe waterways running southward. It was essential that no effort should bespared to bring the loyal States of the West into control of the line of theMississippi.MorethantwelvemonthswasstillrequiredafterthecaptureofNewOrleans on the first ofMay, 1862, before the surrender ofVicksburg toGrantandofPortHudsontoBanksremovedthefinalbarrierstotheFederalcontrolofthegreatriver.TheoccupationoftheriverbytheFederalswasofimportanceinmoreways thanone.TheStates to thewest of the river—Arkansas,Missouri,andTexas—wereforthefirsttwoyearsoftheWarimportantsourcesofsuppliesfor the foodof theConfederatearmy.Cornon thecobor inbagswasbroughtacross theriverbyboats,while theherdsof livecattleweremadetoswimthestream, and were then most frequently marched across country to thecommissary depots of the several armies. After the fall of Port Hudson, theconnectionforsuchsupplieswaspracticallystopped;althoughImayrecallthatevenaslateas1864,thecommandtowhichIwasattachedhadtheopportunityofstoppingtheswimmingacrosstheMississippiofaherdofcattlethatwasintransitforthearmyofGeneralJoeJohnston.

InApril,1862,justafterthereceiptbyLincolnofthedisappointingnewsofthefirstrepulseatVicksburg,hefindstimetowritealittleautographnotetoaboy,"MasterCrocker,"withthanksforapresentofawhiterabbitthattheyoungsterhadsenttothePresidentwiththesuggestionthatperhapsthePresidenthadaboywhowouldbepleasedwithit.

During the early part of 1862,Lincoln is giving renewed thought to the greatproblem of emancipation. He becomes more and more convinced that thesuccessof theWarcalls fordefiniteactionon thepartof theadministration inthe matter of slavery. He was, as before pointed out, anxious, not only as amatter of justice to loyal citizens, but on the ground of the importance ofretainingfor thenationalcause thesupportof theBorderStates, toact insuchmanner that the loyalcitizensof theseStatesshouldbeexposedtoaminimumloss and to the smallest possible risk of disaffection. In July, 1862, Lincolnformulatedapropositionforcompensatedemancipation.Itwashisideathatthenation should make payment of an appraised value in freeing the slaves thatwereintheownershipofcitizenswhohadremainedloyaltothegovernment.ItwashisbeliefthatthefundsrequiredwouldbemorethanoffsetbytheresultinfurtheringtheprogressoftheWar.Thedailyexpenditureofthegovernmentwasat the time averaging about amillion and a half dollars a day, and in 1864 itreachedtwomilliondollarsaday.IftheWarcouldbeshortenedafewmonths,asufficientamountofmoneywouldbesavedtooffsetaverysubstantialpaymenttoloyalcitizensforthepropertyrightsintheirslaves.

ThemenoftheBorderStateswere,however,stilltooboundtotheinstitutionofslavery to be prepared to give their assent to any such plan. Congress was,naturally,notreadytogivesupporttosuchapolicyunlessitcouldbemadeclearthat itwassatisfactory to thepeoplemostconcerned.The resultof theunwisestubbornness in this matter of the loyal citizens of Missouri, Kentucky,Tennessee,andMarylandwasthattheywerefinallyobligedtosurrenderwithoutcompensation the property control in their slaves. When the plan forcompensatedemancipationhad failed,Lincolndecided that the timehadcomeforunconditionalemancipation. InJuly,1862,heprepares thefirstdraftof theEmancipation Proclamation. It was his judgment, which was shared by themajorityofhisCabinet, that the issueof theproclamationshould,however,bedeferreduntilafter somesubstantialvictoryby thearmiesof theNorth. Itwasundesirabletogivetosuchastepthecharacterofanutteranceofdespairorevenof discouragement. It seemed evident, however, that theWar had brought thecountrytothepointatwhichslavery,theessentialcauseofthecleavagebetween

the States, must be removed. The bringing to an end of the nationalresponsibility for slavery would consolidate national opinion throughout theStates of theNorth andwould also strengthen the hands of the friends of theUnioninEnglandwherethechargehadrepeatedlybeenmadethattheNorthwasfighting,notagainstslaveryorforfreedomofanykind,butfordomination.TheproclamationwashelduntilafterthebattleofAntietaminSeptember,1862,andwas then issued to takeeffecton the firstof January,1863. Itdidproduce thehoped-for results. The cause of the North was now placed on a consistentfoundation.Itwasmadeclear thatwhenthefightfornationalityhadreachedasuccessfultermination,therewastobenofurthernationalresponsibilityforthegreatcrimeagainstcivilisation.Themanagementofthecontrabands,whowerefromweektoweekmakingtheirwayintothelinesoftheNorthernarmies,wassimplified.Therewasnofurtherquestionofholdingcolouredmensubjecttothepossible claim of a possibly loyal master. The work of organising colouredtroops,whichhadbeguninMassachusettssomemonthsearlierintheyear,wasnowpressedforwardwithsomemeasureofefficiency.Bostonsenttothefrontthe54thand55thMassachusettsregimentscomposedofcolouredtroopsandledbysuchmenasShawandHallowell.ThefirstSouthCarolinacolouredregimentwasraisedandplacedunderthecommandofColonelHigginson.

IhadmyselfsomeexperienceinLouisianawiththeworkofmouldingplantationhands into disciplined soldiers and I was surprised at the promptness of thetransformation. A contraband who made his way into the camp from the oldplantationwiththevagueideathathewasgoingtosecurefreedomwasofteninappearancebutanunpromisingspecimenoutofwhichtomakeasoldier.Hedidnotknowhowtoholdhimselfuprightortolooktheothermanintheface.Hisgait was shambly, his perceptions dull. It was difficult for him either to hearclearly, or to understand when heard, the word of instruction or command.When,however, theplantation ragshadbeendisposedofand(possiblyafterasouseintheMississippi)thecontrabandhadbeenputintotheblueuniformandhadhadthegunplacedonhisshoulder,hedevelopedatoncefroma"chattel"toaman.Hewasstill,foratimeatleast,clumsyandshambly.Theunderstandingof thewordofcommanddidnotcomeatonceandhis individualaction, ifbyanychanceheshouldbelefttoactalone,was,asarule,lessintelligent,lesstobedependedupon, than thatof thewhiteman.Buthe stoodup straight in thegarbofmanhood,lookedyoufairlyintheface,showedbyhisexpressionthathewasanxiousfortheprivilegeoffightingforfreedomandforcitizenship,andinLouisiana,andthroughoutthewholeterritoryoftheWar,everyblackregimentthatcame intoengagementshowed that itcouldbedependedupon.Before the

Warwasclosed,sometwohundredthousandnegroeshadbeenbroughtintotheranksoftheFederalarmyandtheirserviceconstitutedaveryvaluablefactorinthe final outcome of the campaigns. A battle like that at Milliken's Bend,Mississippi,inconsiderableinregardtothenumbersengaged,wasofdistinctiveimportance in showingwhat the blackmanwas able andwilling to do whenbroughtunderfireforthefirsttime.Acolouredregimentmadeupofmenwhoonlyafewweeksbeforehadbeenplantationhands,hadbeenleftonapointoftherivertobepickedupbyanexpectedtransport.TheregimentwasattackedbyaConfederate force of double or treble the number, the Southerners believingthat therewould be no difficulty in driving into the river this group of recentslaves.Onthefirstvolley,practicallyalloftheofficers(whowerewhite)werestruckdownandthelosswiththetroopswasalsoveryheavy.Thenegroes,whohadbutmadeabeginningwith theireducationas soldiers, appeared,however,nottohavelearnedanythingabouttheconditionsforsurrenderandtheysimplyfoughtonuntilnoonewasleftstanding.Thepercentageoflosstothenumbersengagedwas the heaviest of any action in theWar. The Southerners, in theircontempt for the possibility of negroes doing any real fighting, had in theirrushingattackexposedthemselvesmuchandhadthemselvessufferedseriously.When, inApril, 1865, after the forcing backofLee's lines, the hour came, solongwaitedforandsofiercelyfoughtfor,totakepossessionofRichmond,therewas a certain poetic justice in allowing the negro division, commanded byGeneralWeitzel,toheadthecolumnofadvance.

Through1862,andlater,wefindmuchcorrespondencefromLincolninregardto thepunishment of deserters.The armypenalty for desertionwhen the lineswereinfrontoftheenemy,wasdeath.Lincolnfounditverydifficult,however,to approve of a sentence of death for any soldier.Again and again hewrites,instructing thegeneral in the field towithhold theexecutionuntil he,Lincoln,had had an opportunity of passing upon the case. There is a long series ofinstances in which, sometimes upon application from the mother, but morefrequentlythroughthepersonalimpressiongainedbyhimselfofthecharacterofthedelinquent,Lincolndecidedtopardonyoungsterswhohad,inhisjudgment,simply failed to realise their full responsibility as soldiers.Not a fewof thesemen,permittedtoresumetheirarms,gaineddistinctionlaterforloyalservice.

In December, 1862, JeffersonDavis issued an order which naturally attractedsomeattention,directingthatGeneralBenjaminF.Butler,whencaptured,shouldbe"reservedforexecution."ButlerneverfellintothehandsoftheConfederatesand it is probable that if he had been taken prisoner, the order would have

remained an empty threat. From Lincoln came the necessary rejoinder that aConfederateofficerofequalrankwouldbeheldashostageforthesafetyofanyNortherngeneralwho,asprisoner,mightnotbeprotectedundertherulesofwar.

Lincoln'scorrespondenceduring1862,ayearwhichwasinmanywaysthemostdiscouragingofthesadyearsofthewar,showshowmuchhehadtoendureinthematterofpressureofunrequestedadviceandofundesiredcounselfromallkinds of voluntary advisers and active-minded citizens, all of whom believedthattheirviewswereimportant,ifnotessential,forthesalvationofthestate.InSeptember,1862,Lincolnwritestoafriend:

"I am approached with the most opposite opinions expressed on the part ofreligious men, each of whom is equally certain that he represents the divinewill."

Tooneof thesedelegationsofministers,Lincolngavea responsewhichwhilehomelyinitslanguagemusthavepresentedtohiscallersavividpictureoftheburdensthatwerebeingcarriedbytheleaderofthestate:

"Gentlemen,"hesaid,"supposeallthepropertyyoupossesswereingold,andyouhadplaceditinthehandsofBlondinto carry across the Niagara River on a rope. With slow,cautious, steady steps he walks the rope, bearing your all.Would you shake the cable and keep shouting to him,'Blondin, standup a little straighter!Blondin, stoop a littlemore;goa littlefaster; leanmoreto thesouth!Nowleanalittlemoretonorth!Wouldthatbeyourbehaviourinsuchanemergency?No,youwouldholdyourbreath, everyoneofyou,aswellasyourtongues.Youwouldkeepyourhandsoffuntilhewassafeontheotherside."

Another delegation, which had been urging somemonths in advance of whatLincoln believed to be the fitting time for the issuing of the Proclamation ofEmancipation,calledaskingthatthereshouldbenofurtherdelayintheaction.Oneoftheministers,ashewasretiring,turnedandsaidtoLincoln:"Whatyouhave said to us,Mr. President, compelsme to say to you in reply that it is amessage toyou fromourDivineMaster, throughme,commandingyou, sir, toopenthedoorsofbondage, that theslavemaygofree!"Lincolnreplied:"Thatmaybe,sir,forIhavestudiedthisquestionbynightandbyday,forweeksandformonths,butifitis,asyousay,amessagefromyourDivineMaster,isitnot

oddthattheonlychannelHecouldsenditbywasthatroundaboutroutethroughthewickedcityofChicago?"

AnotherversionofthestoryomitsthereferencetoChicago,andmakesLincoln'swords:

"IhopeitwillnotbeirreverentformetosaythatifitisprobablethatGodwouldreveal His will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might besupposedHewouldrevealitdirectlytome....WhatevershallappeartobeGod'swill,Iwilldo."

In September, 1862, General Lee carried his army intoMaryland, threateningBaltimoreandWashington. It isprobable that thepurposeof this invasionwasmorepolitical thanmilitary.TheConfederatecorrespondenceshowsthatDaviswasatthetimehopefulofsecuringtheinterventionofGreatBritainandFrance,and itwas natural to assume that the prospects of such interventionwould befurtheredifitcouldbeshownthattheSouthernarmy,insteadofbeingengagedinthedefenceofitsowncapital,wasactuallythreateningWashingtonandwaspossiblystrongenoughtoadvancefarthernorth.

GeneralPopehad,asaresultofhisdefeatatthesecondBullRun,inJuly,1862,losttheconfidenceofthePresidentandofthecountry.Thedefeatalonewouldnot necessarily have undermined his reputation, which had been that of aneffective soldier. He had, however, the fatal quality, too common with activeAmericans, of talking toomuch,whether in speech or in thewrittenword, ofpromisingthingsthatdidnotcomeoff,andofemphasisinghishighopinionofhisowncapacity.UnderthepressureofthenewperilindicatedbythepresenceofLee'stroopswithinafewmilesofthecapital,LincolnputtoonesidehisowngravedoubtsinregardtotheeffectivenessandtrustworthinessofMcClellanandgaveMcClellan one further opportunity to prove his ability as a soldier. Thepersonal reflections and aspersions against his Commander-in-chief of whichMcClellanhadbeenguilty,weighedwithLincolnnotatall;thePresident'ssolethoughtwasat this time, as always,howwith thematerial available could thecountrybestbeserved.

McClellan had his chance (and to fewmen is it given to havemore than onegreatopportunity)andagainhethrewitaway.HisarmywasstrongerthanthatofLee and he had the advantage of position and (for the first time against thisparticular antagonist) of nearness to his base of supplies. Lee had beencompelled to divide his army in order to get it promptly into position on the

north side of the Potomac. McClellan's tardiness sacrificed Harper's Ferry(which,onSeptember15th,wasactuallysurroundedbyLee'sadvance)withthelossoftwelvethousandprisoners.Throughanexceptionalpieceofgoodfortune,therecameintoMcClellan'shandsadespatchshowingtheactualpositionofthedifferentdivisionsofLee'sarmyandgivingevidencethatthetwowingsweresofarseparated that theycouldnotbebrought togetherwithin twenty-fourhours.Thehistorynowmakesclearthatfortwenty-fourhoursMcClellanhadthesafetyofLee'sarmyinhishands,butthoseprecioushourswerespentbyMcClellanin"gettingready,"thatistosay,invacillating.

Finally, therecamethetriflingsuccessatSouthMountainandthedrawnbattleofAntietam.Lee'sarmywaspermittedtorecrossthePotomacwithallitstrainsand even with the captured prisoners, andMcClellan lay waiting through theweeksforsomethingtoturnup.

AletterwrittenbyLincolnonthe13thofOctobershowsawonderfullyaccurateunderstanding ofmilitary conditions, and throws light also upon the characterandthemethodsofthoughtofthetwomen:

"Areyounotovercautiouswhenyouassumethatyoucannotdo what the enemy is constantly doing? Should you notclaim tobe at least his equal in prowess, and act upon theclaim? As I understand, you telegraphed General Halleckthatyoucannot subsistyourarmyatWinchesterunless therailroadfromHarper'sFerrytothatpointbeputinworkingorder. But the enemy does now subsist his army atWinchester,atadistancenearlytwiceasgreatasyouwouldhave to do, without the railroad last named. He nowwaggons from Culpeper Court House, which is just abouttwiceasfarasyouwouldhavetodofromHarper'sFerry.Heis certainly not more than half as well provided withwaggonsasyouare....Again,oneofthestandardmaximsofwar, as you know, is to 'operate upon the enemy'scommunicationswithout exposing your own.'You seem toactasifthisappliesagainstyou,butcannotapplyitinyourfavour.Changepositionswiththeenemy,andthinkyounothe would break your communication with Richmond intwenty-fourhours?...YouarenownearerRichmondthantheenemy isby the routeyoucanandhemust take.Whycanyounotreach therebeforehim,unlessyouadmit thathe is

morethanyourequalonamarch?Hisroute is thearcofacircle,while yours is the chord. The roads are as good onyoursideasonhis...Ifheshouldmovenorthward,Iwouldfollow him closely, holding his communications. If heshould prevent our seizing his communications and movetowardsRichmond,Iwouldpresscloselytohim,fighthim,ifafavourableopportunityshouldpresent,andatleasttrytobeathimtoRichmondontheinsidetrack.Isay'Try';ifwenever try,we shall never succeed.... Ifwe cannot beat himwhen he bears thewastage of coming to us,we never canwhenwe bear thewastage of going to him....Aswemustbeat him somewhere or fail finally,we can do it, if at all,easierneartousthanfaraway....It isalleasyifourtroopsmarch aswell as the enemy, and it is unmanly to say thattheycannotdoit."

The patience of Lincoln and that of the country behind Lincoln were at lastexhausted.McClellanwasorderedtoreporttohishomeinNewJerseyandtheGeneral who had come to the front with such flourish of trumpets and hadundertakentodictateanationalpolicyatatimewhenhewasnotabletokeephisownarmyinposition,retiresfromthehistoryoftheWar.

The responsibility again comes to thewearyCommander-in-chief of finding aleader who could lead, in whom the troops and the country would haveconfidence,andwhocouldbe trusted todohissimpledutyasageneral in thefieldwithoutconfusinghismilitaryresponsibilitieswithpoliticalscheming.Thechoice first fell upon Burnside. Burnside was neither ambitious nor self-confident. Hewas a good division general, but he doubted his ability for thegeneral command. Burnside loyally accepts the task, does the best that waswithin his power and, pitted against a commander who was very much hissuperioringeneralcapacityaswellasinmilitaryskill,hefails.Oncemorehasthe President on his hands the serious problem of finding the rightman.ThistimethecommissionwasgiventoGeneralJosephHooker.Withthelaterrecordsbeforeus,itiseasytopointoutthatthisselectionalsowasablunder.Therewerebettermeninthegroupofmajor-generals.Reynolds,Meade,orHancockwoulddoubtless have made more effective use of the power of the army of thePotomac, but in January, 1863, the relative characters and abilities of thesegenerals were not so easily to be determined. Lincoln's letter to Hooker wasnoteworthy,notonlyintheindicationthatitgivesofHooker'scharacterbutas

anexampleof thePresident'swidthofviewandofhismethodofcoming intotherightrelationwithmen.Hewrites:

"Youhaveconfidenceinyourself,whichisavaluableifnotan indispensable quality.... I think, however, that duringGeneral Burnside's command of the army, you have takencounselofyourambitionandhavethwartedhimasmuchasyoucould,inwhichyoudidagreatwrongtothecountryandtoamostmeritoriousandhonourablebrotherofficer.Ihaveheard of your recently saying that both the army and thegovernmentneededadictator.Ofcourse itwasnot for thisbut in spiteof it that Ihavegivenyou thecommand.Onlythose generals who gain success can set up as dictators.WhatInowaskofyouismilitarysuccessandIwillriskthedictatorship.Thegovernmentwillsupportyoutothebestofitsability,whichisneithermorenorlessthanithasdoneandwill do for all its commanders.... Beware of rashness, butwithenergyandsleeplessvigilancegoforwardandgiveusvictories."

Hooker, likeBurnside,undoubtedlydid thebest thathecould.Hewasa loyalpatriot and had shown himself a good division commander. It is probable,however,thatthelimitofhisabilityasageneralinthefieldwasthemanagementofanarmycorps;he seems tohavebeenconfused in theattempt todirect themovementsofthelargerbody.AtChancellorsville,hewasclearlyoutwittedbyhis opponents, Lee and Jackson. Themen of the army of the Potomac foughtsteadilyasalwaysbutwiththediscouragingfeelingthatthesoldiersontheotherside of the line had the advantage of better brain power behind them. It ishumiliatingtoreadinthelifeofJacksonthereplygivenbyhimtoLeewhenLeequestionedthesafetyofthefamousmarchplannedbyJacksonacrossthefrontof theFederal line. SaidLee: "There are several points along the line of yourproposedmarchatwhichyour columncouldbe taken in flankwithdisastrousresults." "But,GeneralLee," replies Jackson, "wemust surely inplanninganymilitarymovementstakeintoaccountthepersonalityoftheleaderstowhomweareopposed."

VII

THETHIRDANDCRUCIALYEAROFTHEWAR

Chancellorsvillewas fought and lost, and again, under political pressure fromRichmondratherthanwithanyhopeofadvantageonsimplemilitarylines,LeeleadshisarmytoaninvasionoftheNorth.Forthistherewereatthetimeseveralapparentadvantages;thearmyofthePotomachadbeentwicebeatenand,whileby no means demoralised, was discouraged and no longer had faith in itscommander. There was much inevitable disappointment throughout the Norththat, so far frommakingprogress in theattempt to restore theauthorityof thegovernment,thenationaltroopswereonthedefensivebutafewmilesfromthenationalcapital.TheConfederatecorrespondence fromLondonand fromParisgavefreshhopesforthelongexpectedintervention.

Lee'sarmywascleverlywithdrawnfromHooker'sfrontandwascarriedthroughwesternMaryland intoPennsylvaniaby theold lineof theShenandoahValleyandacrossthePotomacatFallingWaters.HookerreportstoLincolnunderdateof June 4th that the army or an army is still in his front on the line of theRappahannock, Lincoln writes to Hooker under date of June 5th, "We havereport that Lee's army is moving westward and that a large portion of it isalreadytothewestoftheBlueRidge.The'bull'[Lee'sarmy]isacrossthefenceanditsurelyought tobepossibletoworryhim."OnJune14th,Lincolnwritesagain, reporting toHooker thatLeewith thebodyofhis troops isapproachingthePotomacatapointfortymilesawayfromthelineof theentrenchmentsonthe Rappahannock. "The animal [Lee's army] is extended over a line of fortymiles.Itmustbeveryslimsomewhere.Canyounotcutit?"Thephrasesarenotinmilitaryformbuttheygiveevidenceofsoundmilitaryjudgment.Hookerwasunable to grasp the opportunity, and realising this himself, he asked to berelieved.ThetroublesomeandanxioushonourofthecommandofthearmynowfallsuponGeneralMeade.HetakesovertheresponsibilityatatimewhenLee'sarmyisalreadysafelyacrossthePotomacandadvancingnorthward,apparentlytowardsPhiladelphia.Histroopsaremoreorlessscatteredandnodefiniteplanof campaign appears to have been formulated. The events of the next threeweeksconstitutepossiblythebestknownportionoftheWar.Meadeshowsgood

energyinbreakinguphisencampmentalongtheRappahannockandgettinghiscolumnontotheroadnorthward.Fortunately,thearmyofthePotomacforoncehastheadvantageoftheinteriorlinesothatMeadeisabletoplacehisarmyinaposition that protects at onceWashington on the south-west,Baltimore on theeast,andPhiladelphiaon thenorth-east.Wecan,however,picture toourselvestheanxiety thatmusthaverestedupon theCommander-in-chief inWashingtonduring theweeksof thecampaignandduring the threedaysof thegreatbattlewhichwasfoughtonNorthernsoilandmilestothenorthoftheNortherncapital.If,on thatcritical thirddayof July, theFederal lineshadbeenbrokenand thearmydisorganised,therewasnothingthatcouldpreventthenationalcapitalfromcominginto thecontrolofLee'sarmy.ThesurrenderofWashingtonmeant theinterventionofFranceandEngland,meantthefailureoftheattempttopreservethenation'sexistence,meantthatAbrahamLincolnwouldgodowntohistoryasthelastPresidentoftheUnitedStates,thePresidentunderwhoseleadershipthenationalhistoryhadcometoaclose.ButtheFederallineswerenotbroken.Thethird day of Gettysburg made clear that with equality of position and withsubstantialequalityinnumberstherewasnobetterfightingmaterialinthearmyofthegreythaninthearmyoftheblue.TheadvanceofPickett'sdivisiontothecrest of Cemetery Ridge marked the high tide of the Confederate cause.Longstreet's men were not able to prevail against the sturdy defence ofHancock'ssecondcorpsandwhen,ontheFourthofJuly,Lee'sarmytookupitslineofretreattothePotomac,leavingbehinditthousandsofdeadandwounded,thecalmjudgmentofLeeandhisassociatesmusthavemadecleartothemthatthe cause of the Confederacy was lost. The army of Northern Virginia hadshattered itself against the defences of the North, and there was for Lee noreserve line. For a long series of months to come, Lee, magnificent engineerofficer thathewas,andwitha sturdypersistencywhichwithstoodalldisaster,wasable tomaintaindefensive lines in theWilderness,atColdHarbor,and infrontofPetersburg,butashisbrigadescrumbledawayunderthepersistentandunceasingattacksofthearmyofthePotomac,hemusthaverealisedlongbeforethedayofAppomattoxthathistaskwasimpossible.WhatGettysburgdecidedintheEastwasconfirmedwithequalemphasisbythefallofVicksburgintheWest.On theFourthof July,1863, thedayonwhichLee,defeatedanddiscouraged,was takinghis shatteredarmyoutofPennsylvania,GeneralGrantwasplacingtheStarsandStripesovertheearthworksofVicksburg.TheMississippiwasnowunderthecontroloftheFederalistsfromitssourcetothemouth,andthatportionof theConfederacy lying to thewestof the riverwascutoff so that from thisterritorynofurtherco-operationof importancecouldberendered to thearmieseitherofJohnstonorofLee.

Lincoln writes to Grant after the fall of Vicksburg giving, with his word ofcongratulation, theadmission thathe(Lincoln)haddoubted thewisdomor thepracticability of Grant's movement to the south of Vicksburg and inland toJackson."Youwereright,"saidLincoln,"andIwaswrong."

Onthe19thofNovember,1863,comestheGettysburgaddress,soeloquentinitssimplicity. It isprobable thatnospeaker in recordedhistoryever succeeded inputting into so fewwords somuch feeling, such suggestive thought, and suchhigh idealism. The speech is one that children can understand and that thegreatestmindsmustadmire.

FACSIMILEOFGETTYSBURGADDRESSFACSIMILEOFGETTYSBURGADDRESS

FACSIMILEOFGETTYSBURGADDRESS.

Address delivered at the dedication of the cemetery atGettysburg.

Fourscoreandsevenyearsagoourfathersbroughtforthonthis continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, anddedicatedtothepropositionthatallmenarecreatedequal.

Nowweareengagedinagreatcivilwar,testingwhetherthatnation, or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, canlong endure.We aremet on a great battlefield of thatwar.Wehavecometodedicateaportionof that field,asafinalresting place for thosewho here gave their lives that theirnationmight live. It isaltogetherfittingandproper thatweshouldthis.

But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannotconsecrate,we cannot hallow this ground. The bravemen,living anddeadwho struggledhere have consecrated it faraboveourpoorpowertoaddordetract.Theworldwilllittlenotenor longrememberwhatwesayhere,but itcanneverforgetwhattheydidhere.Itisforusthelivingrathertobededicated here to the unfinished work which they whofoughtherehavethusfarsonoblyadvanced.Itisratherforustobeherededicatedtothegreattaskremainingbeforeus—thatfromthesehonoreddeadwetakeincreaseddevotion

to that cause for which they gave the last full measure ofdevotion—thatweherehighlyresolve that thesedeadshallnothavediedinvain,thatthisnationunderGodshallhaveanewbirthoffreedom,andthatgovernmentofthepeople,bythepeople,forthepeopleshallnotperishfromtheearth.

AbrahamLincoln

November19,1863

There was disappointment that Meade had not shown more energy afterGettysburginthepursuitofLee'sarmyandthatsomeattempt,atleast,hadnotbeenmadetointerferewiththeretreatacrossthePotomac.Militarycriticshavein fact pointed out that Meade had laid himself open to criticism in themanagementof thebattle itself.At the timeof the repulseofPickett's charge,Meadehadavailableattheleftandinrearofhiscentrethesixthcorpswhichhadhardlybeenengagedontheprevioustwodays,andwhichincludedsomeofthebestfightingmaterialinthearmy.Ithasbeenpointedoutmorethanoncethatifthatcorpshadbeenthrowninatoncewithacounterchargeupontheheelsoftheretreating divisions of Longstreet, Lee's right must have been curled up andoverwhelmed. If this had happened,Lee's armywould have been so seriouslyshattered that its power for future service would have been inconsiderable.Meade was accepted as a good working general but the occasion demandedsomethingmore forcible in theway of leadership and, early in 1864, Lincolnsends for the man who by his success in the West had won the hopefulconfidenceofthePresidentandthepeople.

BeforethisappointmentofGeneral-in-chiefwasgiventoGeneralGrant,andhecame to theEast to takechargeof thearmies inVirginia,hehadbrought to asuccessful conclusion a dramatic campaign, of which Chattanooga was thecentre.InSeptember,1863,GeneralRosecrans,whohadoccupiedChattanooga,was defeated some twentymiles to the south on the field of Chickamauga, adefeatwhichwas the resultof toomuchconfidenceon thepartof theFederalcommander, who in pressing his advance had unwisely separated the greatdivisions of his army, and of excellent skill and enterprise on the part of theConfederatecommander,GeneralBragg.IfthetroopsofRosecranshadnotbeenveterans,andiftherightwinghadnotbeenundertheimmediatecommandofsosturdy and unconquered a veteran as General Thomas, the defeat might havebecomearout.As itwas, thearmyretreatedwithsomediscouragementbut ingood fighting force, to the lines of Chattanooga. By skilful disposition of his

forces across the lines of connection between Chattanooga and the base ofsupplies,GeneralBraggbrought theFederalsalmost to thepointof starvation,andtherewasgraveriskthatthroughthenecessaryfallingbackofthearmytosecuresupplies, thewholeadvantageof thepreviousyear'scampaignmightbelost.Grantwas placed in charge of the forces inChattanooga, and by a goodmanagementoftheresourcesavailable,hesucceededinreopeningtheriverandwhat became known as "the cracker line," and in November, 1863, in thedramatic battles of Lookout Mountain, fought more immediately by GeneralHooker, and ofMissionary Ridge, the troops of which were under the directcommandofGeneralSherman,overwhelmedthelinesofBragg,andpressedhisforces back into a more or less disorderly retreat. An important factor in thedefeatofBraggwasthedetachingfromhisarmyofthecorpsunderLongstreetwhichhadbeen sent toKnoxville in a futile attempt to crushBurnside and toreconquer East Tennessee for the Confederacy. This plan, chiefly political inpurpose, was said to have originatedwith PresidentDavis. The armies of theWestwere now placed under the command ofGeneral Sherman, and early in1864, Grant was brought to Virginia to take up the perplexing problem ofovercomingthesturdyveteransofGeneralLee.

The first action of Grant as commander of all the armies in the field was toconcentrate all the available forces against the two chief armies of theConfederacy. The old policy of occupying outlying territory for the sake ofmakingashowofpoliticalauthoritywasgivenup.IfJohnstonintheWestandLeeintheEastcouldbecrushed,thenationalauthoritywouldberestoredindueseason, and thatwas theonlyway inwhich it couldbe restored.Troopsweregathered in fromMissouriandArkansasandLouisianaandwereplacedunderthe command of Sherman for use in the final effort of breaking through thecentreoftheConfederacy,whileintheEastnothingwasneglectedonthepartofthe new administration to secure for the direction of the new commander allresourcesavailableofmenandofsupplies.

Grant now finds himself pitted against the first soldier of the continent, theleaderwhoistogodowntohistoryasprobablythegreatestsoldierthatAmericahas ever produced. Lee's military career is a wonderful example of acombination of brilliancy, daring ingenuity of plan, promptness of action, andpatient persistence under all kinds of discouragement, but it was not onlythrough these qualities that it was possible for him to retain control, throughthreeyearsofheavyfighting,oftheterritoryofVirginia,whichcametobethechiefbulwarkoftheConfederacy.Lee'shighcharacter,sweetnessofnature,and

unselfish integrity of purpose had impressed themselves not only upon theConfederateadministrationwhichhadgivenhimthecommandbutuponeverysoldier in that command.For the armyofNorthernVirginiaLeewas themanbehindthegunsjustasLincolncametobeforallthemeninblue.Thereneverwasamoredevotedarmyandthereprobablyneverwasabetterhandledarmythan that with which Lee defended for three years the lines across NorthernVirginiaandtheremnantsofwhichwerefinallysurrenderedatAppomattox.

Grantmightwellhavefeltconcernedwithsuchanopponentinfrontofhim.Hehadonhishands(ashadbeenthealmostuniformconditionforthearmyofthePotomac)thedisadvantageofposition.Hisadvancemustbemadefromexteriorlinesandnearlyeveryattackwastobeagainstwellentrenchedpositionsthathadbeenfirstselectedyearsbackandhadbeenstrengthenedfromseasontoseason.On the other hand, Grant was able to depend upon the loyal support of theadministration throughwhichcame tohisarmy the full advantageof thegreatresources of the North. His ranks as depleted were filled up, his commissarytrains need never be long unsupplied, his ammunition waggons were alwaysequipped.ForLee,duringtheyearsfollowingtheGettysburgbattle,theproblemwasunendingandincreasing:Howshouldthetroopsbefedandwhenceshouldtheysecurethefreshsuppliesofammunition?

BetweenGrantandLincoln therecame tobeperfect sympathyof thoughtandaction.Themenhadintheirnature(thoughnotintheirmentalequipment)muchincommon.Grantcarrieshisarmythroughthespringof1864,acrossthemuchfoughtoverterritory,marchingandfightingfromdaytodaytowardsthesouth-west.TheeffortisalwaystooutflankLee'sright,gettinginbetweenhimandhisbase at Richmond, but after each fight, Lee's army always bars the way.MarchingoutoftheWildernessaftersevendays'fiercestruggle,Grantstillfindsthe lineofgreyblockinghispath toRichmond.Thearmyof thePotomachadbeenmarchingandfightingwithoutbreak forweeks.Therehadbeenbut littlesleep,andthefoodinthetrainswasoftenfaroutofthereachofthemeninthefightingline.Menandofficerswerealikeexhausted.Whileadvantageshadbeengainedatonepointoranotheralong the line,andwhile itwascertain that theopposing army had also suffered severely, there had been no conclusivesuccessestoinspiritthetroopswiththefeelingthattheyweretoseizevictoryoutofthecampaign.

In emerging from theWilderness, the head of the column reached the cross-roads the left fork of which led back to the Potomac and the right fork toRichmondortoPetersburg.Inthepreviouscampaigns,thearmyofthePotomac,

after doing its share of plucky fighting and taking more than its share ofdiscouragement,hadatsuchapointbeenwithdrawnforrestandrecuperation.Itwasnotanunnaturalexpectationthatthiscoursewouldbetakeninthepresentcampaign. The road to the right meant further fatigue and further continuousfightingformenwhowerealreadyexhausted.Intheleadingbrigadeitwasonlythebrigadecommanderandtheadjutantwhohadknowledgeoftheinstructionsforthelineofmarch.When,withawaveofthehandoftheadjutant,theguidonflagofthebrigadewascarriedtotherightandtheheadofthecolumnwassettowardsRichmond,ashoutwentupfromthemenmarchingbehindtheguidon.Itwasanutterancenotofdiscouragementbutofenthusiasm.Exhaustingasthecampaignhadbeen,themenintherankspreferredtofightitoutthenandtogetthrough with it. Old soldiers as they were, they were able to understand theactual issue of the contest. Their plucky opponents were as exhausted asthemselves and possibly even more exhausted. It was only through thehammering of Lee's diminishing army out of existence that theWar could bebroughttoaclose.Theenthusiasticshoutofsatisfactionrolledthroughthelongcolumnreachingtwentymilesback,asthenewspassedfrombrigadetobrigadethatthearmywasnottobewithdrawnbutwas,asGrant'sreporttoLincolnwasworded, "to fight it out on this line if it took all summer."When this reportreachedLincoln, he felt that the selection ofGrant as Lieutenant-General hadbeenjustified.Hesaid:"Weneedthisman.Hefights."

InJuly,1864,Washingtonisoncemorewithinreachifnotoftheinvaderatleastoftheraider.TheFederalforceshadbeenconcentratedinGrant'slinesalongtheJames, and General Jubal Early, one of the most energetic fighters of theSouthernarmy, temptedby theapparentlyunprotectedconditionof thecapital,dashedacrossthePotomaconaraidthatbecamefamous.It isprobablethat inthisundertaking,asinsomeoftheothermovementsthathavebeenreferredtoonthepartoftheSouthernleaders,thepurposewasasmuchpoliticalasmilitary.Early'sforceoffromfifteentosixteenthousandmenwas,ofcourse,innowaystrongenough tobeanarmyof invasion.Thebestsuccess forwhichhecouldhope would be, in breaking through the defences ofWashington, to hold thecapitalforadayorevenafewhours.ThecaptureofWashingtonin1864,asin1863orin1862,wouldinallprobabilityhavebroughtaboutthelong-hoped-forinterventionofFranceandEngland.GeneralLewWallace,whosenamebecameknownintheyearsaftertheWarthroughsomenoteworthyromances,BenHurandTheFairGod,andwhowas incommandofadivisionof troopsstationedwestofWashington,andcomposedinpartof loyalMarylandersand inpartofconvalescentswhowereabouttobereturnedtothefront,fellbackbeforeEarly's

advancetoMonocacyCreek.Hedisposedhisthinlinecleverlyinthethicketsontheeastsideofthecreekinsuchfashionastogivetheimpressionofaforceofsomesizewithanadvancelineofskirmishers.Early'sadvancewascheckedforsomehoursbeforeherealised that therewasnothingof importance in frontofhim;whenWallace'sdivisionwaspromptlyoverwhelmedandscattered.Thefewhoursthathadthusbeensavedwere,however,offirstimportanceforthesafetyofWashington.Early reached theouter linesof the fortificationsof thecapitalsome time after sunset. His immediate problem was to discover whether thetroopswhichwere, asheknew,beinghurriedup from the armyof the James,had reachedWashington or whether the capital was still under the protectiononlyofitsso-calledhome-guardofveteranreserves.Thesereservesweremadeupofmenmoreorlesscrippledandunfitforworkinthefieldbutwhowerestillable to do service on fortifications. They comprised in all about six thousandmen and were under the command of Colonel Wisewell. The force wasstrengthenedsomewhatthatnightbytheadditionofallofthemalenursesfromthehospitals(themselvesconvalescents)whowereabletobeararms.Thatnightthewomennurses,whohadalreadybeeninattendanceduringthehoursoftheday,hadtorenderdoubleservice.LincolnhadhimselfintheafternoonstoodontheworkswatchingthedustoftheConfederateadvance.OncemoretherecametothePresidentwhohadinhishandstheresponsibilityforthedirectionof theWarthebitternessofthefeeling,ifnotofpossiblefailure,atleastofimmediatemortification.He knew thatwithin twenty-four or thirty-six hoursWashingtoncoulddependuponreceivingthetroopsthatwerebeinghurriedupfromGrant'sarmy,buthealso realisedwhatenormousmischiefmightbebroughtaboutbyeven amomentary occupation of the national capital byConfederate troops. Ihadsomepersonalinterestinthissidecampaign.The19tharmycorps,towhichmyown regiment belonged, had been brought fromLouisiana toVirginia andhadbeen landedon theJamesRiver tostrengthen the ranksofGeneralButler.Therehadnotbeentimetoassigntouspostsinthetrenchesandwehad,infact,notevenbeenplacedinposition.Weweremorenearlyinmarchingorderthanany other troops available and itwas therefore the divisions of the 19th armycorps thatwere selected tobehurriedup toWashington.To thesewere addedtwodivisionsofthe6thcorps.

ColonelWisewell, commanding thedefencesof thecity, realised thenatureofhisproblem.HehadgottoholdthelinesofWashington,costwhatitmight,untilthe arrival of the troops fromGrant. He took the bold step of placing on thepicketlinethatnighteverymanwithinreach,oratleasteveryloyalmanwithinreach (for plenty of themen inWashington were looking and hoping for the

success of the South). The instructions usually given to pickets were in thisinstance reversed. The men were ordered, in place of keeping their positionshiddenandofmaintainingabsolutequiet, tomove frompost topostalong thewhole line,and theywerealsoordered,withoutanyreference to thesavingofammunition,toshootofftheircarbinesontheleastpossiblepretextandwithoutpretext.ThearmorieswerethenbeginningtosendtothefrontSharp'srepeatingcarbines.Theinventionofbreech-loadingriflescametoolatetobeofservicetotheinfantryoneitherside,butduringthelastyearoftheWar,certainbrigadesofcavalry were armed with Sharp's breech-loaders. The infantry weapon usedthrough theWar by the armies of theNorth as by those of the Southwas themuzzle-loadingriflewhichborethenameonoursideoftheSpringfieldandonthe Confederate side of the Enfield. The larger portion of the Northern riflesweremanufactured inSpringfield,Massachusetts,while theSouthern rifles, ingreatpart importedfromEngland, took theirnamefromtheEnglishfactory. Itwasofconvenienceforbothsidesthatthetworifleswerepracticallyidenticalsothat captured pieces and captured ammunition could be interchanged withoutdifficulty.

Early's skirmish line was instructed early in the night to "feel" the Federalpickets, an instruction which resulted in a perfect blaze of carbine fire fromWisewell'smen.Thereport thatwent toEarlywasthat thepicket linemustbeabout six thousand strong. The conclusion on the part of the old ConfederatecommanderwasthatthetroopsfromthearmyofthePotomacmusthavereachedthecity.Ifthatweretrue,therewas,ofcourse,nochancethatonthefollowingdayhecouldbreakthroughtheentrenchments,whiletherewasconsiderableriskthat his retreat to the Shenandoah might be cut off. Early the next morning,therefore,thedisappointedEarlyledhismenbacktoFallingWaters.

Ihappenedduring the followingwinter,when inprison inDanville, tomeet aConfederatelieutenantwhohadbeenonEarly'sstaffandwhohadlostanarminthis little campaign. He reported that when Early, on recrossing the Potomac,learnedthathehadhadWashingtoninhisgraspandthatthedivisionsmarchingto its relief did not arrive and could not have arrived for another twenty-fourhours,hewasaboutthemaddestEarlythatthelieutenanthadeverseen."And,"addedthelieutenant,"whenEarlywasangry,theatmospherebecameblue."

VIII

THEFINALCAMPAIGN

Afterthiscloseescape,itwascleartoGrantasithadbeencleartoLincolnthatwhatever forces were concentrated before Petersburg, the line of advance forConfederate invaders through the Shenandoah must be blocked. GeneralSheridan was placed in charge of the army of the Shenandoah and the 19thcorps, instead of returning to the trenches of the James, marched on fromWashingtontoMartinsburgandWinchester.

InSeptember,thecommanderinWashingtonhadthesatisfactionofhearingthathisoldassailantEarlyhadbeensent"whirlingthroughWinchester"bythefierceadvanceofSheridan.LincolnrecognisedthepossibilitythatEarlymightrefuseto stay defeated and might make use, as had so often before been done byConfederate commanders in the Valley, of the short interior line to securereinforcements from Richmond and to make a fresh attack. On the 29th ofSeptember, twenty days before this attack came off, Lincoln writes to Grant:"Lee may be planning to reinforce Early. Care should be taken to trace anymovement of troops westward." On the 19th of October, the persistent oldfighterEarly,notwillingtoacknowledgehimselfbeatenandunderstandingthathehad todowithanarmy that for themomentdidnothave theadvantageofSheridan's leadership, made his plucky, and for the time successful, fight atCedarCreek.ThearrivalofSheridanatthecriticalhourintheafternoonofthe19th ofOctober did not, as has sometimes been stated, check the retreat of ademoralisedarmy.Sheridanfoundhisarmydrivenback,tobesure,fromitsfirstposition,butinoccupationofawellsupportedlineacrossthepikefromwhichhad just been thrown back the last attack made by Early's advance. It wasSheridan however who decided not only that the battle which had been lostcouldberegained,butthattheworkcouldbedonetobestadvantagerightawayonthatday,anditwasSheridanwholedhistroopsthroughthetooshorthoursoftheOctoberafternoonbacktotheiroriginalpositionfromwhichbeforedarktheywereable topushEarly'sfatiguedfightersacrossCedarCreeksouthward.Lincolnhadfoundanothermanwhocouldfight.Hewasbeginningtobeabletoput trust in leaders who, instead of having to be replaced, were with each

campaigngatheringfreshexperienceandmoreeffectivecapacity.

From the West also came reports, in this autumn of 1864, from a fightinggeneral.Shermanhadcarriedthearmy,afteritssuccessatChattanooga,throughthe long line of advance to Atlanta, by outflanking movements against JoeJohnston,theFabiusoftheConfederacy,andwhenJohnstonhadbeenreplacedby the headstrongHood, had promptly taken advantage ofHood's rashness toshatter the organisation of the army of Georgia. The capture of Atlanta inSeptember,1864,broughttoLincolninWashingtonandtotheNorththefeelingofcertaintythatthedaysoftheConfederacywerenumbered.

ThesecondinvasionofTennesseebythearmyofHood,renderedpossiblebythemarchofSherman to the sea, appeared for themoment to threaten thecontrolthat had been secured of the all-important region of whichNashville was thecentre,butHood'smarchcouldonlybedescribedasdaringbutfutile.Hehadnobaseandno supplies.His advancedid somedesperate fightingat thebattleofFranklin and succeeded indrivingback the rear-guardofThomas's army, ablycommandedbyGeneralSchofield,buttheConfederateranksweresoseriouslyshatteredthatwhentheytookpositioninfrontofNashvilletheynolongerhadadequatestrengthtomakethesiegeofthecityseriousevenasathreat.Thomashad only to wait until his own preparations were completed and then, on thesamedayinDecemberonwhichShermanwasenteringSavannah,Thomas,sotospeak,"tookpossession"ofHood'sarmy.AfterthefightatNashville,therewereleftoftheConfederateinvadersonlyafewscattereddivisions.

ItwasjustbeforethenewsofthevictoryatNashvillethatLincolnmadetimetowritethelettertoMrs.Bixbywhosenamecomesintohistoryasanillustrationofthethoughtfulsympathyofthegreatcaptain:

"I have been shown in the files of theWar Department astatementof theadjutant-generalofMassachusetts thatyouarethemotheroffivesonswhodiedgloriouslyonthefieldofbattle.Ifeelhowweakandfruitlessmustbeanywordsofminewhichshouldattempttobeguileyoufromthegriefofalosssooverwhelming,butIcannotrefrainfromtenderingtoyou theconsolation thatmaybe found in the thanksof theRepublictheydiedtosave.IpraythatourHeavenlyFathermayassuagetheanguishofyourbereavementandleaveyouonly the cherished memory of the loved and lost and thepride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrificeuponthealtaroffreedom."

InMarch,1864,LincolnwritestoGrant:"NewYorkvotestogivevotestothesoldiers.Tellthesoldiers."ThedecisionofNewYorkinregardtothecollectionfromthesoldiersineachfieldofthevotesforthecomingPresidentialelectionwas in line with that arrived at by all of the States. The plan presenteddifficulties and, in connection with the work of special commissioners, itinvolvedalsoexpense.Itwas,however,oneverygrounddesirablethatthemenwho were risking their lives in defence of the nation should be given theopportunityof takingpart in the selectionof thenation's leader,whowasalsounder theConstitution the commander-in-chief of the armies in the field. Thevotesofsomefourhundredthousandmenconstitutedalsoanimportantfactorintheelectionitself.Iamnotsurethattheattemptwasevermadetoseparateandclassify the soldiers' vote but it is probable that although the Democraticcandidate was McClellan, a soldier who had won the affection of the menserving under him, and the opposing candidate was a civilian, a substantialmajorityofthevoteofthesoldierswasgiventoLincoln.

SecretaryChasehadfallenintothehabitofemphasisingwhathebelievedtobehis indispensability in the Cabinet by threatening to resign, or even bysubmitting a resignation, whenever his suggestions or conclusions met withopposition.Thesethreatshadbeenreceivedwithpatienceuptothepointwhenpatienceseemedtobenolongeravirtue;butfinally,when(inMay,1864)sucharesignationwas tenderedundersomeaggravationofoppositionorofcriticism,verymuchtoChase'ssurprisetheresignationwasaccepted.

TheSecretaryhadhad in train forsomemonthsactiveplans forbecoming theRepublicancandidateforthePresidentialcampaignof1864.Evidencehadfrom

time to time during the preceding year been brought to Lincoln of Chase'santagonism and of his hopes of securing the leadership of the party. Chase'soppositiontocertainofLincoln'spolicieswasdoubtlesshonestenough.Hehadbrought himself to believe that Lincoln did not possess the force and thequalitiesrequiredtobringtheWartoaclose.Hehadalsoconvincedhimselfthathe,Chase,wastheman,andpossiblywastheonlyman,whowasfittedtomeetthespecialrequirementsofthetask.Mr.Chasedidpossesstheconfidenceofthemore extreme of the anti-slavery groups throughout the country. Hisadministration of the Treasury had been able and valuable, but the increasingdifficulty that had been found in keeping the Secretary of the Treasury inharmonious relationswith the othermembers of the administration caused hisretirementtobeonthewholearelief.Lincolncametotheconclusionthatmoreeffectiveservicecouldbesecuredfromsomeotherman,evenifpossessinglessability,whose temperamentmade it possible for him towork in co-operation.The unexpected acceptance of the resignation caused toChase and toChase'sfriendsnolittlebitterness,whichfoundventinsharpcriticismsofthePresident.Neitherbitternessnorcriticismscould,however,preventLincolnfromretainingacordialappreciationfortheabilitiesandthepatriotismoftheman,and,laterintheyear,LincolnsentinhisnominationasChiefJusticeoftheSupremeCourt.Chase himself, in his lack of capacity to appreciate the self-forgetfulness ofLincoln'snature,wasprobablymoresurprisedbyhisnominationasChiefJusticethan he had been by the acceptance of his resignation as Secretary of theTreasury.

In July, 1864, comes a fresh risk of international complications through theinvasionofMexicobyaFrencharmycommandedbyBazaine,sevenyearslaterto be known as the (more or less) hero of Metz. Lotus Napoleon had beenunwilling to give up his dreamof aFrench empire, or of an empire institutedunderFrenchinfluence,intheWesternHemisphere.Hewasstillhopeful,ifnotconfident,thattheUnitedStateswouldnotbeabletomaintainitsexistence;andhe felt assured that if the Southern Confederacy should finally be establishedwith the friendlyco-operationofFrance,hewouldbe leftunmolested tocarryouthisownschemesinMexico.Hehadinducedanhonest-mindedbutnotveryclearheadedPrince,Maximilian,thebrotheroftheEmperorofAustria,toacceptathroneinMexicotobeestablishedbyFrenchbayonets,andwhich,astheresultshowed, could sustain itself only while those bayonets were available. Thepresence of French troops on American soil brought fresh anxieties to theadministration;butitwasrecognisedthatnothingcouldbedoneforthemoment,andLincolnandhisadviserswerehopefulthattheMexicans,beforetheircapital

had been taken possession of by the invader,would be able tomaintain somenationalgovernmentuntil,withthesuccessfulcloseofitsownWar, theUnitedStatescouldcometothedefenceofthesisterrepublic.

Theextremeanti-slaverygroupoftheRepublicanpartyhad,asindicated,neverbeen fully satisfied with the thoroughness of the anti-slavery policy of theadministrationandMr.ChaseretaineduntiltheactionoftheconventioninJunethehopethathemightthroughtheinfluenceofthisgroupsecurethePresidency.Lincoln remarks in connection with this candidacy: "If Chase becomesPresident, all right. I hopewemay never have aworseman." From themoreconservative wing of the Republican party came suggestions as to thenominationofGrantand thisplanbrought fromLincoln the remark: "IfGranttakesRichmond,byallmeanslethimhavethenomination."Whenthedelegatescame together,however, inBaltimore, itwasevident that, representingas theydidthesoberandwell-thought-outconvictionsof thepeople,nocandidacybutthat of Lincoln could secure consideration and his nominationwas practicallyunanimous.

TheelectioninNovembergaveevidencethat,eveninthemidstofcivilwar,apeople's government can sustain the responsibility of a national election. ThelargepopularmajoritiesinnearlyallofthevotingStatesconstitutednotonlyacordial recognition of the service that was being rendered by Lincoln and byLincoln'sadministration,butasubstantialassurancethatthecauseofnationalitywastobesustainedwithalltheresourcesofthenation.ThePresidentialelectionofthisyeargavethefinalblowtothehopesoftheConfederacy.

I hadmyself a part in a very small division of this election, a divisionwhichcouldhavenoeffectinthefinalgatheringofthevotes,butwhichwasinawaytypicalofthespiritofthearmy.Onthe6thofNovember,1864,IwasinLibbyPrison, having been captured at the battle of Cedar Creek in October. It wasdecidedtoholdaPresidentialelectionin theprison,althoughsomeofuswereratherdoubtfulastothepolicyandanxiousinregardtotheresult.TheexchangeofprisonershadbeenblockedfornearlyayearonthegroundoftherefusalonthepartoftheSouthtoexchangethecolouredtroopsorwhiteofficerswhoheldcommissionsincolouredregiments.Lincolntooktheground,veryproperly,thatall of the nation's soldiers must be treated alike and must be protected by auniformpolicy.Until the coloured troops should be included in the exchange,"therecan,"saidLincoln,"benoexchangingofprisoners."Thisdecision,whilesound, just, andnecessary, brought, naturally, a gooddeal of dissatisfaction tothemeninprisonandtotheirfriendsathome.WhenIreachedLibbyinOctober,

Ifoundtheremenwhohadbeenprisonersforsixorsevenmonthsandwho(asfarastheylivedtogetout)weretobeprisonersforfivemonthsmore.Throughthewinterof1864-65,theillnessandmortalityintheVirginiaprisonsofLibbyandDanvillewereverysevere.ItwasinfactastupidbarbarityonthepartoftheConfederate authorities to keep any prisoners in Richmond during that lastwinter of theWar. Itwas not easy to secure by the two lines of road (one ofwhich was continually being cut by our troops) sufficient supplies for Lee'sarmy.Itwasdifficulttobringfromthegranariesfarthersouth,inadditiontothesupplies required for the army, food for the inhabitants of the town. It wasinevitable under the circumstances that the prisoners should be neglected andthat in addition to the deaths from cold (the blankets, the overcoats, and theshoeshadbeentakenfromtheprisonersbecausetheywereneededbytherebeltroops)thereshouldbefurtherdeathsfromstarvation.

Itwasnotunnaturalthatundersuchconditionstheprisonersshouldhavegroundnotonlyforbitterindignationwiththeprisonauthorities,butfordiscontentwiththeirownadministration.Onemay in factbesurprised thatstarvinganddyingmen should have retained any assured spirit of loyalty. When the vote forPresident came to be counted,we found thatwehad electedLincoln bymorethan three toone.The soldiers felt thatLincolnwas themanbehind theguns.Theprisonvotes,naturallyenough, reachednoballotboxesandmyindividualballot in any casewould not have been legal as Iwas at the time but twentyyearsofage.Icanbutfeel,however,thatthisvoteoftheprisonerswastypicalandimportant,andIhavenodoubtitwassorecognisedwhenlaterthereportofthevotingreachedWashington.

InDecember,1864,occurredoneofthetoo-frequentcabalsonthepartofcertainmembersoftheCabinet.PressurewasbroughttobearuponLincolntogetridofSeward. Lincoln's reply made clear that he proposed to remain President. Hesays to themember reporting forhimselfandhisassociates theprotestagainstSeward:"Iproposetobethesolejudgeastothedismissalorappointmentofthemembers of my Cabinet." Lincoln could more than once have secured peacewithintheCabinetandasmootherworkingoftheadministrativemachineryifhehad been willing to replace the typical and idiosyncratic men whom he hadassociatedwithhimselfinthegovernmentbymorecommonplacecitizens,whowouldhavebeencompetenttocarryontheroutineresponsibilitiesoftheirposts.The difficulty of securing any consensus of opinion or any working actionbetweenmendiffering fromeachotheraswidelyasdidChase,Stanton,Blair,andSeward, in temperament, in judgment, and inhonest convictions as to the

proper policy for the nation,was an attempt that brought upon the chief dailyburdens and many keen anxieties. Lincoln insisted, however, that it was all-important for the proper carrying on of the contest that the Cabinet shouldcontain representatives of the several loyal sections of the country and of thevarious phases of opinion. The extreme anti-slavery men were entitled to beheard even though their spokesman Chase was often intemperate, ill-judged,bitter,andunfair.TheBorderStatesmenhadarighttoberepresentedanditwasall-essential that they should feel that they had a part in theWar governmenteven though their spokesmanBlairmight showhimself, as he often did showhimself,quite incapableofunderstanding,much lessofsympathisingwith, therealspiritoftheNorth.Stantonmightbetruculentandevenbrutal,buthewaswilling to work, he knew how to organise, he was devotedly loyal. Seward,scholarandstatesmanashewas,hadbeenreadytogiveneedlessprovocationtoEurope and was often equally ill-judged in his treatment of the conservativeBorderStatesontheonehandandoftheNewEnglandabolitionistsontheother,butSewardwasapatriotaswellasascholarandwasarepresentativenotonlyof NewYork but of the best of theWhig Republican sentiment of the entireNorth, and Seward could not be spared. It is difficult to recall in history agovernmentmade up of such discordant elementswhich through the patience,tact,andgeniusofonemanwasmadetodoeffectivework.

InFebruary,1865,inresponsetosuggestionsfromtheSouthwhichindicatedthepossibility of peace, Lincoln accepted ameeting with Alexander H. Stephensand two other commissioners to talk overmeasures for bringing theWar to aclose.Themeetingwasheldonagun-boatontheJamesRiver.ItseemsprobablefromthelaterhistorythatStephenshadconvincedhimselfthattheConfederacycouldnotconqueritsindependenceandthatitonlyremainedtosecurethebesttermspossible fora surrender.On theotherhand, JeffersonDaviswasnotyetpreparedtoconsideranytermsshortofarecognitionoftheindependenceoftheConfederacy,andStephenscouldactonlyunder the instructionsreceivedfromRichmond.ItwasLincoln'scontentionthatthegovernmentoftheUnitedStatescouldnottreatwithrebels(or,droppingtheword"rebels,"withitsowncitizens)inarms."Thefirststepinnegotiations,must,"saidLincoln,"bethelayingdownof arms. There is no precedent in history for a government entering intonegotiationswithitsownarmedcitizens."

"Butthereisaprecedent,Mr.Lincoln,"saidStephens,"KingCharlesofEnglandtreatedwiththeCromwellians."

"Yes,"saidLincoln,"Ibelievethatisso.IusuallyleavehistoricaldetailstoMr.

Seward,whoisastudent.Itis,however,mymemorythatKingCharleslosthishead."

It soon became evident that there was no real basis for negotiations, andStephensandhisassociateshadtoreturntoRichmonddisappointed.Inthesamemonth, was adopted by bothHouses of Congress the Thirteenth Amendment,whichprohibited slavery throughout thewholedominionof theUnitedStates.Bythecloseof1865,thisamendmenthadbeenconfirmedbythirty-threeStates.Itisprobablethatamongthesethirty-threetherewereseveralStatesthenamesofwhichwerehardlyfamiliartosomeoftheoldercitizensoftheSouth,themenwhohadacceptedtheresponsibilityfortherebellion.ThestateofmindoftheseolderSouthernersinregardmoreparticularlytotheresourcesoftheNorth-westwas recalled to me years after the War by an incident related by GeneralShermanatadinneroftheNewEnglandSociety.Shermansaidthatduringthemarch throughGeorgia he had found himself one day at noon,when near thehead of his column, passing below the piazza of a comfortable-looking oldplantationhouse.Hestopped to reston thepiazzawithoneor twoofhisstaffand was received by the old planter with all the courtliness that a Southerngentlemancouldshow,eventoaninvader,whendoingthehonoursofhisownhouse.TheGeneralandtheplantersatonthepiazza,lookingatthetroopsbelowand discussing, as it was inevitable under the circumstances that they mustdiscuss,thecausesoftheWar.

"General,"saidtheplanter,"whattroopsarethosepassingbelow?"TheGeneralleansover thepiazza, andcalls to the standardbearers, "Throwout your flag,boys," and as the flag was thrown out, he reports to his host, "The 30thWisconsin."

"Wisconsin?"saidtheplanter,"Wisconsin?WhereisWisconsin?"

"ItisoneoftheStatesoftheNorth-west,"saidSherman.

"WhenIwasstudyinggeography,"saidtheplanter,"IknewofWisconsinsimplyasthenameofatribeofIndians.Howmanymenarethereinaregiment?"

"Well,therewereathousandwhentheystarted,"saidSherman.

"Doyoumean to say," said theplanter, "that there is aStatecalledWisconsinthathassentthirtythousandmenintoyourarmies?"

"Oh,probablyfortythousand,"answeredSherman.

Withthenextbattalionthequestionsandtheanswersarerepeated.TheflagwasthatofaMinnesotaregiment,saythe32d.TheoldplanterhadneverheardthattherewassuchaState.

"MyGod!"hesaidwhenhehadfiguredoutthethousandsofmenwhohadcometothefront,fromtheseso-calledIndianterritories,tomaintaintheexistenceofthe nation, "If we in the South had known that you had turned those Indianterritories into great States, we never should have gone into this war." TheincidentthrowsalightuponthestateofmindofmenintheSouth,evenofwelleducatedmen in theSouth,at theoutbreakof theWar.Theymight,ofcourse,have known by statistics that great States had grown up in the North-west,representing a populationofmillions and able themselves to put into the fieldarmiestobecountedbythethousand.TheymighthaverealisedthatthesegreatStatesoftheNorth-westwerevitallyconcernedwiththenecessityofkeepingtheMississippi open for their trade from its source to the Gulf ofMexico. Theymight have known that those States, largely settled fromNew England, wereabsolutelyopposed toslavery.Thisknowledgewaswithin their reachbut theyhad not realised the facts of the case. It was their feeling that in the comingcontesttheywouldhavetodoonlywithNewEnglandandtheMiddleStatesandthey felt that theywere strong enough to hold their ownagainst this groupofopponents.Thatfeelingwouldhavebeenjustified.TheSouthcouldneverhavebeenovercomeandtheexistenceofthenationcouldneverhavebeenmaintainedifithadnotbeenfortheloyalco-operationandthemagnificentresourcesofmenand of nationalwealth thatwere contributed to the cause by the States of theNorth-west.In1880,Ihadoccasion,intalkingtothetwothousandstudentsofthe University of Minnesota, to recall the utterance of the old planter. ThestudentsofthatmagnificentUniversity,placedinabeautifulcityoftwohundredand fifty thousand inhabitants, found itdifficulton theirpart to realise,amidsttheir laughterat the ignoranceof theoldplanter, justwhat the relationsof theSouthhadbeenbeforetheWartothenewfreecommunitiesoftheNorth-west.

InFebruary,1865,withthefallofFortFisherandthecaptureofWilmington,thecontrolofthecoastoftheConfederacybecamecomplete.TheSouthernersandtheir friends in Great Britain and the Bahamas (a group of friends whosesympathies for the cause were very much enhanced by the opportunity ofmakinglargeprofitsoutoftheirfriendlyrelations)hadshownduringtheyearsof the War exceptional ingenuity, daring, and persistence in carrying on theblockade-running. The ports of theBritishWest Indieswere very handy, and,particularlyduringthestormymonthsofthewinter,itwashardlypracticableto

maintain an absolutely assured barrier of blockades along a line of coastaggregating about two thousandmiles. The profits on a single voyage on thecottontakenoutandonthestoresbroughtbackweresufficienttomakegoodtheloss of both vessel and cargo in three disastrous trips. The blockade-runners,Southerners and Englishmen, took their lives in their hands and they fairlyearnedallthereturnsthatcametothem.Ihappenedtohaveearlyexperienceofthe resultof the fallofFortFisherandof the finalclosingof the last inlet forBritishgoods.IwasatthetimeinprisoninDanville,Virginia.Iwasoneofthefew men in the prison (the group comprised about a dozen) who had beenfortunate enough to retain a tooth-brush.Wewore our tooth-brushes fastenedinto thefrontbutton-holesofourblouses,partlypossiblyfromostentation,butchiefly for the purpose of keeping them from being stolen. I was struck byreceivinganofferonemorningfromthelieutenantoftheprisonguardof$300for my tooth-brush. The "dollars" meant of course Confederate dollars and Idoubtlesshardlyrealisedfromthescantyinformationthatleakedintotheprisonhow low down in February, 1865, Confederate currency had depreciated. Butstill it was a large sum and the tooth-brush had been in use for a number ofmonths.ItthenleakedoutfromaworddroppedbythelieutenantthatnomoreEnglish tooth-brushescouldget into theConfederacyand thoseofuswhohadbeen studying possibilities on the coast realised that Fort Fisher must havefallen.

In this samemonth of February, into which were crowded some of the mostnoteworthy of the closing events of the War, Charleston was evacuated asSherman'sarmyon its sweepnorthwardpassedbackof thecity. IamnotsurewhetherthefierceroftheoldCharlestonianswerenotmoreannoyedatthelackofattentionpaidbyShermantothefire-eatinglittlecityinwhichfouryearsbackhadbeen fired thegun thatopened theWar, than theywouldhavebeenbyanimmediate and strenuous occupation. Sherman hadmore importantmatters onhandthanthebusinessoflookingaftertheoriginalfire-eaters.Hewashurryingnorthward,closeontheheelsofJohnston,topreventifpossiblethecombinationofJohnston'stroopswithLee'sarmywhichwassupposedtoberetreatingfromVirginia.

On the 4th of March comes the second inaugural, in which Lincoln speaksalmostinthelanguageofaHebrewprophet.Thefeelingisstronguponhimthatthe clouds ofwar are about to roll away but he cannot free himself from theoppression that theburdensof theWarhaveproduced.Theemphasis isplacedontheall-importanttaskofbringingtheenmitiestoaclosewiththeendofthe

actualfighting.HepointsoutthatresponsibilitiesrestupontheNorthaswellasupontheSouthandheinvokesfromthosewhounderhisleadershiparebringingthecontesttoatriumphantclose,theirsympathyandtheirhelpfortheirfellow-men who have been overcome. The address is possibly the most impressiveutterance ever made by a national leader and it is most characteristic of thefinenessandlargenessofnatureoftheman.Icitetheclosingparagraph:

"If we shall suppose that slavery is one of those offenceswhichintheprovidenceofGodneedsmustcome,andwhichhavingcontinuedthroughHisappointedtime,Henowwillsto remove, and thatHegives to bothNorth andSouth thisterriblewarasthewoetothosebywhomtheoffencecame,shall we discern therein any departure from those Divineattributes, which the believers in the Living God alwaysascribe toHim?Fondlydowehope, ferventlydowepray,thatthismightyscourgeofwarmayspeedilypassaway.YetifGodwillsthatitshouldcontinueuntilallthewealthpiledby the bondsmen in two hundred and fifty years ofunrequited toilshallbesunk,anduntileverydropofblooddrawn with the lash shall be paid for by another drop ofblooddrawnbytheWar,aswassaidtwothousandyearsagoso still itmust be said, that the judgments of theLord aretrue, and righteous altogether....Withmalice towardsnone,withcharityforall,withfirmnessintherightasGodgivesustoseetheright,letusstrivetofinishtheworkwearein,to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for himwho shallhavebornethebattleandforhiswidowandforhisorphans,todoallwhichmayachieveandcherishajustandalastingpeaceamongourselvesandwithallnations."

After the election of 1864, Lincoln's word had been "a common cause, acommoninterest,andacommoncountry."Theinvocationinthislastinauguralisbasedupontheunderstandingthatthereisagainacommoncountryandthatincaringforthosewhohavebeeninthebattleandinthebindingupofthewounds,thereistobenodistinctionbetweenthemenofthegreyandthoseoftheblue.

AtthecloseofFebruary,Lee,whorealisesthathisweakenedlinescannotmuchlongerbemaintained,proposestoGranttermsofadjustment.Grantrepliesthathisdutiesarepurelymilitaryandthathehasnoauthoritytodiscussanypoliticalrelations.OnthefirstofApril,therightwingofLee'sarmyisoverwhelmedand

drivenbackbySheridanatFiveForks,andon theday followingRichmond isevacuatedbytherear-guardofLee'sarmy.ThedefenceofRichmondduringthelong years of the War (a defence which was carried on chiefly from theentrenchments of Petersburg), by the skill of the engineers and by the patientcourageofthetroops,hadbeenmagnificent.Itmustalwaystakeahighrankinthe history of war operations. The skilful use made of positions of naturalstrength, the high skill shown in the construction of works to meet first oneemergencyandthenanother,theeconomicdistributionofconstantlydiminishingresources,thecleverdispositionofforces,(whichduringthelastyearwerebeingsteadily reduced from month to month), in such fashion that at the point ofprobable contact there seemed to be always men enough to make good thedefence, these things were evidence of the military skill, the ingenuity, theresourcefulness,andtheenduringcourageoftheleaders.TheskillandcharacterofLee andhis associateswouldhoweverof coursehavebeen invain and thelineswouldhavebeenbrokennotin1865,butin1863orin1862,ifithadnotbeenforthemagnificentpatienceandheroismoftherankandfilethatfoughtinthegreyuniformundertheStarsandBarsandwhosefightingduringthelastofthosemonthswasdoneintattereduniformsandwitharationlessbyfromonequartertoonehalfthanthatwhichhadbeenacceptedasnormal.

On the secondofApril, theStars andStripes areborne intoRichmondby theadvance brigade of the right wing of Grant's army under the command ofGeneral Weitzel. There was a certain poetic justice in the decision that theresponsibilityformakingfirstoccupationofthecityshouldbeentrustedtothecoloured troops. The city had been left by the rear-guard of the Confederatearmyinastateofseriousconfusion.TheConfederategeneralincharge(Leehadgone out in the advance hoping to be able to break hisway through toNorthCarolina) had felt justified, for the purpose of destroying such army stores(chiefly ammunition) as remained, in setting fire to the storehouses, and in sodoinghehadleftwholequartersofthecityexposedtoflame.Whitestragglersandnegroeswhohadbeen slaves had, aswould always be the casewhere allauthorityisremoved,yieldedtothetemptationtoplunder,andthecitywasfullofdrunkenandirresponsiblemen.Thecolouredtroopsrestoredorderandappeartohavebehavedwithperfectdisciplineandconsideration.Themarauderswerearrested, imprisoned, and, when necessary, shot. The fires were put out aspromptly as practicable, but not until a large amount of very unnecessarydamageandlosshadbeenbroughtuponthestrickencity.Thewomenwhohadlockedthemselvesintotheirhouses,moreindreadoftheYankeeinvaderthanoftheirownstreetmarauders,wereagreeablysurprisedtofindthattheirimmediate

safetyand thepeaceof the towndependedupon the invadersand that thefirstbattalionsofthesewerethedespisedandmuchhatedblacks.

Uponthe4thofApril,against thecounselandinspiteof theapprehensionsofnearly all his advisers, Lincoln insisted upon coming down the river fromWashingtonandmakinghiswayintotheRebelcapital.Therewasnothoughtofvaingloriousnessorofposingas thevictor.Hecameunder the impression thatsomecivilauthoritieswouldprobablyhaveremained inRichmondwithwhomimmediatemeasuresmightbe taken tostopunnecessaryfightingand tosecureforthecityandfortheStateareturnofpeacefulgovernment.ThomasNast,whowhilenotagreatartistwasinspiredtoproduceduringtheWarsomeofthemostgraphic and storytelling records in the shape of pictures of events, made adrawing which was purchased later by the New York Union League Club,showingLincolnonhiswaythroughMainStreet,withthecolouredfolksofthetownandofthesurroundingcountrycrowdingaboutthemanwhomtheyhailedastheirdeliverer,andintheirenthusiasticadorationtryingtotouchsomuchasthe hem of his garment. The picture is history in showing what actuallyhappened and it is pathetic history in recalling how greatwere the hopes thatcametothecolouredpeoplefromthesuccessoftheNorthandfromthecertaintyoftheendofslavery.ItissadtorecallthemanydisappointmentsthatduringthefortyyearssincetheoccupationofRichmondhavehamperedtheupliftingoftherace. Lincoln's hope that some representative of the Confederacy might haveremainedinRichmond,ifonlyforthepurposeofhelpingtobringtoacloseasrapidly as possible thewaste and burdens of continuedwar,was not realised.ThemembersoftheConfederategovernmentseemtohavebeeninterestedonlyingettingawayfromRichmondandtohavegivennothought to thedutytheyowed to their own people to cooperate with the victors in securing a promptreturnoflawandorder.

Onthe9thofApril,camethesurrenderofLeeatAppomattox,fouryears,lessthreedays,fromthedateofthefiringofthefirstgunoftheWaratCharleston.ThemusketsturnedinbytheraggedandstarvingfilesoftheremnantsofLee'sarmyrepresentedonlyasmallportionofthosewhichafewdaysearlierhadbeenholdingtheentrenchmentsatPetersburg.Assoonasitbecameevidentthat thearmywasnot going tobe able tobreak through theFederal lines andbegin afreshcampaigninNorthCarolina,themenscatteredfromtheretreatingcolumnsright and left, in many cases carrying their muskets to their own homes as amemorial fairly earned by plucky and persistent service. There never was anarmythatdidbetterfightingorthatwasbetterdeservingoftherecognition,not

onlyoftheStatesinbehalfofwhoseso-called"independence"theWarhadbeenwaged,butonthepartofopponentswhowereabletorealisethecharacterandtheeffectivenessofthefighting.

Thesceneinthelittlefarm-housewherethetwocommandersmettoarrangetheterms of surrender was dramatic in more ways than one. General Lee hadpromptly given up his own baggage waggon for use in carrying food for theadvancebrigadeandashecouldsavebutonesuitofclothes,hehadnaturallytakenhisbest.Hewas,therefore,notwithstandingthefatiguesandtheprivationsofthepastweek,infulldressuniform.Hewasoneofthehandsomestmenofhisgeneration,andhisbeautywasnotonlyoffeaturebutofexpressionofcharacter.Grant,whonevergavemuch thought tohispersonalappearance,had fordaysbeenawayfromhisbaggagetrain,andundertheurgencyofkeepingasnearaspossible to the front line with reference to the probability of being called toarrange terms for surrender, he had not found the opportunity of securing apropercoatinplaceofhisfatigueblouse.Ibelievethatevenhisswordhadbeenmislaid, but he was able to borrow one for the occasion from a staff officer.Whenthemaindetailsofthesurrenderhadbeentalkedover,Grantlookedaboutthegroupintheroom,whichincluded,inadditiontotwostaffofficerswhohadcomewithLee,agroupoffiveorsixofhisownassistants,whohadmanagedtokeepupwiththeadvance,toselecttheaidwhoshouldwriteoutthepaper.HiseyefelluponColonelElyParker,abrigadecommanderwhohadduringthepastfewmonthsservedonGrant'sstaff."ColonelParker,Iwillaskyou,"saidGrant,"as theonlyrealAmerican in theroom, todraft thispaper."Parkerwasafull-bloodedIndian,belongingtooneoftheIroquoistribesofNewYork.

Grant's suggestion that theUnitedStates hadno requirement for thehorses ofLee'sarmyandthatthemenmightfindtheseconvenientfor"springploughing"was received byLeewith full appreciation. The firstmatter in order after thecompletion of the surrender was the issue of rations to the starving Southerntroops. "GeneralGrant," saidLee, "a trainwasorderedbywayofDanville tobringrationstomeetmyarmyanditoughttobenowatsuchapoint,"namingavillageeightorninemilestothesouth-west.GeneralSheridan,withatwinkleinhiseye,nowputinaword:"Thetrainfromthesouthisthere,GeneralLee,oratleast it was there yesterday. My men captured it and the rations will beavailable."GeneralLeeturns,mountshisoldhorseTraveller,avaluedcomrade,andridesslowlythroughtheranksfirstoftheblueandthenofthegrey.Everyhatcameofffromthemeninblueasanexpressionofrespecttoagreatsoldieranda truegentleman,while fromthe ranks ingrey therewasonegreatsobof

passionategriefandfinally,almostforthefirsttimeinLee'sarmy,abreakingofdisciplineasthemencrowdedforwardtogetacloserlookat,orpossiblyagraspofthehandof,thegreatleaderwhohadfoughtandfailedbutwhosefightingandwhosefailurehadbeensomagnificent.

IX

LINCOLN'STASKENDED

Onthe11thofApril,Lincolnmakeshislastpublicutterance.InabriefaddresstosomegatheringinWashington,hesays,"Therewillshortlybeannouncementofanewpolicy."Itishardlytobedoubtedthattheannouncementwhichhehadinmindwastobeconcernedwiththeproblemofreconstruction.Hehadalreadyoutlinedinhismindtheessentialprinciplesonwhichthereadjustmentmustbemade.Inthissameaddress,hepointsoutthat"whetherornotthesecededStatesbeoutoftheUnion,theyareoutoftheirproperrelationstotheUnion."Wemayfeelsurethathewouldnothavepermittedtheessentialmattersofreadjustmenttobedelayedwhilepoliticallawyerswerearguingovertheconstitutionalissue.OnonesidewasthegroupwhichmaintainedthatininstitutingtheRebellionandindoingwhatwasintheirpowertodestroythenationalexistence,thepeopleofthe seceding States had forfeited all claims to the political liberty of theircommunities.Accordingtothiscontention,theSlaveStatesweretobetreatedasconquered territory, and it simply remained for the government of the UnitedStates to reshape this territory as might be found convenient or expedient.Accordingtotheotherview,assecessionwasitselfsomethingwhichwasnottobeadmitted,being,fromtheconstitutionalpointofview,impossible,thereneverhad in the legal sense of the term been any secession. The instant the armedrebellionhadbeenbroughttoanend,therebellingStatesweretobeconsideredashavingresumedtheirold-timerelationswiththeStatesoftheNorthandwiththe central government. They were under the same obligations as before fortaxation, for subordination in foreign relations, and for the acceptance of thecontroloftheFederalgovernmentonallmattersclassedasFederal.Ontheotherhand, they were entitled to the privileges that had from the beginning beenexercised by independent States: namely, the control of their local affairs onmatters not classed as Federal, and they had a right to their proportionaterepresentation in Congress and to their proportion of the electoral vote forPresident.IthasbeenverygenerallyrecognisedintheSouthasintheNorththatifLincolncouldhavelived,someofthemostseriousofthedifficultiesthataroseduring the reconstructionperiod through the frictionbetween these conflictingtheorieswouldhavebeenavoided.TheSouthernerswouldhaverealisedthatthe

head of the government had a cordial and sympathetic interest in doingwhatmight be practicable not only to re-establish their relations as citizens of theUnited States, but to further in every way the return of their communities toprosperity,aprosperitywhich,after the lossof theproperty in theirslavesandtheenormousdestructionoftheirgeneralresources,seemedtobesadlydistant.

Onthe14thofApril,comesthedramatictragedyendingonthedayfollowinginthedeathofLincoln.Theworddramatic applies in this instancewithpeculiarfitness.While the nationmourned for the loss of its leader,while the soldierswerestrickenwithgrief that theirgreatcaptainshouldhavebeenstruckdown,while theSouthmightwell be troubled that the control and adjustment of thegreatinterstateperplexitieswasnottobeinthehandsofthewise,sympathetic,and patient ruler, for the worker himself the rest after the four years ofcontinuoustoilandfearfulburdensandanxietiesmightwellhavebeengrateful.The great task had been accomplished and the responsibilities accepted in thefirstinauguralhadbeenfulfilled.

InMarch,1861,Lincolnhadacceptedthetaskofsteeringthenationthroughthestormof rebellion, thedividedopinionsandcounselsof friends,and thefierceonslaughtoffoesathomeandabroad.InApril,1865,thenationalexistencewasassured,thenation'screditwasestablished,thetroopswerepreparedtoreturntotheir homes and resume theirwork as citizens.At no time in history had anypeoplebeenableagainstsuchapparentlyoverwhelmingperilsanddifficultiestomaintain a national existence. There was, therefore, notwithstanding the greatmisfortune,forthepeopleSouthandNorth,inthelossofthewiseruleratatimewhensomanydifficultiesremainedtobeadjusted,adramaticfitnessinhavingthelifeoftheleaderclosejustasthelastarmyofantagonistswaslayingdownitsarms.Thefirstproblemof theWar thatcame to theadministrationof1861was that of restoring the flagoverFortSumter.On the 14th ofApril, the daywhenBooth'spistolwaslayinglowthePresident,GeneralAnderson,whofouryearsearlierhadsosturdilydefendedSumter,wasfulfillingthedutyofrestoringtheStarsandStripes.

ThenewsofthedeathofLincolncametothearmyofSherman,withwhichmyown regimenthappenedat the time tobeassociated,on the17thofApril.OnleavingSavannah,Shermanhadsentwordtothenorthtohaveallthetroopswhowere holding posts along the coasts of North Carolina concentrated on a linenorthofGoldsborough.ItwashisdreadthatGeneralJohnstonmightbeabletoeffect a junctionwith the retreating forces of Lee and it was important to dowhateverwaspracticable,eitherwithforcesorwithashowofforces, todelay

Johnstonandtomakesuchcombinationimpossible.AthinlineofFederaltroopswas brought into position to the north of Johnston's advance, but Shermanhimselfkeptsocloselyontheheelsofhispluckyandpersistentantagonistthat,irrespective of any opposing line to the north, Johnston would have found itimpossible to continue his progress towards Virginia. He was checked atGoldsboroughafterthebattleofBentonvilleanditwasatGoldsboroughthatthelastimportantforceoftheConfederacywassurrendered.

We soldiers learned only later some of the complications that preceded thatsurrender.PresidentDavisandhisassociatesintheConfederategovernmenthad,with one exception, made their way south, passing to the west of Sherman'sadvance.The exceptionwasPost-master-GeneralReagan,who had decided toremainwithGeneralJohnston.HeappearstohavemadegoodwithJohnstontheclaim that he, Reagan, represented all that was left of the Confederategovernment.HepersuadedJohnstontopermithimtoundertakethenegotiationswithSherman, andhehad, it seems, the ambitionof completingwithhisownauthority the arrangements that were to terminate theWar. Sherman, simple-hearted man that he was, permitted himself, for the time, to be confused byReagan'ssemblanceofauthority.HeexecutedwithReaganaconventionwhichcoverednotmerely thesurrenderofJohnston'sarmybut thepreliminariesofafinalpeace.ThisconventionwasofcoursemadesubjecttotheapprovaloftheauthoritiesinWashington.WhenitcameintothehandsofPresidentJohnson,itwas, under the counsel of Seward and Stanton, promptly disavowed. JohnsoninstructedGrant,who had reported toWashington fromAppomattox, tomakehis way at once to Goldsborough and, relieving Sherman, to arrange for thesurrenderofJohnston'sarmyonthetermsofAppomattox.Grant'sresponsewascharacteristic.He said in substance: "I am here,Mr. President, to obey ordersand under the decision of theCommander-in-chief Iwill go toGoldsboroughand will carry out your instructions. I prefer, however, to act as a messengersimply. I am entirely unwilling to take out of General Sherman's hands thecommandof the army that is so properlySherman's army and that he has ledwithsuchdistinctivesuccess.GeneralShermanhasrenderedtoogreataservicetothecountrytomakeitpropertohavehimnowhumiliatedonthegroundofapolitical blunder, and I at least am unwilling to be in anyway a party to hishumiliation."

Stanton was disposed to approve of Johnson's first instruction and to haveShermanatoncerelieved,butthemanwhohadjustcomefromAppomattoxwastoostrongwiththepeopletomakeiteasytodisregardhisjudgmentonamatter

whichwasinpartatleastmilitary.ThePresidentwasstillnewtohisofficeandhewasstillprepared toacceptcounsel.Thematterwas, therefore,arrangedasGrant desired. Grant took the instructions and had his personal word withSherman,butthiswordwassoquietlygiventhatnoneofthemeninSherman'sarmy, possiblynoonebutShermanhimself, knewofGrant's visit.Grant tookpainsso toarrange the last stageofhis journey thathecame into thecampatGoldsboroughwell afterdark, and, after anhour's interviewwithSherman,hemadehiswayatoncenorthwardoutsideofourlinesandofourknowledge.

OnGrant'sarrival,Shermanatonceassumedthathewastobesuperseded."No,no,"saidGrant;"doyounotseethatIhavecomewithoutevenasword?Thereishere no question of superseding the commander of this army, but simply ofcorrectinganerrorandofputtingthingsastheywere.Thisconventionmustbecancelled. Youwill have no further negotiation withMr. Reagan or with anycivilianclaiming to represent theConfederacy.Your transactionswillbemadewiththecommanderoftheConfederatearmy,andyouwillacceptthesurrenderof that armyon the terms thatwere formulatedatAppomattox."ShermanwaskeenenoughtounderstandwhatmusthavepassedinWashington,andwasabletoappreciate the loyalconsiderationshownbyGeneralGrant in thesuccessfuleffort toprotect thehonourand theprestigeofhisoldcomrade.Thesurrenderwas carried out on the 26th of April, eleven days after the death of Lincoln.Johnston'stroops,likethoseofLee,weredistributedtotheirhomes.Theofficersretained their side-arms, and themen, leaving their rifles, tookwith them notonly such horses and mules as they still had with them connected with thecavalry or artillery, but also a number of horses and mules which had beencapturedbySherman'sarmyandwhichhadnotyetbeenplacedon theUnitedStatesarmyroster.Shermanunderstood,asdidGrant,theimportanceofgivingtothesepoorfarmerswhateverfacilitiesmightbeavailabletoenablethemagainto begin their home work. Word was at once sent to General Johnston afterGrant'sdeparturethatthe,onlytermsthatcouldbeconsideredwasasurrenderofthearmy,andthatthedetailsofsuchsurrenderShermanwouldhimselfarrangewith Johnston. Reagan slipped away southward and is not further heard of inhistory.

TherecordofLincoln'srelationstotheeventsoftheWarwouldnotbecompletewithout a reference to the capture of Jefferson Davis. On returning toWashingtonafterhisvisittoRichmond,LincolnhadbeenaskedwhatshouldbedonewithDaviswhenhewascaptured.Theanswerwascharacteristic:"Idonotsee,"saidLincoln,"thatwehaveanyuseforawhiteelephant."Lincoln'sclear

judgmenthadatoncerecognisedthedifficulties thatwouldarise incaseDavisshouldbecomeaprisoner.ThequestionastothetreatmentoftherulerofthelateConfederacy was very different from, and much more complicated than, thefixingoftermsofsurrenderfortheConfederatearmies.IfDavishadsucceededin getting out of the country, it is probable that the South, or at least a largeportionoftheSouth,wouldhaveusedhimasakindofascapegoat.ManyoftheConfederatesoldierswereindignantwithDavisforhisbitteranimositiestosomeof theirbest leaders.Daviswasacapablemanandhad inhimtheelementsofstatesmanship.Hewas,however,vainand,likesomeothervainmen,placedthemostimportanceuponthecapacitiesinwhichhewastheleasteffective.Hehadhadabriefandcreditablemilitaryexperience,servingasalieutenantwithScott'sarmyinMexico,andhehadimpressedhimselfwiththebeliefthathewasagreatcommander.Partlyon thisground, andpartly apparently as a resultofgeneral"incompatibilityoftemper,"DavismanagedtoquarrelatdifferenttimesduringtheWarwithsomeofthegeneralswhohadshownthemselvesthemostcapableandthemostserviceable.HewouldprobablyhavequarrelledwithLee,ifithadbeen possible for any one to make quarrel relations with that fine-naturedgentleman,andifLeehadnotbeentoostronglyentrenchedintheheartsofhiscountrymen tomakeany interferencewithhimunwise,even for thePresident.Davishad,however,managedtointerfereveryseriouslywiththeoperationsofmenlikeBeauregard,SidneyJohnson,JosephJohnston,andothercommanderswhosecontinuedleadershipwasmostimportantfortheConfederacy.ItwastheobstinacyofDavisthathadprotractedtheWarthroughthewinterandspringof1865, long after it was evident from the reports of Lee and of the othercommandersthattheresourcesoftheConfederacywereexhaustedandthatanyfurther struggle simplymeant an inexcusable loss of life on both sides. As aNorthernsoldierwhohashadexperienceinSouthernprisons,ImaybeexcusedalsofrombearinginmindthefearfulresponsibilitythatrestsuponDavisforthemismanagementof thoseprisons,amismanagementwhichcausedthedeathofthousandsofbravemenonthefrozenslopesofBelleIsle,onthefoulfloorsofLibby andDanville, and on the rotten ground used for three years as a livingplaceandasadyingplacewithinthestockadeatAndersonville.Davisreceivedfrom month to month the reports of the conditions in these and in the otherprisonsoftheConfederacy.DaviscouldnothavebeenunawareofthestupidityandthebrutalityofkeepingprisonersinRichmondduringthelastwinteroftheWarwhenthelinesofroadstillopenwereabsolutely inadequate tosupplythetroopsinthetrenchesorthepeopleofthetown.ReportswerebroughttoDavismore thanonce fromAndersonville showing that a largeportionof thedeathsthatwerethereoccurringwereduetothevileandrottenconditionofthehollow

inwhichforyearsprisonershadbeenhuddledtogether;buttheappealmadetoRichmondforpermissiontomovethestockadetoacleananddryslopewasputtoonesideasamatterofnoimportance.Theentireauthorityinthematterwasin thehandsofDavisandawordfromhimwouldhaveremediedsomeof theworst conditions. He must share with General Winder, the immediatesuperintendent of the prisons, the responsibility for the heedless and brutalmismanagement,—a mismanagement which brought death to thousands andwhichleftthousandsofotherscripplesforlife.

AsaresultoftheinformalwordgivenbyLincoln,itwasgenerallyunderstood,byalltheofficers,atleast,inchargeofpostsandpicketlinesalongtheeasternslope, that Davis was not to be captured. Unfortunately it had not provedpossible to get this informal expression of a very important piece of policyconveyed throughout the lines farther west. An enterprising and over-zealouscaptain of cavalry, riding across from the Mississippi to the coast, heard ofDavis's party in Florida and, "butting in," captured, onMay 10th, "the whiteelephant."

The last commands of the Confederate army were surrendered with GeneralTaylor inLouisiana on the 4th ofMay andwithKirbySmith inTexas on the26th ofMay.As Lincoln had foreshadowed, not a few complications resultedfromthisunfortunatecaptureofDavis,complicationsthatwereneedlesslyaddedtobythelackofclear-headednessorofdefinitepolicyonthepartofaconfusedandvacillatingPresident.During themonths inwhichDaviswasaprisoneratFortress Monroe, and while the question of his trial for treason was beingfiercely debated in Washington, the sentiment of the Confederacy naturallyconcentrateduponitslatePresident.Hewas,asthesingleprisoner,thesurvivingemblemof thecontest.Hisvanities, irritability,andblunderswereforgotten. Itwasnatural that, under thecircumstances,hispeople, thepeopleof theSouth,shouldholdinmemoryonlythefactthathehadbeentheirleaderandthathehadthrough four strenuous years borne the burdens of leadershipwith unflaggingzeal,withpersistentcourage,andwithanalmostfoolhardyhopefulness.HehadgiventotheConfederacythebestofhislife,andhewasentitledtotheadorationthatthesurvivorsoftheConfederacygavetohimasrepresentingtheidealofthelostcause.

ThefeelingwithwhichLincolnwasregardedbythemeninthefront,forwhomthroughtheearlyyearsoftheircampaigninghehadbeennotonlytheleaderbuttheinspiration,wasindicatedbythemannerinwhichthenewsofhisdeathwasreceived. I happened myself on the day of those sad tidings to be with my

divisioninalittlevillagejustoutsideofGoldsborough,NorthCarolina.Wehadno telegraphiccommunicationwith theNorth,butwereaccustomed to receivedespatches about noon each day, carried across the swamps from a stationthrough which connection was made with Wilmington and the North. In thecourse of themorning, I had gone to the shanty of an old darkywhom I hadcometoknowduringthedaysofoursojourn,forthepurposeofgettingashave.Theoldfellowtookuphisrazor,putitdownagainandthenagainlifteditup,buthisarmwasshakingandIsawthathewassoagitatedthathewasnotfittedfor the task. "Massa," he said, "I can't shave yer this mornin'." "What is thematter?"Iinquired."Well,"hereplied,"somethin'shappenedtoMassaLinkum.""Why!" said I, "nothing has happened to Lincoln. I knowwhat there is to beknown.What are you talking about?" "Well!" the oldman repliedwith a halfsob,"wecolouredfolks—wegetnewsorwegethalfnewssoonerthanyou-uns.Idunknowjes'whatitis,butsomethin'hasgonewrongwithMassaLinkum."Icould get nothingmore out of the oldman, but I was sufficiently anxious tomakemywaytoDivisionheadquarterstoseeiftherewasanynewsinadvanceof the arrival of the regular courier.The coloured folkswere standing in littlegroupsalongthevillagestreet,murmuringtoeachotherorwaitingwithanxiousfaces for the bad news that they were sure was coming. I found the brigadeadjutantand thosewithhimwerepuzzled likemyselfat the troubledmindsofthe darkies, but still sceptical as to the possibility of any information havingreachedthemwhichwasnotknownthroughtheregularchannels.

At noon, the couriermade his appearance riding by thewood lane across thefields;andtheinstanthewasseenweallrealisedthattherewasbadnews.Themanwas hurrying his pony and yet seemed to be very unwilling to reach thelines where his report must bemade. In this instance (as was, of course, notusually the case) the courier knew what was in his despatches. The DivisionAdjutantsteppedoutontheporchoftheheadquarterswiththepaperinhishand,buthebrokedownbeforehecouldbegintoread.TheDivisionCommandertookthe word and was able simply to announce: "Lincoln is dead." The word"President"wasnotnecessaryandhesoughtinfactfortheshortestword.Ineverbeforehadfoundmyselfinamassofmenovercomebyemotion.Tenthousandsoldiersweresobbingtogether.Nosurvivorofthegroupcanrecallthesadnessof that morning without again being touched by the wave of emotion whichbrokedownthereserveandcontrolofthesewar-wornveteransonlearningthattheirgreatcaptainwasdead.

ThewholepeoplehadcometohavewiththePresidentarelationsimilartothat

whichhadgrownupbetween thesoldiersand theirCommander-in-chief.Withthesympathyand loveof thepeople tosustainhim,Lincolnhadover themanalmost unlimited influence. His capacity for toil, his sublime patience, hiswonderfulendurance,hisgreatmindandheart,hisout-reachingsympathies,histhoughtfulness for the needs and requirements of all, had bound him to hisfellow-citizens by an attachment of genuine sentiment. His appellationthroughout the country had during the last year of the war become "FatherAbraham."WemayrecallinthethoughtofthisrelationtothepeopletherecordofWashington.The first President has come into history as the "Father of hisCountry," but for Washington this rôle of father is something of historicdevelopment.DuringWashington'slifetime,orcertainlyatleastduringtheyearsof his responsibilities asGeneral and as President, therewas no such generalrecognitionoftheleaderandrulerasthefatherofhiscountry.Hewasdeartoasmallcircleofintimates;hewasheldinrespectfulregardbyalargernumberofthosewithwhomwerecarriedonhisresponsibilitiesinthearmy,andlaterinthenation's government. To many good Americans, however, Washingtonrepresentedforyearsanantagonisticprincipleofgovernment.Hewasregardedasanaristocratandtherewerenotafewpoliticalleaders,withgroupsofvotersbehindthem,whodreaded,anddoubtlesshonestlydreaded,thattheinfluenceofWashingtonmightbeutilisedtobuildupinthiscountrysomefreshformofthemonarchy that had been overthrown. The years of the Presidency had to becompleted and the bitter antagonisms of the seven years' fighting and of theissuesof theConstitution-buildinghadtobeoutgrown,before thepeoplewereabletorecogniseasawholetheperfectintegrityofpurposeandconsistencyofactionof theirgreat leader, the firstPresident.Even thenwhen theanimositiesandsuspicionshaddiedaway,while thepeoplewereready tohonour thehighcharacter and the accomplishments of Washington, the feeling was one ofreverenceratherthanofaffection.Thissentimentgaveriselatertothetitleofthe"Father of his Country"; but there was no such personal feeling towardsWashingtonaswarranted,at leastduringhis life, thetermfatherof thepeople.Thirtyyearslater,therulerofthenationisAndrewJackson,amanwhowas,likeLincoln, eminently a representativeof the commonpeople.His fellow-citizensknewthatJacksonunderstoodtheirfeelingsandtheirmethodsandwerereadytohavefullconfidenceinJackson'spatriotismandhonestyofpurpose.Hisnaturelacked,however,thesweetsympatheticqualitiesthatcharacterisedLincoln;andwhile to a large body of his fellow-citizens he commended himself forsturdiness,courage,anddevotiontotheinterestsofthestate,hewasneverablefor himself to overcome the feeling that a man who failed to agree with aJacksonpolicymustbeeitheraknaveorafool.Hecouldnotplacehimself in

thepositionfromwhichtheotherfellowwasthinkingoracting.Hebelievedthatit was his duty to maintain what he held to be the popular cause against the"schemesofthearistocrats,"thebugbearofthatday.Hewasafighterfromhisyouthupandhistheoryofgovernmentwasthatofenforcingthecontrolofthesideforwhichhewasthepartisan.Suchamancouldneverbeacceptedasthefatherofthepeople.

Lincoln, coming from thosewhomhecalled the commonpeople, feelingwiththeir feelings, sympathetic with their needs and ideals, was able in thedevelopmentofhispowerstobeacceptedasthepeerofthelargestintellectsinthe land.Whileknowingwhatwasneededby thepoorwhitesofKentucky,hecouldunderstandalsothepointofviewofBoston,NewYork,orPhiladelphia.Inplaceofemphasisingantagonisms,heheldconsistentlythatthehighestinterestofonesectionofthecountrymustbetherealinterestofthewholepeople,andthat the ruler of the nation had upon him the responsibility of so shaping thenational policy that all the people should recognise the government as theirgovernment. Itwas this largeunderstanding andwidthof sympathy thatmadeLincolninasensewhichcouldbeappliedtonootherrulerofthiscountry,thepeople's President, and no other ruler in the world has ever been sosympathetically,soeffectivelyintouchwithallofthefellow-citizensforwhosewelfarehemadehimself responsible.TheLatinwriter,AulusGellius,uses foroneofhisheroestheterm"aclassiccharacter."ThesewordsseemtomefairlytoapplytoAbrahamLincoln.

An appreciative Englishman,writing in the LondonNation at the time of theCentennialcommemoration,saysofLincoln:

ThegreatnessofLincolnwasthatofacommonmanraisedtoahighdimension.Thepossibility,stillmoretheexistence,of suchaman is itself a justificationofdemocracy.Wedonot say that so independent, sonatural, so complete amancannotinoldersocietiescometowieldsolargeapowerovertheaffairsandthemindsofmen;wecanonlysaythatamidall the stirringmovementsof thenineteenthcenturyhehasnot so done. The existence of what may be called awidespread commonalty explains the rarity of personaleminence in America. There has been and still remains ahigher general level of personality than in any Europeancountry, and the degree of eminence is correspondinglyreduced.ItisjustbecauseAmericahasstoodforopportunitythat conspicuous individuals have been comparatively rare.Strong personality, however, has not been rare; it is theabundanceofsuchpersonalitythathasbuiltupsilentlyintotherisingfabricof theAmericanCommonwealth,pioneers,roadmakers, traders, lawyers, soldiers, teachers, toilingterribly over the material and moral foundation of thecountry, few of whose names have emerged or survived.Lincoln was of this stock, was reared among these rudeenergetic folk,had livedall thosesortsof lives.Hewasno"sport";hiscareerisatriumphantrefutationofthetraditionalviews of genius. He had no special gift or quality todistinguishhim;hewassimplythebesttypeofAmericanata historic juncturewhen the national safetywanted such aman.TheconfidencewhichallAmericansexpressthattheircountrywillbeequaltoanyemergencywhichmaythreatenit,isnotsoentirelysuperstitiousasitseemsatfirstsight.Forthe career of Lincoln shows how it has been done in acountrywherethe"necessaryman"canbedrawnnotfromafew leading families, or an educated class, but from themillions.

RabbiSchechter,inaneloquentaddressdeliveredattheCentennialcelebration,speaksofLincoln'spersonalityasfollows:

Thehalf century thathas elapsed sinceLincoln'sdeathhasdispelledthemiststhatencompassedhimonearth.Mennow

not only recognise the right which he championed, butbehold in him the standard of righteousness, of liberty, ofconciliation,andtruth.Inhim,asitwerepersonified,standsthe Union, all that is best and noblest and enduring in itsprinciplesinwhichhedevoutlybelievedandservedmightilytosave.Whento-day,theworldcelebratesthecenturyofhisexistence,hehasbecometheidealofbothNorthandSouth,ofacommoncountry,composednotonlyofthefactionsthatonceconfrontedeachotherinwar'sdreadfularray,butofthemyriad thousands that have since found in the Americannation the hope of the future and the refuge from age-entrenchedwrongandabsolutism.Tothem,Lincoln,hislife,his history, his character, his entire personality,with all itswondrous charm and grace, its sobriety, patience, self-abnegation, and sweetness, has come to be the veryprototypeofarisinghumanity.

Carl Schurz, himself a man of large nature and wide and sympatheticcomprehension,saysofLincoln:

Inthemostconspicuouspositionoftheperiod,Lincolndrewupon himself the scoffs of polite society; but even then hefilled the souls of mankind with utterances of wonderfulbeauty andgrandeur. Itwasdistinctly theweirdmixture inhim of qualities and forces, of the loftywith the common,theidealwiththeuncouth,ofthatwhichhehadbecomewiththat which he had not ceased to be, that made him sofascinatingacharacteramonghisfellow-men,thatgavehimhissingularpowerovermindsandhearts, thatfittedhimtobe the greatest leader in the greatest crisis of our nationallife.

He possessed the courage to stand alone—that couragewhichisthefirstrequisiteofleadershipinagreatcause.Thecharm of Lincoln's oratory flooded all the rare depth andgenuinenessofhisconvictionsandhissympatheticfeelingswerethestrongestelementinhisnature.HewasoneofthegreatestAmericansandthebestofmen.

ThepoetWhittierwrites:

ThewearyformthatrestednotSaveinamartyr'sgrave;Thecare-wornfacethatnoneforgot,Turnedtothekneelingslave.

WerestinpeacewherehissadeyesSawperil,strife,andpain;Hiswastheawfulsacrifice,Andoursthepricelessgain.

SaysBryant:

Thattaskisdone,theboundarefree,Webeartheetoanhonouredgrave,WhosenoblestmonumentshallbeThebrokenfettersoftheslave.

Purewasthylife;itsbloodycloseHathblessedtheewiththesonsoflight,AmongthenoblehostofthoseWhoperishedinthecauseofright.

SaysLowell:

Ourchildrenshallbeholdhisfame,Thekindly-earnest,brave,foreseeingman,Sagacious,patient,dreadingpraise,notblame;Newbirthofournewsoil,thefirstAmerican.

Ordinarymendiewhentheirphysicallifeisbroughttoaclose,ifperhapsnotatonce,yetinabriefspace,withthepassingofthelittlecircleofthosetowhomtheyweredear.

Theman of distinction lives for a time after death.His achievements and hischaracter are held in appreciative remembrance by the community and thegenerationhehasserved.Thewavesofhis influencerippleout inasomewhatwider circle before being lost in the ocean of time.We call thatman great towhom it is given so to impress himself upon his fellow-men by deed, bycreation,byservice to thecommunity,bycharacter,by the inspirationfromonhighthathasbeenbreathedthroughhissoul,thatheisnotpermittedtodie.Such

amansecuresimmortalityinthisworld.Theknowledgeandtheinfluenceofhislifeareextended throughoutmankindandhismemorygathers increasingfamefromgenerationtogeneration.

It is thus thatmenare to-dayhonouring thememoryofAbrahamLincoln.To-day, one hundred years after his birth, and nearly half a century since thedramaticcloseofhislife'swork,Lincolnstandsenshrinedinthethoughtandintheheartsofhiscountrymen.Heisour"FatherAbraham,"belongingtous,hisfellow-citizens, for ideals, for inspiration, and for affectionate regard; but hebelongsnowalsotoallmankind,forhehasbeencanonisedamongthenoblestoftheworld'sheroes.

APPENDIX

THEADDRESSOFABRAHAMLINCOLN

DeliveredatCooperInstitute,NewYork,

February27,1860.

With Introduction by Charles C. Nott; Historical and Analytical Notes byCharlesC.NottandCephasBrainerd,andwiththeCorrespondencebetweenMr.LincolnandMr.Nott asRepresentativeof theCommitteeof theYoungMen'sRepublicanUnion.

INTRODUCTORYNOTE

The address delivered byLincoln at theCooper Institute in February, 1860 inresponsetotheinvitationofcertainrepresentativeNewYorkers,was,aswellinitscharacterasinitsresults,themostimportantofallofhisutterances.

The conscientious study of the historical and constitutional record, and theargumentsandconclusionsbasedupontheanalysisofthisrecord,wereacceptedby the Republican leaders as constituting the principles and the policy to bemaintainedduringthePresidentialcampaignof1860,acampaigninwhichwasinvolvednotmerely theelectionofaPresident,but thecontinuedexistenceoftherepublic.

Under thewisecounselsrepresentedbythewordsofLincoln, theelectionwasfoughtoutsubstantiallyontwocontentions:

First, that the compact entered into by the Fathers and by their immediatesuccessors should be loyally carried out, and that slavery should not beinterferedwithintheoriginalslaveStates,orintheadditionalterritorythathadbeenconceded to itunder theMissouriCompromise; and, secondly, thatnotasinglefurthersquaremileofsoil,thatwasstillfree,shouldbeleftavailable,orshouldbemadeavailable,fortheincursionofslavery.

It was the conviction of Lincoln and of his associates, as it had been theconvictionoftheFathers,thatundersucharestrictionslaverymustcertainlyinthe near future come to an end. Itwas because these convictions, both in thedebates with Douglas and in the Cooper Institute speech, were presented byLincolnmoreforciblyandmoreconclusivelythanhadbeendonebyanyotherpolitical leader, that Lincoln secured the nomination and the presidency. TheFebruaryaddresswasassuredlyadecidingfactorinthegreatissueofthetime,anditcertainlybelongs,therefore,withthehistoricdocumentsoftherepublic.

G.H.P.

NEWYORK,September1,1909.

CORRESPONDENCEWITHLINCOLN,NOTT,ANDBRAINERD

(FromRobertLincoln)

MANCHESTER,VERMONT,

July27,1909.

DEARMAJORPUTNAM:

Your letter of July 23rd reaches me here, and I beg toexpress my thanks for your kind remembrances of me inLondon.... I ammuch interested in learning that youwerepresent at the time my father made his speech at CooperInstitute. I, of course, remember the occasion very well,althoughIwasnotpresent.Iwasatthattimeinthemiddleof my year at Phillips Exeter Academy, preparing for theHarvard entrance examination of the summer of 1860....AftertheCooperInstituteaddress,myfathercametoExetertoseehowIwasgettingalong,andthisvisitresultedinhismaking a numberof speeches inNewEnglandonhiswayand on his return, and at Exeter hewrote tomymother aletterwhichwasmainlyconcernedwithme,butwhichdidmakereferencetothesespeeches....Hesaidthathehadhadsome embarrassment with these New England speeches,becauseincomingEasthehadanticipatedmakingnospeechexcepting the one at the Cooper Institute, and he had notprepared himself for anything else.... In the later speeches,hewasaddressingreadingaudienceswhohad,ashethoughtprobable,seenthereportofhisCooperInstitutespeech,andhewasobliged,therefore,fromdaytoday(hemadeaboutadozen speeches inNewEngland in all) to bear that fact inmind.

Sincerelyyours,

ROBERTLINCOLN.

(FromJudgeNott)

WILLIAMSTOWN,MASS.,

July26,1909.

DEARPUTNAM:

I consider it very desirable that the report ofMr.Lincoln'sspeech,embodyingthefinalrevision,shouldbepreservedinbookform....Thetextinthepamphletnowinyourhandsisauthenticandconclusive.Mr.Lincolnreadtheproofbothofthe address and of the notes. I am glad that you are toincludeinyourreprintthelettersfromMr.Lincoln,astheseletters authenticate this copy of the address as the copywhichwascorrectedbyhimwithhisownhand....

Theprefacetotheaddress,writteninSeptember,1860,hasinterestbecauseitshowswhatwethoughtof theaddressatthat time....Yourworthy fatherwas, if I remember rightly,oneofthevice-presidentsofthemeeting....

Yoursfaithfully,

CHARLESC.NOTT.

(FromCephasBrainerd)

NEWYORK,August18,1909.

DEARMAJORPUTNAM:

Iamveryglad to learn that there isgoodprospect that thereal LincolnCooper Institute address,with the evidence inregardtoit,willnowbeavailableforthepublic....Iamgladalso that with the address you are proposing to print thelettersreceivedbyJudgeNottfromMr.Lincoln.Oneortwo

of thesehave,unfortunately,notbeenpreserved. I recall inone an observation made by Lincoln to the effect that he"wasnotmuchofaliteraryman."

I did not see much of Mr. Lincoln when he was in NewYork, as my most active responsibility in regard to themeeting was in getting up an audience.... I remember inhanding some weeks earlier to John Sherman, who, likeLincoln, had never before spoken in New York, five ten-dollar gold pieces, that he said he "had not expected hisexpensestobepaid."AtalunchthatwasgiventoShermanalong time afterward, I referred to that meeting. Shermancockedhiseyeatmeandsaid:"Yes,Irememberitverywell;Ineverwassoscar'tinallmylife."...

TheobservationsofJudgeNottinregardtothemeetingareabout as just as anything that has ever been put into print,andasIconcurfullyintheaccuracyoftheserecollections,Idonotundertaketogivemyownimpressionsatanylength.Iwas expecting to hear some specimen of Western stump-speaking as it was then understood. You will, of course,observe that the speech contains nothing of the kind. I doremember,however, thatLincoln spokeof the conditionoffeelingbetweentheNorthandtheSouth....Herefers tothetreatmentwhichNorthernmenreceivedintheSouth,andheremarked,parenthetically,thathehadneverknownofamanwho had been able "towhip hiswife into loving him," anobservationthatproducedlaughter.

Inmakingupthenotes,weransacked,asyoumaybesure,allthematerialavailableinthelibrariesinNewYork,andIalso had interviews as to one special point with Mr.Bancroft,withMr.Hildreth,andwithDr.WilliamGoodell,whowasinthosetimesafamousanti-slaveryman.

Yourfather[3]andWilliamCurtisNoyeswerepossiblymorecompletely in sympathy than any other two men in NewYork,withtheeffortsoftheseyoungermen;theyimpressedmeas standing in that respecton the sameplane.Thenextman to them was Charles Wyllis Elliott, the author of a

HistoryofNewEngland.Weneverwent toyour father foradviceor assistancewhenhe failed tohelpus, andhewasalways so kindly and gentle in what he did and said thatevery one of us youngsters acquired for him a very greataffection.Healwayshadtimetoseeusandwasalwaysonhand when he was wanted, and if we desired to haveanything,wegotitifhehadit.Neitheryourfather,norMr.Noyes,norforthatmatterMr.Elliott,eversuggestedthatwewere "young" or "fresh" or anything of that sort. Theenthusiasm which young fellows have was alwaysrecognisedbythesemenasanexceedinglyvaluableassetinthecause....Pardonallthisfroma"veteran,"andbelieveme,

Sincerelyyours,

CEPHASBRAINERD.

INTRODUCTION

BYCHARLESC.NOTT

The Cooper Institute address is one of the most important addresses everdeliveredinthelifeofthisnation,forataneventfultimeitchangedthecourseofhistory.WhenMr.LincolnrosetospeakontheeveningofFebruary27,1860,he had held no administrative office; he had endeavoured to be appointedCommissioner of Patents, and had failed; he had sought to be electedUnitedStatesSenator,andhadbeendefeated;hehadbeenamemberofCongress,yetitwasnotevenremembered;hewasalawyerinhumblecircumstances,persuasiveofjuries,buthadnotreachedthefrontrankoftheIllinoisBar.TherecordwhichMr.LincolnhimselfplacedintheCongressionalDirectoryin1847mightstillbetakenastherecordofhispublicandofficiallife:"BornFebruary12th,1809,inHardinCounty,Kentucky.Educationdefective.Professionalawyer.HavebeenacaptainofvolunteersintheBlackHawkWar.Postmasterinaverysmalloffice.FourtimesamemberoftheIllinoisLegislatureandamemberofthelowerhouseofCongress."Wasthis therecordofamanwhoshouldbemadetheheadofanationin troubledtimes?Intheestimationof thoughtfulAmericanseastof theAlleghaniesallthattheyknewofMr.Lincolnjustifiedtheminregardinghimasonly "a Western stump orator"—successful, distinguished, but nothing higherthanthat—aWesternstumporator,whohaddaredtobraveoneofthestrongestmen in theWestern States, and who had done so with wonderful ability andmoralsuccess.WhenMr.Lincolnclosedhisaddresshehadrisentotherankofstatesman, and had stamped himself a statesman peculiarly fitted for theexigencyofthehour.

Mr.WilliamCullenBryantpresidedatthemeeting;andanumberofthefirstandablest citizens of New York were present, among them Horace Greeley. Mr.Greeleywaspronouncedinhisappreciationoftheaddress;itwastheablest,thegreatest, the wisest speech that had yet been made; it would reassure theconservativeNortherner; itwas justwhatwaswanted to conciliate the excitedSoutherner;itwasconclusiveinitsargument,andwouldassuretheoverthrowofDouglas.Mr.HoraceWhite has recentlywritten: "I chanced to open theotherdayhisCooperInstitutespeech.ThisisoneofthefewprintedspeechesthatIdid

nothearhimdeliverinperson.AsIreadtheconcludingpagesofthatspeech,theconflict of opinion that preceded the conflict of arms then sweeping upon thecountrylikeanapproachingsolareclipseseemedprefiguredlikeachapteroftheBook of Fate. Here again he was the Old Testament prophet, before whomHoraceGreeleybowedhishead, saying thathehadnever listened toagreaterspeech, although he had heard several ofWebster's best." Later, Mr. Greeleybecame the leader of theRepublican forces opposed to the nomination ofMr.Seward andwas instrumental in concentrating those forces uponMr. Lincoln.Furthermore, the great NewYork press on the followingmorning carried theaddresstothecountry,andbeforeMr.LincolnleftNewYorkhewastelegraphedfromConnecticut to come and aid in the campaign of the approaching springelection. He went, and when the fateful moment came in the Convention,Connecticut was one of the Eastern States which first broke away from theSewardcolumnandwentover toMr.Lincoln.WhenConnecticutdid this, thediewascast.

ItisdifficultforyoungergenerationsofAmericanstobelievethatthreemonthsbeforeMr.LincolnwasnominatedforthePresidencyhewasneitherappreciatednorknowninNewYork.Thatfactcanbebetterestablishedbyasingleincidentthanbytheopinionsandassurancesofadozenmen.

Aftertheaddresshadbeendelivered,Mr.Lincolnwastakenbytwomembersofthe Young Men's Central Republican Union—Mr. Hiram Barney, afterwardCollectorofthePortofNewYork,andMr.Nott,oneofthesubsequenteditorsofthe address—to their club, The Athenæum, where a very simple supper wasordered,andfiveorsixRepublicanmembersoftheclubwhochancedtobeinthebuildingwereinvitedin.Thesupperwasinformal—asinformalasanythingcould be; the conversation was easy and familiar; the prospects of theRepublican party in the coming strugglewere talked over, and so littlewas itsupposedbythegentlemenwhohadnotheardtheaddressthatMr.Lincolncouldpossibly be the candidate that one of them, Mr. Charles W. Elliott, asked,artlessly:"Mr.Lincoln,whatcandidatedoyoureallythinkwouldbemostlikelyto carry Illinois?"Mr. Lincoln answered by illustration: "Illinois is a peculiarState, in three parts. In northern Illinois, Mr. Seward would have a largermajoritythanIcouldget.InmiddleIllinois,IthinkIcouldcalloutalargervotethanMr.Seward.InsouthernIllinois,itwouldmakenodifferencewhowasthecandidate."Thisanswerwastakentobemerelyillustrativebyeverybodyexcept,perhaps,Mr.BarneyandMr.Nott,eachofwhom,itsubsequentlyappeared,hadparticularlynotedMr.Lincoln'sreply.

Thelittlepartybrokeup.Mr.Lincolnhadbeencordiallyreceived,butcertainlyhadnot been flattered.Theothers shookhimby the hand and, as theyput ontheirovercoats, said: "Mr.Nott isgoingdown townandhewill showyou thewaytotheAstorHouse."Mr.LincolnandMr.Nottstartedonfoot,butthelatterobserving thatMr. Lincolnwas apparentlyWalkingwith some difficulty said,"Areyoulame,Mr.Lincoln?"Herepliedthathehadonnewbootsandtheyhurthim.Thetwogentlementhenboardedastreetcar.WhentheyreachedtheplacewhereMr.Nottwouldleavethecaronhiswayhome,heshookMr.Lincolnbythehandand,biddinghimgood-bye, toldhimthat thiscarwouldcarryhimtothesidedooroftheAstorHouse.Mr.Lincolnwentonalone,theonlyoccupantofthecar.ThenexttimehecametoNewYork,herodedownBroadwaytotheAstorHousestandingerectinanopenbarouchedrawnbyfourwhitehorses.Hebowedtothepatrioticthousandsinthestreet,onthesidewalks,inthewindows,onthehouse-tops,andtheycheeredhimasthelawfullyelectedPresidentoftheUnitedStatesandbadehimgoonand,withGod'shelp,savetheUnion.

HiscompanioninthestreetcarhasoftenwonderedsincethenwhatMr.LincolnthoughtaboutduringtheremainderofhisridethatnighttotheAstorHouse.TheCooper Institute had, owing to a snowstorm, not been full, and its intelligent,respectable,non-partisanaudiencehadnotrungoutenthusiasticapplauselikeaconcourse of Western auditors magnetised by their own enthusiasm. Had theaddress—the most carefully prepared, the most elaborately investigated anddemonstratedandverifiedofalltheworkofhislife—beenafailure?Butinthematter of quality and ability, if not of quantity and enthusiasm, he had neveraddressedsuchanaudience;andsomeoftheablestmenintheNorthernStateshadexpressed theiropinionof theaddress in termswhich leftnodoubtof thehighest appreciation. Did Mr. Lincoln regard the address which he had justdeliveredtoasmallandcriticalaudienceasasuccess?Didhehavethefaintestglimmerofthebrillianteffectwhichwastofollow?Didhefeelthelonelinessofthesituation—thewantofhisloyalIllinoisadherents?Didhissinkingheartinferthathewasbutaspeckofhumanitytowhichthegreatcitywouldneveragaingive a thought?Hewas a plainman, an ungainlyman; unadorned, apparentlyuncultivated,showingtheawkwardnessofself-consciousrusticity.Hisdressthatnight before a New York audience was the most unbecoming that a fiend'singenuitycouldhavedevisedforatall,gauntman—ablackfrockcoat,ill-settingand tooshort forhimin thebody,skirt,andarms—arollingcollar, low-down,disclosinghislongthin,shrivelledthroatuncoveredandexposed.NomaninallNew York appeared that night more simple, more unassuming, more modest,moreunpretentious,moreconsciousofhisowndefectsthanAbrahamLincoln;

andyetwenowknowthatwithinhissoulthereburnedthefiresofanunboundedambition,sustainedbyaself-relianceandself-esteemthatbadehimfixhisgazeupontheverypinnacleofAmericanfameandaspiretoitinatimesotroubledthat its dangers appalled the soul of every American. What were this man'sthoughtswhenhewasleftalone?Didafaintshadowofthefuturerestuponhissoul?DidhefeelinsomemysteriouswaythatonthatnighthehadcrossedtheRubicon of his life-march—that care and trouble and political discord, andslander andmisrepresentation and ridicule and public responsibilities, such ashardlyeverbeforeburdenedaconscientioussoul,coupledwithwaranddefeatanddisaster,weretobethenceforthhisportionnearlytohislife'send,andthathisendwastobeabloodyactwhichwouldappalltheworldandsendathrillofhorrorthroughtheheartsoffriendsandenemiesalike,sothatwhenthewoefultidings came thebravest of theSouthernbrave shouldburst into tears and cryaloud,"Oh!theunhappySouth,theunhappySouth!"

Theimpressionleftonhiscompanion'smindashegavealastglanceathiminthestreetcarwasthatheseemedsadandlonely;andwhenitwastoolate,whenthecarwasbeyondcall,heblamedhimselffornotaccompanyingMr.LincolntotheAstorHouse—notbecausehewasadistinguishedstranger,butbecauseheseemedasadandlonelyman.

February12,1908.

CORRESPONDENCEWITHMR.LINCOLN

69WallSt.,NewYork,

February9,1860.

DearSir:

The "YoungMen's Central Republican Union" of this cityvery cordially desire that you should deliver during theensuingmonth—what Imay term—apolitical lecture.Thepeculiaritiesof the case are these—Aseriesof lectureshasbeendeterminedupon—ThefirstwasdeliveredbyMr.BlairofSt.Louis a short timeago—the secondwill be in a fewdays byMr. C.M. Clay, and the third we would prefer tohave from you, rather than from any other person. Of theaudience I should add that it is not that of an ordinarypoliticalmeeting.Theselectureshavebeencontrivedtocalloutourbetter,butbusiercitizens,whoneverattendpoliticalmeetings.Alargepartoftheaudiencewouldalsoconsistofladies.Thetimeweshouldprefer,wouldbeaboutthemiddleof March, but if any earlier or later day will be moreconvenientforyouwewouldalterourarrangements.

Allow me to hope that we shall have the pleasure ofwelcoming you toNewYork.You are, I believe, an entirestrangertoyourRepublicanbrethrenhere;buttheyhave,foryou, the highest esteem, and your celebrated contest withJudge Douglas awoke their warmest sympathy andadmiration.Thoseofuswhoare"intheranks"wouldregardyour presence as very material aid, and as an honor andpleasurewhichIcannotsufficientlyexpress.

Respectfully,

CharlesC.Nott.

ToHon.AbramLincoln.

69WallSt.,NewYork,

May23,1860.

DearSir:

IencloseacopyofyouraddressinNewYork.

We(theYoungMen'sRep.Union)design topublishanewedition in larger type and better form,with such notes andreferences as will best attract readers seeking information.Haveyouanymemorandaofyourinvestigationswhichyouwouldapproveofinserting?

YouandyourWesternfriends,Ithink,underratethisspeech.It has produced a greater effect here than any other singlespeech.ItistherealplatformintheEasternStates,andmustcarry the conservative element in New York, New Jersey,andPennsylvania.

ThereforeIdesirethatitshouldbeasnearlyperfectasmaybe.Mostoftheemendationsaretrivialanddonotaffectthesubstance—allaremerelysuggestedforyourjudgment.

I cannot help adding that this speech is an extraordinaryexample of condensed English. After some experience incriticising forReviews, I findhardlyanything to touchandnothingtoomit.ItistheonlyoneIknowofwhichIcannotshorten,and—likeagoodarch—movingonewordtumblesawholesentencedown.

Finally—itbeingabadandfoolish thingforacandidate towrite letters, and you having doubtless more to do of thatthanispleasantorprofitable,wewillnotaddtoyourburdeninthatregard,butifyouwillletanyfriendwhohasnothingtodo,adviseusastoyourwishes,inthisoranyothermatter,wewilltrytocarrythemout.

Respectfully,

CharlesC.Nott.

ToHon.AbrahamLincoln.

Springfield,Ills.,May31,1860.

CharlesC.Nott,Esq.

MyDearSir:

Yours of the 23rd, accompanied by a copy of the speechdeliveredbymeattheCooperInstitute,anduponwhichyouhavemadesomenotesforemendations,wasreceivedsomedays ago—Of course I would not object to, but would bepleasedrather,withamoreperfecteditionofthatspeech.

I did not preservememoranda of my investigations; and Icould not now re-examine, and make notes, without anexpenditureof timewhichIcannotbestowuponit—SomeofyournotesIdonotunderstand.

Sofaras it is intendedmerely to improve ingrammar,andelegance of composition, I am quite agreed; but I do notwish the sense changed, ormodified, to a hair's breadth—Andyou,nothavingstudiedtheparticularpointssocloselyas Ihave,cannotbequitesure thatyoudonotchange thesensewhenyoudonot intendit—Forinstance, inanoteatbottomoffirstpage,youproposetosubstitute"Democrats"for "Douglas"—But what I am saying there is true ofDouglas, and is not true of "Democrats" generally; so thatthe proposed substitution would be a very considerableblunder—Yourproposed insertionof "residences" though itwoulddolittleornoharm,isnotatallnecessarytothesenseI was trying to convey—On page 5 your proposedgrammatical change would certainly do no harm—The"impudently absurd" I stick to—The striking out "he" andinserting"we" turns the sense exactlywrong—The strikingout"uponit"leavesthesensetoogeneralandincomplete—Thesenseis"actastheyacteduponthatquestion"—notastheyactedgenerally.

Afterconsideringyourproposedchangesonpage7,Idonotthink them material, but I am willing to defer to you inrelationtothem.

Onpage9,strikingout"tous"isprobablyright—Theword"lawyer's" I wish retained. The word "Courts" struck outtwice,Iwishreducedto"Court"andretained—"Court"asacollection more properly governs the plural "have" as Iunderstand—"The" preceding "Court," in the latter case,mustalsoberetained—Thewords"quite,""as,"and"or"onthesamepage,Iwishretained.Theitalicising,andquotationmarking,Ihavenoobjectionto.

As to the note at bottom, I do not think any too much isadmitted—What youproposeonpage11 is right—I returnyour copy of the speech, together with one printed here,under my own hasty supervising. That at New York wasprintedwithoutanysupervisionbyme—Ifyouconcludetopublishanewedition,allowmetoseetheproof-sheets.

Andnow thankingyou foryourvery complimentary letter,andyourinterestformegenerally,Isubscribemyself.

Yourfriendandservant,

A.Lincoln.

69WallStreet,NewYork.

August28,1860.

DearSir:

Mr. Judd insistsonourprinting the revisededitionofyourCooperIns.speechwithoutwaitingtosendyoutheproofs.

Ifthisissodetermined,Iwishyoutoknow,thatIhavemadenoalterationsotherthanthoseyousanctioned,except—

1. I do not find that Abraham Baldwin voted on theOrdinance of '87. On the contrary he appears not to have

acted with Congress during the sitting of the Convention.Wm. Pierce seems to have taken his place then; and hisnameisrecordedasvotingfortheOrdinance.Thismakesnodifferenceintheresult,butIpresumeyouwillnotwishthehistorical inaccuracy(if it issuch) tostand.Iwill therefore(unlessyouwritetothecontrary)strikeouthisnameinthatplace and reduce the number from "four" to "three"whereyousumupthenumberoftimeshevoted.

2. In the quotations from theConstitution I have given itsexact language;as"delegated" insteadof"granted,"etc.Asit is given inquo.marks, I presume the exact letter of thetextshouldbefollowed.

Ifthesearenotcorrectpleasewriteimmediately.

Our apology for the delay is that we have been weigheddownbyothermatters;minethatIhavebutto-dayreturnedtotown.

Respectfully,

CharlesC.Nott.

ToHon.AbrahamLincoln.

69WALLSTREET,N.Y.

Sept.17,1860.

DearSir:

We forwardyouby this day's express 250 copies,with thelastcorrections.Idelayedsending, thinkingthatyouwouldpreferthesetothosefirstprinted.

The "Abraham Baldwin letter" referred to in your last Iregret to say has not arrived. From your not touching theproofsinthatregard,Iinferred(andhope)thatthecorrectionwasnotitselfanerror.

Shouldyouwishalargernumberofcopiesdonothesitateto

letusknow;itwillaffordusmuchpleasuretofurnishthemandnoinconveniencewhatever.

Respectfully,etc.,

CHARLESC.NOTT.

Hon.A.Lincoln.

SPRINGFIELD,ILLS.,Sept.22,1860.

CHARLESC.NOTT,Esq.,

MyDearSir:

Yoursof the17thwasdulyreceived—The250copieshavenot yet arrived—I am greatly obliged to you forwhat youhavedone,andwhatyouproposetodo.

The"AbrahamBaldwinletter"insubstancewasthatIcouldnot find the Journal of theConfederationCongress for thesession at which was passed the Ordinance of 1787—andthat instatingMr.Baldwinhadvotedfor itspassage, Ihadrelied on a communication of Mr. Greeley, over his ownsignature, published in the New York Weekly Tribune ofOctober 15, 1859. If you will turn to that paper, you willthere see that Mr. Greeley apparently copies from theJournal,andplacesthenameofMr.Baldwinamongthoseofthemenwhovotedforthemeasure.

Still; if the Journal itself shows differently, of course it isright.

Yoursverytruly,

A.LINCOLN.

TheAddressof

THEHON.ABRAHAMLINCOLN,

InVindicationofthePolicyoftheFramersoftheConstitutionandthePrinciplesoftheRepublicanParty.

DeliveredatCooperInstitute,February27th,1860.IssuedbytheYoungMen'sRepublicanUnion.

WithNotesbyCHARLESC.NOTTandCEPHASBRAINERD,

MembersoftheBoardofControl.

OFFICERSOFTHEUNION

CHARLEST.RODGERS,President.DEXTERA.HAWKINS,Vice-President.

ERASMUSSTERLING,Secretary.WILLIAMM.FRANKLIN,Treasurer.

EXECUTIVECOMMITTEE

CEPHASBRAINERD,Chairman.BENJAMINP.MANIERRE,RICHARDC.McCORMICK,

CHARLESC.NOTT,CHARLESH.COOPER,

P.G.DEGRAW,JAMESH.WELSH,E.C.JOHNSON,LEWISM.PECK.

ADVISORYBOARD

WM.CULLENBRYANT,DANIELDREW,HIRAMBARNEY,

WILLIAMV.BRADY,JOHNJAY,

GEORGEW.BLUNT,

HENRYA.HURLBUT,ABIJAHMANN,JR.,HAMILTONFISH,FRANCISHALL,

HORACEGREELEY,CHARLESA.PEABODY,EDGARKETCHUM,JAMESKELLY,

GEORGEFOLSOM,WILLIAMCURTISNOYES,BENJAMINF.MANIERRE.

PREFACE

This edition ofMr. Lincoln's address has been prepared and published by theYoung Men's Republican Union of New York, to exemplify its wisdom,truthfulness, and learning.Noonewhohasnotactuallyattempted toverify itsdetails can understand the patient research and historical labor which itembodies. The history of our earlier politics is scattered through numerousjournals,statutes,pamphlets,andletters;andthesearedefectiveincompletenessandaccuracyofstatement,andinindicesandtablesofcontents.Neithercananyonewho has not travelled over this precise ground appreciate the accuracy ofeverytrivialdetail,ortheself-denyingimpartialitywithwhichMr.Lincolnhasturnedfromthetestimonyof"theFathers,"onthegeneralquestionofslavery,topresentthesinglequestionwhichhediscusses.Fromthefirst linetothelast—fromhis premises to his conclusion, he travelswith swift, unerring directnesswhich no logician ever excelled—an argument complete and full, without theaffectation of learning, and without the stiffness which usually accompaniesdates anddetails.A single, easy, simple sentence of plainAnglo-Saxonwordscontainsachapterofhistorythat,insomeinstances,hastakendaysoflabortoverifyandwhichmusthavecost theauthormonthsof investigationtoacquire.And, though the public should justly estimate the labor bestowed on the factswhicharestated,theycannotestimatethegreaterlaborinvolvedonthosewhichareomitted—howmanypageshavebeen read—howmanyworksexamined—whatnumerousstatutes,resolutions,speeches,letters,andbiographieshavebeenlooked through. Commencing with this address as a political pamphlet, thereaderwill leaveitasanhistoricalwork—brief,complete,profound, impartial,truthful—whichwillsurvivethetimeandtheoccasionthatcalleditforth,andbeesteemedhereafter,nolessforitsintrinsicworththanitsunpretendingmodesty.

NEWYORK,September,1860.

ADDRESS

MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF NEWYORK:—ThefactswithwhichIshalldealthiseveningaremainly old and familiar; nor is there anything new in thegeneral use I shall make of them. If there shall be anynovelty,itwillbeinthemodeofpresentingthefacts,andtheinferencesandobservationsfollowingthatpresentation.

Inhisspeechlastautumn,atColumbus,Ohio,asreportedintheNewYorkTimes,SenatorDouglassaid:

"Our fathers, when they framed the Government underwhich we live, understood this question just as well, andevenbetterthanwedonow."

Ifullyindorsethis,andIadoptitasatextforthisdiscourse.I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreedstarting-pointforadiscussionbetweenRepublicansandthatwing of the Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. Itsimply leaves the inquiry: "What was the understandingthosefathershadofthequestionmentioned?"

WhatistheframeofGovernmentunderwhichwelive?

The answer must be: "The Constitution of the UnitedStates."ThatConstitutionconsistsoftheoriginal,framedin1787, (and underwhich the presentGovernment firstwentinto operation,) and twelve subsequently framedamendments,thefirsttenofwhichwereframedin1789.[4]

Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? Isupposethe"thirty-nine"whosignedtheoriginalinstrumentmaybefairlycalledourfatherswhoframedthatpartofthepresent Government. It is almost exactly true to say theyframed it, and it is altogether true to say they fairlyrepresentedtheopinionandsentimentofthewholenationatthat time. Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and

accessibletoquiteall,neednotnowberepeated.[5]

I take these "thirty-nine" for the present, as being "ourfatherswhoframedtheGovernmentunderwhichwelive."

What is the question which, according to the text, thosefathersunderstood"justaswell,andevenbetterthanwedonow"?

It is this: Does the proper division of local from federalauthority,oranythingintheConstitution,forbidourFederalGovernment to control as to slavery in our FederalTerritories?

Upon this, Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, andRepublicans thenegative.This affirmation anddenial formanissue;andthisissue—thisquestion—ispreciselywhatthetextdeclaresourfathersunderstood"betterthanwe."

Letusnowinquirewhetherthe"thirty-nine,"oranyofthem,ever acted upon this question; and if they did, how theyacteduponit—howtheyexpressedthatbetterunderstanding.

In 1784, three years before the Constitution—the UnitedStatesthenowningtheNorthwesternTerritory,andnoother,[6] the Congress of the Confederation had before them thequestionofprohibitingslaveryinthatTerritory;andfourofthe "thirty-nine" who afterward framed the Constitution,wereinthatCongress,andvotedonthatquestion.Ofthese,Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamsonvoted for the prohibition,[7] thus showing that, in theirunderstanding,nolinedividinglocalfromfederalauthority,noranythingelse,properlyforbadetheFederalGovernmenttocontrolastoslaveryinfederalterritory.Theotherofthefour—James M'Henry—voted against the prohibition,showingthat,forsomecause,hethoughtitimpropertovoteforit.[8]

In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the

Convention was in session framing it, and while theNorthwesternTerritorystillwastheonlyterritoryownedbytheUnitedStates, the samequestionofprohibitingSlaveryin the Territories again came before the Congress of theConfederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" whoafterwardsignedtheConstitution,wereinthatCongress,andvoted on the question. They were William Blount andWilliam Few[9]; and they both voted for the prohibition—thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividinglocal from federal authority, nor anything else, properlyforbade theFederalGovernment to control as to slavery infederal territory. This time, the prohibition became a law,beingpartofwhat isnowwellknownas theOrdinanceof'87.[10]

Thequestionof federalcontrolof slavery in the territories,seemsnottohavebeendirectlybeforetheConventionwhichframedtheoriginalConstitution;andhenceitisnotrecordedthatthe"thirty-nine,"oranyofthem,whileengagedonthatinstrument, expressedanyopinionon thatprecisequestion.[11]

In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under theConstitution,anactwaspassedtoenforcetheOrdinanceof'87,includingtheprohibitionofslaveryintheNorthwesternTerritory. The bill for this act was reported by one of the"thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of theHouse of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It wentthrough all its stages without a word of opposition, andfinallypassedbothbrancheswithoutyeasandnays,whichisequivalent to an unanimous passage.[12] In this Congress,thereweresixteenofthethirty-ninefatherswhoframedtheoriginal Constitution. They were John Langdon, NicholasOilman,Wm. S. Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris,Thos.Fitzsimmons,WilliamFew,AbrahamBaldwin,RufusKing, William Paterson, George Clymer, Richard Bassett,GeorgeRead,PierceButler,DanielCarroll,JamesMadison.[13]

This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividinglocalfromfederalauthority,noranythingintheConstitution,properlyforbadeCongresstoprohibitslaveryinthefederalterritory;elseboththeirfidelitytocorrectprinciple,andtheiroath to support the Constitution, would have constrainedthemtoopposetheprohibition.

Again,GeorgeWashington,anotherofthe"thirty-nine,"wasthenPresidentof theUnitedStates, and, as such, approvedandsignedthebill;thuscompletingitsvalidityasalaw,andthus showing that, in his understanding, no line dividinglocalfromfederalauthority,noranythingintheConstitution,forbade theFederalGovernment to control as to slavery infederalterritory.

No great while after the adoption of the originalConstitution, North Carolina ceded to the FederalGovernment the country now constituting the State ofTennessee; and a fewyears laterGeorgia ceded thatwhichnow constitutes the States ofMississippi and Alabama. InbothdeedsofcessionitwasmadeaconditionbythecedingStates that the Federal Government should not prohibitslavery in the ceded country.[14] Besides this, slavery wasthen actually in the ceded country. Under thesecircumstances, Congress, on taking charge of thesecountries, did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them.Buttheydidinterferewithit—takecontrolofit—eventheretoacertainextent.In1798,CongressorganizedtheTerritoryofMississippi.Intheactoforganization,theyprohibitedthebringingofslavesintotheTerritory,fromanyplacewithouttheUnitedStates,by fine, andgiving freedom to slaves sobrought.[15] This act passed both branches of Congresswithout yeas and nays. In that Congresswere three of the"thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. TheywereJohnLangdon,GeorgeReadandAbrahamBaldwin.[16]They all, probably, voted for it.Certainly theywould haveplaced their opposition to it upon record, if, in theirunderstanding,anylinedividinglocalfromfederalauthority,oranythingintheConstitution,properlyforbadetheFederal

Governmenttocontrolastoslaveryinfederalterritory.

In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisianacountry. Our former territorial acquisitions came fromcertain of our own States; but this Louisiana country wasacquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, Congress gave aterritorial organization to that part of it which nowconstitutestheStateofLouisiana.NewOrleans,lyingwithinthat part, was an old and comparatively large city. Therewereotherconsiderable townsandsettlements,andslaverywas extensively and thoroughly intermingled with thepeople. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, prohibitslavery;buttheydidinterferewithit—takecontrolofit—inamoremarkedandextensivewaythantheydidinthecaseofMississippi.Thesubstanceoftheprovisionthereinmade,inrelationtoslaves,was:

First. That no slave should be imported into the territoryfromforeignparts.

Second.Thatnoslaveshouldbecarriedintoitwhohadbeenimported into theUnitedStates since the first day ofMay,1798.

Third.Thatnoslaveshouldbecarriedintoit,exceptbytheowner,andforhisownuseasasettler;thepenaltyinallthecasesbeingafineupontheviolatorofthelaw,andfreedomtotheslave.[17]

This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In theCongress which passed it, there were two of the "thirty-nine." TheywereAbrahamBaldwin and JonathanDayton.[18]As stated in thecaseofMississippi, it isprobable theyboth voted for it. They would not have allowed it to passwithout recording their opposition to it, if, in theirunderstanding, it violated either the line properly dividinglocal from federal authority, or any provision of theConstitution.

In 1819-20, came and passed theMissouri question.Manyvotes were taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of

Congress, upon the various phases of the general question.Twoofthe"thirty-nine"—RufusKingandCharlesPinckney—were members of that Congress.[19] Mr. King steadilyvoted for slavery prohibition and against all compromises,while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slaveryprohibitionandagainst all compromises.By this,Mr.Kingshowed that, in his understanding, no line dividing localfromfederalauthority,noranythingintheConstitution,wasviolatedbyCongressprohibitingslaveryinfederalterritory;while Mr. Pinckney, by his votes, showed that, in hisunderstanding, there was some sufficient reason foropposingsuchprohibitioninthatcase.[20]

ThecasesIhavementionedaretheonlyactsofthe"thirty-nine,"orofanyofthem,uponthedirectissue,whichIhavebeenabletodiscover.

To enumerate thepersonswho thus acted, as being four in1784,twoin1787,seventeenin1789,threein1798,twoin1804, and two in 1819-20—therewould be thirty of them.ButthiswouldbecountingJohnLangdon,RogerSherman,WilliamFew,RufusKing,andGeorgeReadeachtwice,andAbrahamBaldwinthreetimes.Thetruenumberofthoseofthe"thirty-nine"whomIhaveshowntohaveacteduponthequestion,which,bythetext,theyunderstoodbetterthanwe,is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acteduponitinanyway.[21]

Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-ninefathers"whoframedtheGovernmentunderwhichwelive,"who have, upon their official responsibility and theircorporaloaths,actedupon theveryquestionwhich the textaffirms they "understood just aswell, and even better thanwe do now"; and twenty-one of them—a clearmajority ofthewhole"thirty-nine"—soactinguponitas tomakethemguiltyofgrosspoliticalimproprietyandwilfulperjury,if,intheir understanding, any proper division between local andfederal authority, or anything in the Constitution they hadmadethemselves,andsworntosupport,forbadetheFederal

Governmenttocontrolastoslaveryinthefederalterritories.Thusthetwenty-oneacted;and,asactionsspeaklouderthanwords,soactionsundersuchresponsibilityspeakstilllouder.

Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressionalprohibition of slavery in the federal territories, in theinstances in which they acted upon the question. But forwhat reasons they so voted is not known. Theymay havedonesobecausetheythoughtaproperdivisionoflocalfromfederal authority, or some provision or principle of theConstitution, stood in the way; or they may, without anysuch question, have voted against the prohibition on whatappearedtothemtobesufficientgroundsofexpediency.Noone who has sworn to support the Constitution canconscientiously vote for what he understands to be anunconstitutionalmeasure, however expedient hemay thinkit;butonemayandoughttovoteagainstameasurewhichhedeems constitutional, if, at the same time, he deems itinexpedient.It,therefore,wouldbeunsafetosetdowneventhetwowhovotedagainsttheprohibition,ashavingdonesobecause,intheirunderstanding,anyproperdivisionoflocalfrom federal authority, or anything in the Constitution,forbade theFederalGovernment to control as to slavery infederalterritory.[22]

The remaining sixteenof the "thirty-nine," so far as Ihavediscovered,have leftnorecordof theirunderstandinguponthedirectquestionoffederalcontrolofslaveryinthefederalterritories. But there is much reason to believe that theirunderstandingupon that questionwould not have appeareddifferent from that of their twenty-three compeers, had itbeenmanifestedatall.[23]

For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I havepurposely omitted whatever understanding may have beenmanifestedbyanyperson,howeverdistinguished,otherthanthethirty-ninefatherswhoframedtheoriginalConstitution;and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whateverunderstanding may have been manifested by any of the"thirty-nine" even, on any other phase of the general

question of slavery. If we should look into their acts anddeclarationsonthoseotherphases,astheforeignslavetrade,and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it wouldappeartousthatonthedirectquestionoffederalcontrolofslaveryinfederalterritories,thesixteen,iftheyhadactedatall,wouldprobablyhaveacted justas the twenty-threedid.Among that sixteen were several of the most noted anti-slavery men of those times—as Dr. Franklin, AlexanderHamilton,andGouverneurMorris—whiletherewasnotonenowknown tohavebeenotherwise, unless itmaybe JohnRutledge,ofSouthCarolina.[24]

Thesumofthewholeis,thatofourthirty-ninefatherswhoframed the original Constitution, twenty-one—a clearmajorityof thewhole—certainlyunderstood thatnoproperdivisionof local fromfederalauthority,noranypartof theConstitution, forbade the Federal Government to controlslavery in the federal territories;whileall the restprobablyhad thesameunderstanding.Such,unquestionably,was theunderstanding of our fathers who framed the originalConstitution; and the text affirms that they understood thequestion"betterthanwe."

But,sofar,Ihavebeenconsideringtheunderstandingofthequestion manifested by the framers of the originalConstitution.Inandbytheoriginalinstrument,amodewasprovidedforamending it;and,as Ihavealreadystated, thepresent frame of "the Government under which we live"consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articlesframedandadoptedsince.Thosewhonowinsistthatfederalcontrol of slavery in federal territories violates theConstitution,pointustotheprovisionswhichtheysupposeitthus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix uponprovisions in these amendatory articles and not in theoriginal instrument. The SupremeCourt, in theDred Scottcase, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment, whichprovidesthatnopersonshallbedeprivedof"life,libertyorpropertywithoutdueprocessoflaw";whileSenatorDouglasand his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth

amendment,providingthat"thepowersnotdelegatedtotheUnitedStatesbytheConstitution""arereservedtotheStatesrespectively,ortothepeople."[25]

Now, it sohappens that theseamendmentswere framedbythe first Congress which sat under the Constitution—theidenticalCongresswhichpassedtheactalreadymentioned,enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the NorthwesternTerritory.NotonlywasitthesameCongress,buttheyweretheidenticalsameindividualmenwho,atthesamesession,and at the same time within the session had underconsideration, and in progress toward maturity, theseConstitutionalamendments,and thisactprohibitingslaveryinalltheterritorythenationthenowned.TheConstitutionalamendments were introduced before, and passed after, theactenforcingtheOrdinanceof'87;sothat,duringthewholependency of the act to enforce the Ordinance, theConstitutionalamendmentswerealsopending.[26]

Theseventy-sixmembersofthatCongress,includingsixteenoftheframersoftheoriginalConstitution,asbeforestated,werepre-eminentlyourfatherswhoframedthatpartof"theGovernmentunderwhichwelive,"whichisnowclaimedasforbiddingtheFederalGovernmenttocontrolslaveryinthefederalterritories.

IsitnotalittlepresumptuousinanyoneatthisdaytoaffirmthatthetwothingswhichthatCongressdeliberatelyframed,and carried to maturity at the same time, are absolutelyinconsistentwitheachother?Anddoesnotsuchaffirmationbecome impudently absurd when coupled with the otheraffirmationfromthesamemouth,thatthosewhodidthetwothings, alleged to be inconsistent, understoodwhether theyreallywereinconsistentbetterthanwe—betterthanhewhoaffirmsthattheyareinconsistent?

Itissurelysafetoassumethatthethirty-nineframersoftheoriginal Constitution, and the seventy-six members of theCongress which framed the amendments thereto, takentogether,docertainlyincludethosewhomaybefairlycalled

"our fathers who framed the Government under which welive."[27]Andsoassuming,Idefyanymantoshowthatanyone of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in hisunderstanding, any proper division of local from federalauthority,oranypartoftheConstitution,forbadetheFederalGovernmenttocontrolastoslaveryinthefederalterritories.I go a step further. I defy any one to show that any livingman in thewholeworldeverdid,prior to thebeginningofthe present century, (and I might almost say prior to thebeginning of the last half of the present century,) declarethat,inhisunderstanding,anyproperdivisionoflocalfromfederalauthority,oranypartoftheConstitution,forbadetheFederalGovernment to control as to slavery in the federalterritories. To those who now so declare, I give, not only"our fathers who framed the Government under which welive,"butwiththemallother livingmenwithinthecenturyin which it was framed, amongwhom to search, and theyshall not be able to find the evidence of a single managreeingwiththem.

Now, and here, let me guard a little against beingmisunderstood.Idonotmeantosayweareboundtofollowimplicitlyinwhateverourfathersdid.Todoso,wouldbetodiscard all the lights of current experience—to reject allprogress—all improvement. What I do say is, that if wewouldsupplanttheopinionsandpolicyofourfathersinanycase, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, andargument so clear, that even their great authority, fairlyconsideredandweighed,cannot stand;andmost surelynotinacasewhereofweourselvesdeclaretheyunderstoodthequestionbetterthanwe.

If any man at this day sincerely believes that a properdivision of local from federal authority, or any part of theConstitution,forbidstheFederalGovernmenttocontrolastoslaveryinthefederalterritories,heisrighttosayso,andtoenforce his position by all truthful evidence and fairargument which he can. But he has no right to misleadothers,who have less access to history, and less leisure to

study it, into the false belief that "our fathers,who framedthe Government under which we live," were of the sameopinion—thus substituting falsehood and deception fortruthful evidenceand fair argument. If anymanat thisdaysincerelybelieves"ourfatherswhoframedtheGovernmentunderwhichwe live,"usedandappliedprinciples, inothercases, which ought to have led them to understand that aproperdivisionof localfromfederalauthorityorsomepartof the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government tocontrolas to slavery in the federal territories,he is right tosay so. But he should, at the same time, brave theresponsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, heunderstandstheirprinciplesbetterthantheydidthemselves;and especially should he not shirk that responsibility byassertingthatthey"understoodthequestionjustaswell,andevenbetter,thanwedonow."

But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, whoframedtheGovernmentunderwhichwelive,understoodthisquestion just as well, and even better, than we do now,"speakastheyspoke,andactastheyacteduponit.ThisisallRepublicans ask—all Republicans desire—in relation toslavery.Asthosefathersmarkedit,soletitbeagainmarked,as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated andprotectedonlybecauseofandso faras itsactualpresenceamongusmakes that tolerationandprotectionanecessity.Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it, be, notgrudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For thisRepublicans contend, and with this, so far as I know orbelieve,theywillbecontent.

Andnow,iftheywouldlisten—asIsupposetheywillnot—IwouldaddressafewwordstotheSouthernpeople.

Iwould say to them:Youconsideryourselvesa reasonableandajustpeople;andIconsiderthatinthegeneralqualitiesofreasonandjusticeyouarenotinferiortoanyotherpeople.Still,whenyouspeakofusRepublicans,youdosoonlytodenounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, as no better thanoutlaws.Youwillgrantahearingtopiratesormurderers,but

nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all yourcontentions with one another each of you deems anunconditional condemnation of "Black Republicanism" asthefirstthingtobeattendedto.Indeed,suchcondemnationofusseemstobeanindispensableprerequisite—licence,sotospeak—amongyoutobeadmittedorpermittedtospeakatall.Now,canyou,ornot,beprevailedupontopauseandtoconsider whether this is quite just to us, or even toyourselves?Bring forwardyour charges and specifications,andthenbepatientlongenoughtohearusdenyorjustify.

Yousaywearesectional.Wedenyit.Thatmakesanissue;and the burden of proof is upon you. You produce yourproof;andwhatisit?Why,thatourpartyhasnoexistenceinyour section—gets no votes in your section. The fact issubstantiallytrue;butdoesitprovetheissue?Ifitdoes,thenincaseweshould,withoutchangeofprinciple,begintogetvotes in your section, we should thereby cease to besectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, areyouwillingtoabidebyit?Ifyouare,youwillprobablysoonfind that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall getvotes inyoursection thisveryyear.Youwill thenbegin todiscover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof does nottouchtheissue.Thefactthatwegetnovotesinyoursection,is a fact of yourmaking, and not of ours.And if there befaultinthatfact,thatfaultisprimarilyyours,andremainssountilyoushowthatwerepelyoubysomewrongprincipleorpractice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle orpractice, the fault isours;but thisbringsyou towhereyououghttohavestarted—toadiscussionoftherightorwrongof our principle. If our principle, put in practice, wouldwrongyoursectionfor thebenefitofours,orforanyotherobject,thenourprinciple,andwewithit,aresectional,andarejustlyopposedanddenouncedassuch.Meetus,then,onthequestionofwhetherourprinciple,putinpractice,wouldwrongyoursection;andsomeetusasifitwerepossiblethatsomething may be said on our side. Do you accept thechallenge? No! Then you really believe that the principlewhich"ourfatherswhoframedtheGovernmentunderwhich

welive"thoughtsoclearlyrightastoadoptit,andindorseitagainandagain,upontheirofficialoaths,isinfactsoclearlywrongastodemandyourcondemnationwithoutamoment'sconsideration.

Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warningagainstsectionalpartiesgivenbyWashingtoninhisFarewellAddress.LessthaneightyearsbeforeWashingtongavethatwarning,hehad,asPresidentoftheUnitedStates,approvedandsignedanactofCongress,enforcing theprohibitionofslavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodiedthepolicyoftheGovernmentuponthatsubjectuptoandattheverymomenthepennedthatwarning;andaboutoneyearafterhepennedit,hewroteLafayettethatheconsideredthatprohibition a wise measure, expressing in the sameconnection his hope that we should at some time have aconfederacyoffreeStates.[28]

Bearingthisinmind,andseeingthatsectionalismhassincearisenupon this same subject, is thatwarning aweapon inyour hands against us, or in our hands against you?CouldWashingtonhimself speak,wouldhecast theblameof thatsectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon youwho repudiate it?We respect that warning ofWashington,and we commend it to you, together with his examplepointingtotherightapplicationofit.

But you say you are conservative—eminently conservative—whilewe are revolutionary, destructive, or something ofthesort.Whatisconservatism?Isitnotadherencetotheoldandtried,againstthenewanduntried?Westickto,contendfor, the identical old policy on the point in controversywhich was adopted by "our fathers who framed theGovernment under which we live"; while you with oneaccord reject, and scout, and spit upon that oldpolicy, andinsist upon substituting something new. True, you disagreeamongyourselvesastowhatthatsubstituteshallbe.Youaredivided on new propositions and plans, but you are

unanimousinrejectinganddenouncingtheoldpolicyofthefathers.Someofyouareforrevivingtheforeignslavetrade;some for a Congressional Slave-Code for the Territories;some for Congress forbidding the Territories to prohibitSlaverywithintheirlimits;someformaintainingSlaveryintheTerritories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reatpur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, nothird man should object," fantastically called "PopularSovereignty";butneveramanamongyouinfavoroffederalprohibitionofslaveryinfederal territories,accordingtothepracticeof "our fatherswho framed theGovernmentunderwhichwelive."Notoneofallyourvariousplanscanshowaprecedent or an advocate in the century within which ourGovernmentoriginated.Consider, then,whetheryourclaimof conservatism for yourselves, and your charge ofdestructiveness against us, arebasedon themost clear andstablefoundations.

Again, you say we have made the slavery question moreprominentthanitformerlywas.Wedenyit.Weadmitthatitismoreprominent,butwedeny thatwemade it so. Itwasnotwe,butyou,whodiscardedtheoldpolicyofthefathers.We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; and thencecomes the greater prominence of the question.Would youhave that question reduced to its former proportions? Gobackto thatoldpolicy.Whathasbeenwillbeagain,underthesameconditions.Ifyouwouldhavethepeaceoftheoldtimes,readoptthepreceptsandpolicyoftheoldtimes.

Youchargethatwestirupinsurrectionsamongyourslaves.We deny it; and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! JohnBrown!! John Brown was no Republican; and you havefailedtoimplicateasingleRepublicaninhisHarper'sFerryenterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in thatmatter,youknowitoryoudonotknowit.Ifyoudoknowit,youareinexcusablefornotdesignatingthemanandprovingthe fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable forassertingit,andespeciallyforpersistingintheassertionafteryouhavetriedandfailedtomaketheproof.Youneednotbe

toldthatpersistinginachargewhichonedoesnotknowtobetrue,issimplymaliciousslander.[29]

Someofyouadmit thatnoRepublicandesignedlyaidedorencouragedtheHarper'sFerryaffair;butstill insistthatourdoctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results.Wedonotbelieveit.Weknowweholdtonodoctrine,andmake no declaration, which was not held to and made by"our fathers who framed the Government under which welive."Youneverdealt fairlybyus in relation to this affair.Whenitoccurred,someimportantStateelectionswerenearathand,andyouwereinevidentgleewiththebeliefthat,bychargingtheblameuponus,youcouldgetanadvantageofus in those elections. The elections came, and yourexpectationswerenotquitefulfilled.EveryRepublicanmanknewthat,astohimselfatleast,yourchargewasaslander,andhewasnotmuchinclinedbyit tocasthisvote inyourfavor. Republican doctrines and declarations areaccompanied with a continual protest against anyinterference whatever with your slaves, or with you aboutyourslaves.Surely, thisdoesnotencourage themtorevolt.True,wedo, incommonwith"ourfathers,whoframedtheGovernment under which we live," declare our belief thatslaveryiswrong;buttheslavesdonothearusdeclareeventhis. For anythingwe say or do, the slaveswould scarcelyknowthereisaRepublicanparty.Ibelievetheywouldnot,infact,generallyknowitbutforyourmisrepresentationsofus, in their hearing. In your political contests amongyourselves, each faction charges the other with sympathywith Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to thecharge, defines Black Republicanism to simply beinsurrection,bloodandthunderamongtheslaves.

Slave insurrections are no more common now than theywere before the Republican party was organized. Whatinduced the Southampton insurrection, twenty-eight yearsago,inwhich,atleast,threetimesasmanyliveswerelostasat Harper's Ferry?[30] You can scarcely stretch your veryelasticfancytotheconclusionthatSouthamptonwas"gotup

byBlack Republicanism." In the present state of things intheUnited States, I do not think a general, or even a veryextensive slave insurrection, is possible. The indispensableconcert of action cannot be attained. The slaves have nomeansofrapidcommunication;norcanincendiaryfreemen,black or white, supply it. The explosive materials areeverywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can besupplied,theindispensableconnectingtrains.

Much is said by Southern people about the affection ofslaves for theirmasters andmistresses; and a part of it, atleast,istrue.Aplotforanuprisingcouldscarcelybedevisedandcommunicatedtotwentyindividualsbeforesomeoneofthem,tosavethelifeofafavoritemasterormistress,woulddivulgeit.Thisistherule;andtheslaverevolutioninHaytiwas not an exception to it, but a case occurring underpeculiar circumstances,[31] The gunpowder plot of Britishhistory,thoughnotconnectedwithslaves,wasmoreinpoint.Inthatcase,onlyabout twentywereadmittedtothesecret;andyetoneofthem,inhisanxietytosaveafriend,betrayedthe plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted thecalamity.Occasionalpoisoningsfromthekitchen,andopenor stealthy assassinations in the field, and local revoltsextending to a score or so, will continue to occur as thenatural results of slavery; but no general insurrection ofslaves,asIthink,canhappeninthiscountryforalongtime.Whoevermuchfears,ormuchhopesforsuchanevent,willbealikedisappointed.

InthelanguageofMr.Jefferson,utteredmanyyearsago,"Itis still in our power to direct the process of emancipation,anddeportation,peaceably,andinsuchslowdegrees,asthatthe evil will wear off insensibly; and their places be, paripassu,filledupbyfreewhitelaborers.If,onthecontrary,itis left to force itself on, humannaturemust shudder at theprospectheldup."[32]

Mr.Jeffersondidnotmeantosay,nordoI,thatthepowerofemancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke ofVirginia;and,astothepowerofemancipation,Ispeakofthe

slaveholdingStatesonly.TheFederalGovernment,however,asweinsist,hasthepowerofrestrainingtheextensionoftheinstitution—the power to insure that a slave insurrectionshall never occur on anyAmerican soilwhich is now freefromslavery.

John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slaveinsurrection. It was an attempt by white men to get up arevolt among slaves, in which the slaves refused toparticipate.Infact,itwassoabsurdthattheslaves,withalltheir ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed.That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the manyattempts,relatedinhistory,attheassassinationofkingsandemperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of apeople till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven toliberate them.Heventures the attempt,which ends in littleelse than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on LouisNapoleon,andJohnBrown'sattemptatHarper'sFerrywere,intheirphilosophy,preciselythesame.TheeagernesstocastblameonoldEnglandintheonecase,andonNewEnglandin the other, does not disprove the sameness of the twothings.

Andhowmuchwoulditavailyou,ifyoucould,bytheuseof John Brown, Helper's Book, and the like, break up theRepublicanorganization?Humanactioncanbemodifiedtosomeextent,buthumannaturecannotbechanged.Thereisajudgmentandafeelingagainstslaveryinthisnation,whichcastatleastamillionandahalfofvotes.Youcannotdestroythat judgmentandfeeling—thatsentiment—bybreakingupthe political organization which rallies around it. You canscarcelyscatteranddisperseanarmywhichhasbeenformedintoorderinthefaceofyourheaviestfire;butifyoucould,howmuchwould yougain by forcing the sentimentwhichcreateditoutofthepeacefulchanneloftheballot-box,intosome other channel? What would that other channelprobablybe?WouldthenumberofJohnBrownsbelessenedorenlargedbytheoperation?

But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a

denialofyourConstitutionalrights.[33]

That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would bepalliated, if not fully justified, were we proposing, by themereforceofnumbers,todepriveyouofsomeright,plainlywritten down in theConstitution.Butwe are proposingnosuchthing.

Whenyoumakethesedeclarations,youhaveaspecificandwell-understoodallusion toanassumedConstitutional rightof yours, to take slaves into the federal territories, and toholdthemthereasproperty.ButnosuchrightisspecificallywrittenintheConstitution.Thatinstrumentisliterallysilentaboutanysuchright.We,on thecontrary,deny thatsucharight has any existence in the Constitution, even byimplication.

Yourpurpose, then, plainly stated, is, that youwill destroythe Government, unless you be allowed to construe andenforce the Constitution as you please, on all points indispute between you and us. You will rule or ruin in allevents.

This,plainlystated, isyour language.Perhapsyouwill saytheSupremeCourt has decided the disputedConstitutionalquestion in your favor. Not quite so. But waiving thelawyer'sdistinctionbetweendictumanddecision,theCourthave decided the question for you in a sort of way. TheCourthavesubstantiallysaid, it isyourConstitutional rightto take slaves into the federal territories, and to hold themthereasproperty.WhenIsaythedecisionwasmadeinasortofway, Imean itwasmade in a dividedCourt, by a baremajorityoftheJudges,andtheynotquiteagreeingwithoneanotherinthereasonsformakingit;[34]thatitissomadeasthat its avowed supporters disagreewithone another aboutitsmeaning, and that itwasmainlybaseduponamistakenstatement of fact—the statement in the opinion that "theright of property in a slave is distinctly and expresslyaffirmedintheConstitution."[35]

AninspectionoftheConstitutionwillshowthattherightofpropertyinaslaveisnot"distinctlyandexpresslyaffirmed"in it.Bear inmind, the Judges do not pledge their judicialopinion that such right is impliedly affirmed in theConstitution; but they pledge their veracity that it is"distinctly and expressly" affirmed there—"distinctly," thatis, notmingledwith anything else—"expressly," that is, inwordsmeaning just that, without the aid of any inference,andsusceptibleofnoothermeaning.

Iftheyhadonlypledgedtheirjudicialopinionthatsuchrightis affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would beopen to others to show that neither the word "slave" nor"slavery" is to be found in the Constitution, nor the word"property"even,inanyconnectionwithlanguagealludingtothe things slave, or slavery, and that wherever in thatinstrumenttheslaveisalludedto,heiscalleda"person";—and wherever his master's legal right in relation to him isalludedto,itisspokenofas"serviceorlaborwhichmaybedue,"—as a debt payable in service or labor.[36] Also, itwould be open to show, by contemporaneous history, thatthis mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead ofspeakingofthem,wasemployedonpurposetoexcludefromtheConstitutiontheideathattherecouldbepropertyinman.

Toshowallthis,iseasyandcertain.[37]

WhenthisobviousmistakeoftheJudgesshallbebroughttotheir notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they willwithdraw the mistaken statement, and reconsider theconclusionbaseduponit?

And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers, whoframed the Government under which we live"—the menwho made the Constitution—decided this sameConstitutional question in our favor, long ago—decided itwithout division among themselves, when making thedecision; without division among themselves about themeaningofitafteritwasmade,and,sofarasanyevidenceis left, without basing it upon any mistaken statement of

facts.

Underallthesecircumstances,doyoureallyfeelyourselvesjustified to break up this Government, unless such a courtdecision as yours is, shall be at once submitted to as aconclusiveandfinalruleofpoliticalaction?Butyouwillnotabide the election of a Republican President! In thatsupposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; andthen,yousay,thegreatcrimeofhavingdestroyeditwillbeuponus!That is cool.Ahighwaymanholds apistol tomyear, andmutters through his teeth, "Stand and deliver or Ishallkillyou,andthenyouwillbeamurderer!"

Tobesure,whattherobberdemandedofme—mymoney—wasmyown;andIhadaclearrighttokeepit;butitwasnomoremy own thanmy vote is my own; and the threat ofdeath to me, to extort my money, and the threat ofdestructiontotheUnion,toextortmyvote,canscarcelybedistinguishedinprinciple.

AfewwordsnowtoRepublicans.ItisexceedinglydesirablethatallpartsofthisgreatConfederacyshallbeatpeaceandin harmony, one with another. Let us Republicans do ourpart to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us donothing through passion and ill temper. Even though theSouthern people will not so much as listen to us, let uscalmlyconsider theirdemands,andyield to them if, inourdeliberateviewofourduty,wepossiblycan.[38]Judgingbyall they say and do, and by the subject and nature of theircontroversywith us, let us determine, ifwe can,whatwillsatisfythem.

Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionallysurrendered to them? We know they will not. In all theirpresent complaints against us, the Territories are scarcelymentioned. Invasions and insurrections are the rage now.Willitsatisfythem,if,inthefuture,wehavenothingtodowithinvasionsandinsurrections?Weknowitwillnot.Wesoknow,becauseweknowweneverhadanything todowithinvasionsandinsurrections;andyetthistotalabstainingdoes

notexemptusfromthechargeandthedenunciation.

Thequestionrecurs,whatwillsatisfythem?Simplythis:Wemust not only let them alone, but we must, somehow,convincethemthatwedoletthemalone.This,weknowbyexperience, is no easy task. We have been so trying toconvincethemfromtheverybeginningofourorganization,butwith no success. In all our platforms and speecheswehaveconstantlyprotestedourpurposetoletthemalone;butthishashadnotendencytoconvincethem.Alikeunavailingtoconvincethem,isthefactthattheyhaveneverdetectedamanofusinanyattempttodisturbthem.

These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing,whatwill convince them?This, and thisonly;cease tocallslaverywrong, and join them in calling it right. And thismustbedonethoroughly—doneinactsaswellasinwords.Silence will not be tolerated—we must place ourselvesavowedly with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition lawmust be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarationsthatslaveryiswrong,whethermadeinpolitics,inpresses,inpulpits,orinprivate.Wemustarrestandreturntheirfugitiveslaves with greedy pleasure.Wemust pull down our FreeState constitutions. The whole atmosphere must bedisinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, beforetheywillceasetobelievethatalltheirtroublesproceedfromus.

Iamquiteawaretheydonotstatetheircasepreciselyinthisway.Mostofthemwouldprobablysaytous,"Letusalone,do nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery."Butwedo let themalone—havenever disturbed them—sothat, after all, it is what we say, which dissatisfies them.They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we ceasesaying.

I amalso aware theyhavenot, as yet, in terms, demandedtheoverthrowofourFree-StateConstitutions.[39]Yet thoseConstitutions declare the wrong of slavery, with moresolemn emphasis, than do all other sayings against it; and

when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, theoverthrow of these Constitutions will be demanded, andnothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to thecontrary,thattheydonotdemandthewholeofthisjustnow.Demandingwhat theydo, and for the reason theydo, theycan voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation.Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally right, andsocially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a fullnational recognition of it, as a legal right, and a socialblessing.[40]

Norcanwejustifiablywithholdthisonanygroundsaveourconviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, allwords,acts,laws,andconstitutionsagainstit,arethemselveswrong,andshouldbesilenced,andsweptaway.Ifitisright,wecannotjustlyobjecttoitsnationality—itsuniversality;ifit iswrong,theycannotjustlyinsistuponitsextension—itsenlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if wethoughtslaveryright;allweask,theycouldasreadilygrant,if they thought itwrong.[41]Their thinking it right,andourthinkingitwrong,istheprecisefactuponwhichdependsthewholecontroversy.Thinkingitright,astheydo,theyarenottoblamefordesiringitsfullrecognition,asbeingright;but,thinkingitwrong,aswedo,canweyieldtothem?Canwecastourvoteswiththeirview,andagainstourown?Inviewofourmoral,social,andpoliticalresponsibilities,canwedothis?

Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let italonewhereit is,becausethatmuchisduetothenecessityarising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we,while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into theNational Territories, and to overrun us here in these FreeStates?Ifoursenseofdutyforbidsthis,thenletusstandbyour duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted bynoneof thosesophisticalcontrivanceswherewithwearesoindustriously plied and belabored—contrivances such asgroping for somemiddle groundbetween the right and thewrong,vainasthesearchforamanwhoshouldbeneithera

livingmannoradeadman—suchasapolicyof"don'tcare"on a question about which all true men do care—such asUnion appeals beseeching true Union men to yield toDisunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not thesinners,buttherighteoustorepentance—suchasinvocationsto Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washingtonsaid,andundowhatWashingtondid.

Neither let us be slandered from our duty by falseaccusationsagainstus,norfrightenedfromitbymenacesofdestructiontotheGovernmentnorofdungeonstoourselves.LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT,ANDINTHATFAITH,LETUS,TOTHEEND,DARETODOOURDUTYASWEUNDERSTANDIT.

INDEX

A

Andersonville,responsibilityfor,190Andrew,John.A.,105Antietam,battleof,115Appomattox,thesurrenderat,177ff.Atlanta,captureof,151

B

Bahamas,tradeofthe,withtheConfederacy,167ff.Banks,GeneralN.P.,103Bazaine,General,incommandofFrencharmyinMexico,156BelleIsle,theprisonof,189Bentonville,battleof,183Bixby,Mrs.,letterto,fromLincoln,152"BlackRepublicans,"the,250Blair,PrankP.,difficultieswith,161Blount,William,237BorderStates,the,andemancipation,114ff.Bragg,Gen.Braxton,136ff.Brainerd,Cephas,ontheCooperUnionaddress,211Brown,John,raidof,254BryantonLincoln,202Buckner,Gen.S.B.,99BullRun,secondbattleof,122Burnside,Gen.AmbroseF.,andtheArmyofthePotomac,127;andthedefenceofKnoxville,137

Butler,BenjaminF.,103,120

C

Cabinet,cabalsinthe,160CedarCreek,thebattleof,150ff.Chancellorsville,battleof,129Charleston,evacuationof,169Chase,SalmonP.,andthePresidentialelectionof1864,154;resignationof,154;appointedchiefjustice,155;effortsof,forthePresidency,157;difficultieswith,intheCabinet,161

Chickamauga,battleof,136Clay,CassiusM.,223CongressandslaveryintheTerritories,246ff.Constitution,the13thamendmentto,163ff.;definedbyLincoln,236ff.;andpropertyinslaves,260ff.

"Crocker,Master",113Curtin,Gov.A.G.,105Curtis,Gen.S.R.,108

D

Danville,theprisonof,147,189ff.;mortalityin,159

Davis,Jefferson,andBenj.F.Butler,120;andthePeaceConferenceofFeb.,1865,163;captureof,;andtheotherleadersoftheSouth,189;andthemanagementoftheSouthern

prisons,190ff;asaprisonerandmartyr,191

Douglas,StephenA.,andthedebatewithLincoln,cited,235;andtheseditionact,263;andtheDredScottdecision,246

DredScottcase,the,246

E

Early,JubalA.,raidofonWashington,142ff.;andthebattleofWinchester,149;andthebattleofCedarCreek,150

Elliott,CharlesW.,213EmancipationProclamation,the,115ff.Enfieldrifles,useof,byConfederates,146

F

Farragut,AdmiralD.G.,111Few,William,237Fisher,Fort,captureof,167Fitzsimmons,Thomas,238Floyd,GeneralJohnB.,99Franklin,battleof,151ff.Franklin,Benjamin,245

G

Georgia,cessionofterritoryby,239Gettysburg,campaignof,132ff.Goldsborough,surrenderofJohnston'sarmyat,183Goodell,Dr.Wm.,212Grant,Gen.U.S.,capturesFortDonelson,99;andtheVicksburgcampaign,134;andtheChattanoogacampaign,136;commanderofthearmies,137ff.;suggestedforthePresidency,157;declinestoconsidertermsofpeace,171;atAppomattox,177ff.;atGoldsborough,184ff.

Greeley,Horace,105Greene,FrankV.,onLincoln,106

H

Halleck,Gen.H.W.,103Hallowell,Col.Norwood,116Hamilton,Alexander,245Hancock,Gen.W.S.,127Harper'sFerry,124;JohnBrown'sraidat,254

Helper,H.R.,the"ImpendingCrisis"of,258Hewitt,AbramS.,99ff.Higginson,Col.T.W.,116Hood,Gen.JohnB.,151ff.Hooker,Gen.Joseph,107,127,130ff.,137

I

InterventionofFranceandEnglandthreatened,122

J

Jefferson,Thomas,onemancipation,257Johnston,Gen.JosephE.,138,151,169,183ft.

K

King,Rufus,241Knoxville,siegeof,137

L

Lee,Gen.RobertE.andtheAntietamcampaign,122;andthecampaignofGettysburg,130ff.;andthedefenceofVirginia,137ff.;proposestreatyofpeace,171;

defeatedatFiveForks,171;atAppomattox,171

Libbyprison,Presidentialelectionin,158;mortalityin,159;recordof,189ff.

Lincoln,Abraham,andHewitt,A.S.,100ff.;writesto"MasterCrocker",113;ascommander-in-chief,103ff.;andthedeathpenaltyforsoldiers,119;campaignmethodsofMcClellan,125ff.;letterof,appointingHooker,128;toGrantonthefallofVicksburg,134;addressof,atGettysburg,134;letterof,toMrs.Bixby,152;re-electionof,asPresident,157;andtheexchangeofprisoners,158ff.;andthecontroloftheadministration,160;andthePeaceConferenceofFeb.,1865,162ff.;secondinauguralof,169ff.;lastpublicaddressof,178;deathof,181;andtheproposedcaptureofJeffersonDavis,188;deathof,reportedtothearmyatGoldsborough,190;comparisonof,withWashingtonandJackson,195ff.;CooperUnionaddressof,205ff.;writestoNott,225ff.

Lincoln,Robert,ontheCooperUnionaddress,209Longstreet,Gen.James,133,137LookoutMountain,battleof,137Louisiana,purchaseof,240LowellonLincoln,202

M

Maximilian,Prince,andtheinvasionofMexico,156McClellan,Gen.GeorgeB.102ff.;andtheAntietamcampaign,122ff.;orderedtoreporttoNewJersey,126

Meade,Gen.Geo.G.,127,131Mifflin,Thomas,237Milliken'sBend,battleof,118Minnesota,troopsfrom,165;universityof,167

MissionaryRidge,battleof,137Mississippi,organisationoftheTerritoryof,240Missouri,admissionof,241MissouriCompromise,the,31,38MonocacyCreek,battleof,143Morgan,Gen.John,177Morris,Gouverneur,245

N

Napoleon,Louis,andtheinvasionofMexico,156Nashville,battleof,151ff.Nation,theLondon,onthecharacterofLincoln,198ff.NewOrleans,captureof,111ff.NineteenthArmyCorpsandEarly'sraid,145NorthCarolina,cessionofterritoryby,239NorthwesternTerritory,the,oftheU.S.,237Nott,Chas.C.,introductiontotheCooperUnionaddress,215ff.;letterof,toLincoln,224ff.

Noyes,Wm.Curtis,212

O

Ordinanceof1787,238ff.

P

PeaRidge,battleof,108PeaceConferenceofFeb.,1865,162Pickett,Gen.G.E.,133

Pinckney,Charles,241ff.Pope,Gen.John,103,122PortHudson,surrenderof,112PresidentialelectioninLibbyprison,158Prisoners,theexchangeof,158Putnam,GeorgePalmer,andtheCooperUnionaddress,212

R

Reagan,Postmaster-general,atGoldsborough,184Reconstruction,Lincoln'sviewson,180ff.Republicanparty,the,andslaveryintheTerritories,249ff.RepublicanUnion,theYoungMen's,223,232Reynolds,Gen.J.T.,127Rosecrans,Gen.Wm.S.,andtheChattanoogacampaign,136Rutledge,John,245

S

Schechter,Rabbi,onthecharacterofLincoln,200Schofield,Gen.Geo.W.,152Schurz,Carl,onthecharacterofLincoln,201Seward,W.H.,64,160Sharp'sbreech-loadersintroducedin1864,146Shaw,Col.R.G.,116Shenandoah,campaigninthevalleyofthe,149Sheridan,Gen.Philip,intheShenandoah,149ff.;winsbattleofFiveForks,171

Sherman,Roger,237Sherman,Gen.Wm.T.,atMissionaryRidge,137;capturesAtlanta,151;andtheGeorgiaplanter,164;passesbyCharleston,169;atGoldsborough,183ff.

Sigel,Gen.Franz,108

Smith,Gen.Kirby,surrenderof,191Soldiersauthorisedtovoteinpresidentialelection,152Southampton,insurrectionat,256SouthMountain,battleofthe,124Stanton,Edwin,M.,65,101ff.,185Stephens,AlexanderH.,andthePeaceConferenceofFeb.,1865,162ff.Sumter,Fort,restorationoftheflagon,182

T

Taylor,Gen.Richard,surrenderof,191Thomas.Gen.Geo.H.,136

V

Vicksburg,surrenderof,112,134

W

Wallace,Gen.Lew,143WashingtonassailedbyEarly,142ff.Washington,George,andtheOrdinanceof1787,239;FarewellAddressof,252;theexampleof,266

Weitzel,Gen.Godfrey,119WhittieronLincoln,201Wilderness,battleofthe,140ff.Williamson,Hugh,237Wilmington,captureof,167Winchester,thirdbattleof,149Winder,Gen.,andthemanagementoftheSouthernprisons,190Wisconsin,troopsfrom,165Wisewell,Col.F.H.,144ff.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]

Thisletterhasnotbeenpublished.ItiscitedherethroughthecourtesyofMr.RobertLincolnandMr.R.W.Gilder.

[2]

Thetextofthespeech,asrevisedbyLincolnandwiththeintroductionand notes by Nott and Brainerd, is given as an appendix to thisvolume.

[3]

ThelateGeorgePalmerPutnam.

[4]

—TheConstitution isattestedSeptember17,1787.ItwasratifiedbyalloftheStates,exceptingNorthCarolinaandRhodeIsland,in1788,andwentintooperationonthefirstWednesdayinJanuary,1789.Thefirst Congress proposed, in 1789, ten articles of amendments, all ofwhichwere ratified.ArticleXI. of the amendmentswaspreparedbytheThirdCongress,in1794,andArticleXII.bytheEighthCongress,in 1803. Another Article was proposed by the Eleventh Congress,prohibitingcitizensfromreceivingtitlesofnobility,presentsoroffices,from foreign nations. Although this has been printed as one of theamendments, it was in fact never ratified, being approved by buttwelveStates.VideMessageofPresidentMonroe,Feb.4,1818.

[5]

—TheConventionconsistedofsixty-fivemembers.Of these, ten didnot attend theConvention, and sixteen did not sign theConstitution.Ofthesesixteen,sixrefusedtosign,andpublishedtheirreasonsforsorefusing,viz.:RobertYatesandJohnLansing,ofNew-York;EdmundRandolphandGeorgeMason,ofVirginia;LutherMartin,ofMaryland,

andElbridgeGerry,ofMass.AlexanderHamiltonalonesubscribedforNew-York,andRhode Islandwasnot represented in theConvention.Thenamesofthe"thirty-nine,"andtheStateswhichtheyrepresentedaresubsequentlygiven.

[6]

—The cession of Territory was authorized by New-York, Feb. 19,1780; by Virginia, January 2, 1781, and again, (without certainconditionsatfirstimposed,)"attheirsessions,begunonthe20thdayof October, 1783;" by Mass., Nov. 13, 1784; by Conn., May——,1786;byS.Carolina,March8,1787;byN.Carolina,Dec.——,1789;andbyGeorgiaatsometimepriortoApril,1802.

ThedeedsofcessionwereexecutedbyNew-York,March1,1781;byVirginia,March1,1784;byMass.,April19,1785;byConn.,Sept.13,1786;byS.Carolina,August9,1787;byN.Carolina,Feb.25,1790;and byGeorgia,April 24, 1802. Five of these grantswere thereforemadebeforetheadoptionoftheConstitution,andoneafterward;whilethe sixth (North Carolina) was authorized before, and consummatedafterward.ThecessionofthisStatecontainstheexpressproviso"thatno regulations made, or to be made by Congress, shall tend toemancipate slaves." The cession of Georgia conveys the Territorysubject to the Ordinance of '87, except the provision prohibitingslavery.

These dates are also interesting in connectionwith the extraordinaryassertions of Chief Justice Taney, (19 How., page 434,) that "theexample of Virginia was soon afterwards followed by other States,"andthat(p.436)thepowerintheConstitution"todisposeofandmakeall needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory or otherproperty belonging to the United States," was intended only "totransfer to the newGovernment the property then held in common,""and has no reference whatever to any Territory or other propertywhich the new sovereigntymight afterwards itself acquire." On thissubject,videFederalist,No.43,sub.4and5.

[7]

—Sherman was from Connecticut; Mifflin from Penn.; WilliamsonfromNorthCarolina,andM'HenryfromMaryland.

[8]

—WhatMr.M'Henry's viewswere, it seems impossible to ascertain.When the Ordinance of '87 was passed he was sitting in theConvention. He was afterwards appointed Secretary of War; yet norecordhasthusfarbeendiscoveredofhisopinion.Mr.M'HenryalsowroteabiographyofLaFayette,which,however,cannotbefoundinanyofthepubliclibraries,amongwhichmaybementionedtheStateLibrary at Albany, and the Astor, Society, and Historical SocietyLibraries,atNewYork.

Hamiltonsaysofhim,inalettertoWashington(Works,vol.vi.,p.65):"M'Henryyouknow.HewouldgivenostrengthtotheAdministration,buthewouldnotdisgracetheoffice;hisviewsaregood."

[9]

—WilliamBlountwas fromNorth Carolina, andWilliam Few fromGeorgia—the twoStateswhichafterwardceded theirTerritory to theUnitedStates.InadditiontothesefactsthefollowingextractfromthespeechofRufusKing in theSenate,on theMissouriBill, shows theentire unanimity with which the Southern States approved theprohibition:

"TheStateofVirginia,whichcededtotheUnitedStatesherclaimstothisTerritory,consented,byherdelegatesintheOldCongress,tothisOrdinance.NotonlyVirginia,butNorthCarolina,SouthCarolina,andGeorgia, by the unanimous votes of their delegates in the OldCongress, approved of the Ordinance of 1787, by which Slavery isforeverabolishedintheTerritorynorthwestoftheriverOhio.Withoutthevotesof theseStates, theOrdinancecouldnothavebeenpassed;andthereisnorecollectionofanoppositionfromanyoftheseStatestotheactofconfirmationpassedundertheactualConstitution."

[10]

—"ThefamousOrdinanceofCongressof the13thJuly,1787,which

has ever since constituted, in most respects, the model of all ourterritorialgovernments,andisequallyremarkablefor thebrevityandexactness of its text, and for itsmasterly display of the fundamentalprinciples of civil and religious liberty."—Justice Story, 1Commentaries:§1312.

"It iswellknownthat theOrdinanceof1787wasdrawnbytheHon.Nathan Dane, ofMassachusetts, and adopted with scarcely a verbalalterationbyCongress.Itisanobleandimperishablemonumenttohisfame."—Id.note.

Theordinancewasreportedbyacommittee,ofwhichWm.S.JohnsonandCharlesPinckneyweremembers.Itrecitesthat,"forextendingthefundamental principles of civil and religious liberty,which form thebasis whereon these republics, their laws and constitutions, areerected; to fix andestablish thoseprinciples as thebasisof all laws,constitutions, and governments which forever hereafter shall beformed in the saidTerritory; toprovidealso for theestablishmentofStatesandpermanentgovernment,andfortheiradmissiontoashareinthefederalcouncils,onanequalfootingwiththeoriginalStates,atasearlyperiodsasmaybeconsistentwiththegeneralinterest—

"Itisherebyordainedanddeclared,bytheauthorityaforesaid,thatthefollowingarticles shallbeconsideredasarticlesofcompactbetweentheoriginalStatesandthepeopleandStatesinthesaidTerritory,andforeverremainunalterable,unlessbycommonconsent,towit:"

"Art.6.ThereshallbeneitherslaverynorinvoluntaryservitudeinthesaidTerritoryotherwisethaninthepunishmentofcrimeswhereofthepartyshallhavebeendulyconvicted;providedalwaysthatanypersonescaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfullyclaimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may belawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or herlabororservice."

Onpassing theordinance, theayesandnayswere requiredbyJudgeYates,ofNewYork,whenitappearedthathiswastheonlyvoteinthenegative.

TheordinanceofApril23,1784,wasabriefoutlineofthatof '87.Itwas reportedbyaCommittee,ofwhichMr. Jeffersonwaschairman,

andthereportcontainedaslaveryprohibitionintendedtotakeeffectin1800.Thiswasstrickenoutofthereport,sixStatesvotingtoretainit—threevotingtostrikeout—onebeingdivided(N.C.),andtheothersnot being represented. (The assent of nine States was necessary toretainanyprovision.)Andthis is thevotealludedtobyMr.Lincoln.Butsubsequently,March16,1785,amotionwasmadebyRufusKingtocommitaproposition"thattherebeneitherslaverynorinvoluntaryservitude" inanyof theTerritories;whichwascarriedby thevoteofeightStates,includingMaryland.—JournalAm.Congress,vol.4,pp.373,380,481,752.

When, therefore, the ordinance of '87 came before Congress, on itsfinalpassage,thesubjectofslaveryprohibitionhadbeen"agitated"fornearly three years; and the deliberate and almost unanimous vote ofthatbodyuponthatquestionleavesnoroomtodoubtwhatthefathersbelieved,andhow,inthatbelief,theyacted.

[11]

—It singularly and fortunately happens that one of the "thirty-nine,""while engaged on that instrument," viz., while advocating itsratification before the Pennsylvania Convention, did express anopinion upon this "precise question," which opinion was neverdisputedordoubted,inthatoranyotherConvention,andwasacceptedbytheopponentsoftheConstitution,asanindisputablefact.Thiswasthe celebrated James Wilson, of Pennsylvania. The opinion is asfollows:—

MONDAY,Dec.3,1787.

"With respect to the clause restrictingCongress fromprohibiting themigration or importation of such persons as any of the States nowexistingshallthinkpropertoadmit,priortotheyear1808:TheHon.gentlemansaysthatthisclauseisnotonlydark,butintendedtograntto Congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation ofslaves.Nosuchthingwasintended;butIwilltellyouwhatwasdone,and it gives me high pleasure that so much was done. Under thepresentConfederation,theStatesmayadmittheimportationofslavesas long as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808, theCongress will have power to prohibit such importation,

notwithstandingthedispositionofanyStatetothecontrary.Iconsiderthisaslayingthefoundationforbanishingslaveryoutofthiscountry;and though the period ismore distant than I could wish, yet it willproduce the same kind, gradual change which was pursued inPennsylvania.ItiswithmuchsatisfactionthatIviewthispowerinthegeneral government, whereby they may lay an interdiction on thisreproachfultrade.Butanimmediateadvantageisalsoobtained;forataxordutymaybe imposedon such importation,not exceeding$10foreachperson;and this,sir,operatesasapartialprohibition; itwasall thatcouldbeobtained.Iamsorryitwasnomore;butfromthisIthink there is reason to hope that yet a few years, and it will beprohibitedaltogether.Andinthemeantime,thenewStateswhicharetobeformedwillbeunderthecontrolofCongressinthisparticular,andslaveswillneverbe introducedamongst them."—2Elliott'sDebates,423.

It was argued by Patrick Henry in the Convention in Virginia, asfollows:

"MaynotCongressenactthateveryblackmanmustfight?Didwenotseea littleof this in the lastwar?Wewerenot sohardpushedas tomakeemancipationgeneral.ButactsofAssemblypassed, that everyslavewhowould go to the army should be free. Another thingwillcontribute to bring this event about. Slavery is detested.We feel itsfataleffects.Wedeploreitwithallthepityofhumanity.LetalltheseconsiderationspresswithfullforceonthemindsofCongress.Letthaturbanitywhich,Itrust,willdistinguishAmerica,andthenecessityofnationaldefence—letallthesethingsoperateontheirminds,theywillsearch that paper, and see if they have power ofmanumission.Andhave they not, sir? Have they not power to provide for the generaldefence and welfare? May they not think that these call for theabolitionofslavery?Maytheynotpronounceallslavesfree,andwillthey not be warranted by that power? There is no ambiguousimplication,nologicaldeduction.Thepaperspeakstothepoint;theyhave the power in clear, unequivocal terms, and will clearly andcertainlyexerciseit."—3Elliott'sDebates,534.

EdmundRandolph,oneof the framersof theConstitution, replied toMr.Henry,admitting thegeneral forceof theargument,butclaimingthat, because of other provisions, it had no application to the States

where slavery then existed; thus conceding that power to exist inCongressastoallterritorybelongingtotheUnitedStates.

Dr. Ramsay, a member of the Convention of South Carolina, in hishistoryof theUnitedStates,vol.3,pages36,37, says:"Under theseliberalprinciples,Congress,inorganizingcolonies,boundthemselvesto impart to their inhabitants all the privileges of coequal States, assoon as they were capable of enjoying them. In their infancy,governmentwasadministeredforthemwithoutanyexpense.Assoonastheyshouldhave60,000inhabitants,theywereauthorizedtocallaconvention,and,bycommonconsent, toformtheirownconstitution.Thisbeingdone,theywereentitledtorepresentationinCongress,andevery right attached to the original States. These privileges are notconfined to any particular country or complexion. They arecommunicabletotheemancipatedslave(forinthenewStateofOhio,slaveryisaltogetherprohibited), tothecopper-colorednative,andallother human beingswho, after a competent residence and degree ofcivilization, are capable of enjoying the blessings of regulargovernment."

[12]

—TheActof1789,as reportedby theCommittee,was receivedandreadThursday,July16th.ThesecondreadingwasonFriday,the17th,when it was committed to the Committee of the whole house, "onMondaynext."OnMonday,July20th,itwasconsideredinCommitteeofthewhole,andorderedtoathirdreadingonthefollowingday;onthe21st,itpassedtheHouse,andwassenttotheSenate.IntheSenateithad its first readingon thesameday,andwasordered toasecondreadingon the followingday (July22d),andon the4thofAugust itpassed,andonthe7thwasapprovedbythePresident.

[13]

—The"sixteen"represented theseStates:LangdonandOilman,NewHampshire;ShermanandJohnson,Connecticut;Morris,Fitzsimmons,and Clymer, Pennsylvania; King, Massachusetts; Paterson, NewJersey; Few and Baldwin, Georgia; Bassett and Read, Delaware;Butler,SouthCarolina;Carroll,Maryland;andMadison,Virginia

[14]

—Videnote3,ante.

[15]

—Chap.28,§7,U.S.Statutes,5thCongress,2dSession.

[16]

—Langdon was from New Hampshire, Read from Delaware, andBaldwinfromGeorgia.

[17]

—Chap.38,§10,U.S.Statutes,8thCongress,1stSession.

[18]

—BaldwinwasfromGeorgia,andDaytonfromNewJersey.

[19]

—Rufus King, who sat in the old Congress, and also in theConvention, as the representativeofMassachusetts, removed toNewYork and was sent by that State to the U.S. Senate of the firstCongress.CharlesPinckneywashi theHouse, as a representativeofSouthCarolina.

[20]

—AlthoughMr.Pinckneyopposed"slaveryprohibition" in1820,yethisviews,withregardto thepowersof thegeneralgovernment,maybebetterjudgedbyhisactionsintheConvention:

FRIDAY, June 8th, 1787.—"Mr. Pinckney moved 'that the NationalLegislatureshallhavethepowerofnegativingalllawstobepassedbytheStateLegislatures,whichtheymayjudgeimproper,'intheroomoftheclauseasitstoodreported.

"Hegroundshismotionon thenecessity of one supreme controllingpower,andheconsidersthisasthecorner-stoneofthepresentsystem;andhencethenecessityofretrenchingtheStateauthorities,inorderto

preserve the good government of the national council."—T. 400,Elliott'sDebates.

Andagain,THURSDAY,August23d,1787,Mr.Pinckneyrenewedthemotionwithsomemodifications.—T.1409.MadisonPapers.

And although Mr. Pinckney, as correctly stated by Mr. Lincoln,"steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against allcompromises," he still regarded the passage of the MissouriCompromiseasagreat triumphof theSouth,whichisapparentfromthefollowingletter:

CONGRESSHALL,March2d,1820,3o'clockatnight.

DEAR SIR:——I hasten to inform you, that this moment we havecarried the question to admit Missouri, and all Louisiana to thesouthwardof36°30',freefromtherestrictionofslavery,andgivetheSouth, in a short time, anadditionof six,perhapseight,members tothe Senate of the United States. It is considered here by theslaveholdingStatesasagreattriumph.

Thevoteswereclose—ninetytoeighty-six—producedbythesecedingandabsenceofa fewmoderatemen from theNorth.To thenorthof36°30,' there is tobe,bythepresent law,restriction;whichyouwillseebythevotes,Ivotedagainst.Butitisatpresentofnomoment;itisavasttract,uninhabited,onlybysavagesandwildbeasts,inwhichnota foot of the Indian claims to soil is extinguished, and in which,according to the ideas prevalent, no landofficewill beopened for agreatlengthoftime.

Withrespect,yourobedientservant,

CHARLESPINCKNEY.

But conclusive evidence ofMr. Pinckney's views is furnished in thefactthathewashimselfamemberoftheCommitteewhichreportedtheOrdinanceof '87, and thatoneveryoccasion,when itwasunder theconsideration of Congress, he voted against all amendments.—Jour.Am.Congress, Sept. 29th, 1786.Oct. 4th.When theordinance cameup for its finalpassage,Mr.Pinckneywas sitting in theConvention,anddidnottakeanypartintheproceedingsofCongress.

[21]

—Byreferencetonotes4,6,10,13,15,and16itwillbeseenthat,ofthe twenty-threewho acted upon the question of prohibition, twelvewerefromthepresentslaveholdingStates.

[22]

—Videnotes5and17,ante.

[23]

—"The remaining sixteen" were Nathaniel Gorham, Massachusetts;Alex. Hamilton, New York;William Livingston and David Brearly,New Jersey; Benjamin Franklin, Jared Ingersoll, JamesWilson, andGouverneurMorris,Pennsylvania;GunningBedford,JohnDickinson,andJacobBroom,Delaware;Daniel,ofSt.Thomas,Jenifer,Maryland;JohnBlair,Virginia;RichardDobbsSpaight,NorthCarolina;andJohnRutledgeandCharlesCotesworthPinckney,SouthCarolina.

[24]

—"Theonlydistinctionbetweenfreedomandslaveryconsistsinthis:in the former state, aman is governed by the laws towhich he hasgiven his consent, either in person or by his representative; in thelatter,he isgovernedby thewillof another. In theonecase,his lifeandpropertyarehisown;intheother,theydependuponthepleasureofamaster.Itiseasytodiscernwhichofthetwostatesispreferable.Noman in his senses canhesitate in choosing to be free rather thanslave....Werenotthedisadvantagesofslaverytooobvioustostandinneed of it, I might enumerate and describe the tedious train ofcalamitiesinseparablefromit.Imightshowthatitisfataltoreligionandmorality;thatit tendstodebasethemind,andcorruptitsnoblestspringsofaction. Imight show that it relaxes the sinewsof industryandclipsthewingsofcommerce,andworksmiseryandindigenceineveryshape."—HAMILTON,Works,vol.2,pp.3,9.

"Thatyouwillbepleasedtocountenancetherestorationof liberty tothoseunhappymen,who,aloneinthislandoffreedom,aredegradedinto perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy ofsurroundingfreemen,aregroaninginservilesubjection;thatyouwill

devisemeansforremovingthisinconsistencyfromthecharacteroftheAmericanpeople;thatyouwillpromotemercyandjusticetowardthisdistressedrace;and thatyouwillstep to theveryvergeof thepowervestedinyoufordiscouragingeveryspeciesoftrafficinthepersonsofourfellow-men."—Philadelphia,Feb.3rd,1790.Franklin'sPetitiontoCongressfortheAbolitionofSlavery.

Mr. GouverneurMorris said: "He never would concur in upholdingdomestic slavery. It was a notorious institution. It was the curse ofheaven on the Stateswhere it prevailed.... The admission of slaveryintotherepresentation,whenfairlyexplained,comestothis—thattheinhabitant of South Carolina or Georgia, who goes to the coast ofAfrica, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tearsawayhis fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, anddamnsthem to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes, in agovernmentinstitutedfortheprotectionoftherightsofmankind,thanthecitizenofPennsylvaniaorNewJersey,whoviewswithalaudablehorrorsonotoriousapractice....Hewouldsoonersubmithimselftoatax for paying for all the negroes in the United States than saddleposteritywithsuchaconstitution."—DebateonSlaveRepresentationintheConvention.MadisonPapers.

[25]

—An eminent jurist (Chancellor Walworth) has said that "Thepreamble which was prefixed to these amendments, as adopted byCongress, is important to show in what light that body consideredthem." (8Wend. R., p. 100.) It declares that a number of the StateConventions "having at the time of their adopting the Constitutionexpressedadesire,inordertopreventmisconstructionorabuseofitspowers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should beadded,"resolved,etc.

Thispreambleisinsubstancethepreambleaffixedtothe"ConciliatoryResolutions" of Massachusetts, which were drawn by Chief JusticeParsons, and offered in the Convention as a compromise by JohnHancock.(LifeCh.J.Parsons,p.67.)TheywereafterwardcopiedandadoptedwithsomeadditionsbyNewHampshire.

The fifth amendment, on which the Supreme Court relies, is taken

almost literally from the declaration of rights put forth by theConvention ofNewYork, and the clause referred to forms the ninthparagraphofthedeclaration.Thetenthamendment,onwhichSenatorDouglasrelies, is takenfromtheConciliatoryResolutions,andis thefirst of those resolutions somewhat modified. Thus, these twoamendments,soughttobeusedforslavery,originatedinthetwogreatanti-slaveryStates,NewYorkandMassachusetts.

[26]

—The amendmentswere proposed byMr.Madison in theHouse ofRepresentatives, June 8, 1789. They were adopted by the House,August 24, and some further amendments seem to have beentransmitted by the Senate, September 9. The printed journals of theSenate do not state the time of the final passage, and the messagetransmittingthemtotheStateLegislaturesspeaksofthemasadoptedatthefirstsession,begunonthefourthdayofMarch,1789.ThedateoftheintroductionandpassageoftheactenforcingtheOrdinanceof'87willbefoundatnote9,ante.

[27]

—It is singular that while two of the "thirty-nine" were in thatCongress of 1819, there was but one (besides Mr. King) of the"seventy-six."TheonewasWilliamSmith,ofSouthCarolina.Hewasthen a Senator, and, like Mr. Pinckney, occupied extreme Southernground.

[28]

—Thefollowingisanextractfromtheletterreferredto:

"Iagreewithyoucordiallyinyourviewsinregardtonegroslavery.Ihave long considered it a most serious evil, both socially andpolitically,andIshouldrejoiceinanyfeasibleschemetoridourStatesofsuchaburden.TheCongressof1787adoptedanordinancewhichprohibits the existence of involuntary servitude in our NorthwesternTerritory forever. I consider it a wise measure. It meets with theapproval and assent of nearly every member from the States moreimmediately interested in slave labor. The prevailing opinion in

Virginia isagainst thespreadofslavery inournewTerritories,and ItrustweshallhaveaconfederationoffreeStates."

The following extract froma letter ofWashington toRobertMorris,April,12th,1786,showshowstrongwerehisviews,andhowclearlyhe deemed emancipation a subject for legislative enactment: "I canonlysaythatthereisnomanlivingwhowishesmoresincerelythanIdo to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is but oneproperandeffectivemodebywhichitcanbeaccomplished,andthatis,BYLEGISLATIVEAUTHORITY,and that,as farasmysuffragewillgo,shallneverbewanting."

[29]

—ACommitteeoffive,consistingofMessrs.Mason,Davis,andFitch(Democrats), and Collamer and Doolittle (Republicans), wasappointed Dec. 14, 1859, by the U.S. Senate, to investigate theHarper's Ferry affair. That Committee was directed, among otherthings, to inquire: (1) "Whether such invasionand seizurewasmadeundercolorofanyorganizationintendedtosubvertthegovernmentofanyoftheStatesoftheUnion."(2)"Whatwasthecharacterandextentof such organisation." (3) "And whether any citizens of the UnitedStates, not present,were implicated therein, or accessory thereto, bycontributionsofmoney,arms,munitions,orotherwise."

The majority of the Committee, Messrs. Mason, Davis, and Fitch,replytotheinquiriesasfollows:

1."TherewillbefoundintheAppendixacopyoftheproceedingsofaConvention held at Chatham, Canada, of the Provisional Form ofGovernment there pretended to have been instituted, the object ofwhich clearlywas to subvert the government of one ormore States,andofcourse,tothatextent,thegovernmentoftheUnitedStates."Byreference to thecopyofProceedings itappears thatnineteenpersonswerepresentat thatConvention,eightofwhomwereeitherkilledorexecutedatCharlestown,andoneexaminedbeforetheCommittee.

2. "The character of the military organization appears, by thecommissions issued to certain of the armed party as captains,lieutenants,etc.,aspecimenofwhichwillbefoundintheAppendix."

(These Commissions are signed by John Brown as Commander-in-Chief, under the Provisional Government, and by J.H. Kagi asSecretary.)

"It clearly appeared that the schemeofBrownwas to takewith himcomparatively but fewmen; but those had been carefully trained bymilitary instruction previously, and were to act as officers. For hismilitaryforceherelied,veryclearly,onincitinginsurrectionamongsttheSlaves."

3. "It does not appear that the contributions were made with actualknowledge of the use for which they were designed by Brown,although it does appear that money was freely contributed by thosestylingthemselvesthefriendsofthismanBrown,andfriendsalikeofwhattheystyledthecauseoffreedom(ofwhichtheyclaimedhimtobeanespecialapostle),without inquiringas to theway inwhich themoneywouldbeusedbyhimtoadvancesuchpretendedcause."

In concluding the report the majority of the Committee thuscharacterizethe"invasion":"Itwassimplytheactoflawlessruffians,underthesanctionofnopublicorpoliticalauthority—distinguishableonly fromordinary feloniesby theulterior ends in contemplationbythem,"etc.

[30]

—The Southampton insurrection, August, 1831, was induced by theremarkable ability of a slave callinghimselfGeneralNatTurner.HeledhisfellowbondsmentobelievethathewasactingundertheorderofHeaven.Inproofofthisheallegedthatthesingularappearanceofthesunatthattimewasadivinesignalforthecommencementofthestruggle which would result in the recovery of their freedom. Thisinsurrectionresultedinthedeathofsixty-fourwhitepersons,andmorethan one hundred slaves. The Southampton was the eleventh largeinsurrection in the Southern States, besides numerous attempts andrevolts.

[31]

—InMarch,1790,theGeneralAssemblyofFrance,onthepetitionofthe free people of color in St. Domingo, many of whom were

intelligentandwealthy,passedadecree intendedtobe in their favor,butsoambiguousastobeconstruedinfavorofboththewhitesandtheblacks.Thedifferencesgrowingoutof thedecreecreatedtwoparties—thewhites and the people of color; and some bloodwas shed. In1791, theblacksagainpetitioned,andadecreewaspasseddeclaringthe colored people citizens, who were born of free parents on bothsides.Thisproducedgreatexcitementamongthewhites,andthetwoparties armed against each other, and horrible massacres andconflagrationsfollowed.ThentheAssemblyrescindedthislastdecree,andlikeresultsfollowed,theblacksbeingtheexasperatedpartiesandthe aggressors. Then the decree giving citizenship to the blackswasrestored, and commissioners were sent out to keep the peace. Thecommissioners,unabletosustainthemselves,betweenthetwoparties,with the troops they had, issued a proclamation that all blacks whowere willing to range themselves under the banner of the Republicshould be free. As a result a very large proportion of the blacksbecame in fact free. In 1794, the Conventional Assembly abolishedslavery throughout the French Colonies. Some years afterward, theFrenchGovernmentsought,withanarmyof60,000men,toreinstateslavery,butwereunsuccessful,andthenthewhiteplantersweredrivenfromtheIsland.

[32]

—Vide Jefferson's Autobiography, commenced January 6th, 1821.JEFFERSON'SWorks,vol.1,p.49.

[33]

—"I amnot ashamed or afraid publicly to avow that the election ofWilliamH.SewardorSalmonP.Chase,oranysuchrepresentativeoftheRepublicanparty,uponasectionalplatform,oughttoberesistedtothe disruption of every tie that binds this Confederacy together.(Applause on the Democratic side of the House.)" Mr. Curry, ofAlabama,intheHouseofRepresentatives.

"Just so sure as theRepublican party succeed in electing a sectionalman,upontheirsectional,anti-slaveryplatform,breathingdestructionanddeathtotherightsofmypeople,justsosure,inmyjudgment,thetime will have come when the South must and will take an

unmistakableanddecidedaction,andthenhewhodalliesisadastard,andhewhodoubtsisdamned!IneednottellwhatI,aSouthernman,will do. I think I may safely speak for themasses of the people ofGeorgia—that when that event happens, they, in my judgment, willconsideritanovertact,adeclarationofwar,andmeetimmediatelyinconvention, to take into consideration the mode and measure ofredress.Thatismyposition;andifthatbetreasontotheGovernment,make the most of it."—Mr. Gartell, of Georgia, in the House ofRepresentatives.

"Isaidtomyconstituents,andtothepeopleofthecapitalofmyState,onmyway here, if such an event did occur," [i.e., the election of aRepublicanPresident,uponaRepublicanplatform],"whileitwouldbetheir duty to determine the course which the State would pursue, itwouldbemyprivilegetocounselwiththemastowhatIbelievedtobethepropercourse;andIsaidtothem,whatIsaynow,andwhatIwillalways say in such an event, that my counsel would be to takeindependence out of the Union in preference to the loss ofconstitutional rights, and consequent degradation and dishonor, in it.Thatismyposition,anditisthepositionwhichIknowtheDemocraticparty of the State of Mississippi will maintain."—Gov. McRae, ofMississippi.

"Itisuselesstoattempttoconcealthefactthat,inthepresenttemperoftheSouthernpeople,it"[i.e.,theelectionofaRepublicanPresident]"cannot be, andwill not be, submitted to. The 'irrepressible conflict'doctrine, announced and advocated by the ablest and mostdistinguishedleaderoftheRepublicanparty,isanopendeclarationofwaragainst the institutionofslavery,wherever itexists;andIwouldbe disloyal to Virginia and the South, if I did not declare that theelection of such aman, entertaining such sentiment, and advocatingsuch doctrines, ought to be resisted by the slaveholding States. Theideaofpermittingsuchamantohavethecontrolanddirectionofthearmy and navy of the United States, and the appointment of highjudicialandexecutiveofficers,POSTMASTERSINCLUDED,cannotbeentertainedbytheSouthforamoment."—Gov.Letcher,ofVirginia.

"Slaverymust bemaintained—in theUnion, if possible; out of it, ifnecessary: peaceably if we may; forcibly if we must."—SenatorIverson,ofGeorgia.

"LincolnandHamlin,theBlackRepublicannominees,willbeelectedinNovembernext, and theSouthwill thendecide thegreatquestionwhether theywillsubmit to thedominationofBlackRepublicanrule—the fundamental principle of their organization being an open,undisguised, and declaredwar upon our social institutions. I believethatthehonorandsafetyoftheSouth,inthatcontingency,willrequiretheprompt secessionof the slaveholdingStates from theUnion; andfailing then to obtain from the free States additional and higherguaranties for the protection of our rights and property, that theseceding States should proceed to establish a new government. ButwhileIthinksuchwouldbetheimperativedutyoftheSouth,Ishouldemphaticallyreprobateandrepudiateanyschemehavingforitsobjectthe separate secession of South Carolina. If Georgia, Alabama, andMississippialone—givingusaportionoftheAtlanticandGulfcoasts—wouldunitewiththisStateinacommonsecessionupontheelectionof a Black Republican, I would give my consent to thepolicy."—Letter of Hon. James L. Orr, of S.C., to JohnMartin andothers,July23,1860.

[34]

—TheHon.JohnA.Andrew,of theBostonBar,made thefollowinganalysisoftheDredScottcaseintheMassachusettsLegislature.Hon.CalebCushingwasthenamemberof thatbody,butdidnotquestionitscorrectness.

"OnthequestionofpossibilityofcitizenshiptooneoftheDredScottcolor, extraction, and origin, three Justices, viz., Taney,Wayne, andDaniels,heldthenegative.NelsonandCampbellpassedoverthepleabywhich the questionwas raised.Grier agreedwithNelson.Catronsaid the question was not open. McLean agreed with Catron, butthought the plea bad. Curtis agreed that the question was open, butattacked the plea, met its averments, and decided that a free-borncoloredperson,nativetoanyState,isacitizenthereofbybirth,andistherefore a citizen of the Union, and entitled to sue in the FederalCourts.

"Hadamajorityofthecourtdirectlysustainedthepleainabatement,anddeniedthejurisdictionoftheCircuitCourtappealedfrom,thenallelsetheycouldhavesaidanddonewouldhavebeendoneandsaidina

causenottheirstotryandnottheirstodiscuss.Intheabsenceofsuchamajority,onestepmorewastobetaken.AndthenextsteprevealsanagreementofsixoftheJustices,onapointdecisiveofthecause,andputtinganendtoallthefunctionsofthecourt.

"Itisthis.ScottwasfirstcarriedtoRockIsland,intheStateofIllinois,wherehe remained about twoyears, beforegoingwithhismaster toFortSnelling,intheTerritoryofWisconsin.Hisclaimtofreedomwasrestedon theallegedeffectofhis translation froma slaveState, andagain into a free territory. If, by his removal to Illinois, he becameemancipated from his master, the subsequent continuance of hispilgrimageintotheLouisianapurchasecouldnotaddtohisfreedom,noralterthefact.If,byreasonofanywantorinfirmityinthelawsofIllinois, or of conformity on his part to their behests, Dred ScottremainedaslavewhileheremainedinthatState,then—forthesakeoflearning the effect on him of his territorial residence beyond theMississippi,andofhismarriageandotherproceedings there,andtheeffectofthesojournmentandmarriageofHarriet,inthesameterritory,upon herself and her children—itmight become needful to advanceoneotherstepintotheinvestigationofthelaw;toinspecttheMissouriCompromise,banishing slavery to the southof the lineof36°30' intheLouisianapurchase.

"Butnoexigencyofthecauseeverdemandedorjustifiedthatadvance;forsixoftheJustices,includingtheChiefJusticehimself,decidedthatthestatusoftheplaintiff,asfreeorslave,wasdependent,notuponthelawsoftheStateinwhichhehadbeen,butoftheStateofMissouri,inwhich he was at the commencement of the suit. The Chief Justiceasserted that 'it is now firmly settled by the decisions of the highestcourt in theState, thatScott andhis family, on their returnwerenotfree,butwere,bythelawsofMissouri,thepropertyofthedefendant.'This was the burden of the opinion of Nelson, who declares 'thequestion is one solely depending upon the lawofMissouri, and thattheFederalCourt, sitting in theState, and trying the casebefore us,was bound to follow it.' It received the emphatic endorsement ofWayne,whosegeneralconcurrencewaswith theChief Justice.Grierconcurredinset termswithNelsononall 'thequestionsdiscussedbyhim.' Campbell says, 'The claim of the plaintiff to freedom dependsupontheeffecttobegiventohisabsencefromMissouri,incompany

with his master in Illinois and Minnesota, and this effect is to beascertainedbyreferencetothelawsofMissouri.'FiveoftheJustices,then(ifnomoreofthem),regardthelawofMissouriasdecisiveoftheplaintiff'srights."

[35]

—"Now,aswehavealreadysaidinanearlierpartofthisopinionupona different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly andexpresslyaffirmedintheConstitution.Therighttotrafficinit,likeanordinary article ofmerchandise and property,was guaranteed to thecitizens of the United States in every State that might desire it, fortwentyyears."—Ch.J.Taney,19How.U.S.R.,p.451.Vide languageofMr.Madison,note34,asto"merchandise."

[36]

—Notonlywastherightofpropertynotintendedtobe"distinctlyandexpresslyaffirmedintheConstitution";butthefollowingextractfromMr.Madisondemonstratesthattheutmostcarewastakentoavoidsodoing:

"Theclauseasoriginallyoffered [respecting fugitive slaves] read, 'IfanypersonLEGALLYboundtoserviceorlaborinanyoftheUnitedStates shall escape into anotherState," etc., etc. (Vol.3,p.1456.) Inregard to this,Mr.Madison says, "The term 'legally'was struck out,andthewords'underthelawsthereof,'insertedafterthewordState,incompliance with the wish of some who thought the term 'legally'equivocalandfavoringtheideathatslaverywaslegalinamoralpointofview."—Ib.,p.1589.

[37]

—WesubjoinaportionofthehistoryalludedtobyMr.Lincoln.ThefollowingextractrelatestotheprovisionoftheConstitutionrelativetotheslavetrade.(ArticleI,Sec.9.)

25th August, 1787.—The report of the Committee of eleven beingtakenup,Gen.[CharlesCotesworth]Pinckneymovedtostrikeoutthewords"theyear1800,"andinsertthewords"theyear1808."

Mr.Gorhamsecondedthemotion.

Mr.Madison—Twentyyearswillproduceallthemischiefthatcanbeapprehendedfromthelibertytoimportslaves.SolongatermwillbemoredishonorabletotheAmericancharacterthantosaynothingaboutitintheConstitution.

Mr.GouverneurMorriswasformakingtheclausereadatonce—

"The importation of slaves intoNorthCarolina, SouthCarolina, andGeorgia, shall not be prohibited," etc. This, he said, would bemostfair, andwouldavoid the ambiguitybywhich,under thepowerwithregard to naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might bedefeated. He wished it to be known, also, that this part of theConstitution was a compliance with those States. If the change oflanguage,however,shouldbeobjectedtobythemembersfromthoseStates,heshouldnoturgeit.

Col.Mason(ofVirginia)wasnotagainstusingtheterm"slaves,"butagainst naming North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest itshouldgiveoffencetothepeopleofthoseStates.

Mr.Shermanlikedadescriptionbetterthanthetermsproposed,whichhadbeendeclinedbytheoldCongressandwerenotpleasingtosomepeople.

Mr.ClymerconcurredwithMr.Sherman.

Mr. Williamson, of North Carolina, said that both in opinion andpractice he was against slavery; but thought it more in favor ofhumanity, froma viewof all circumstances, to let in SouthCarolinaandGeorgia,onthoseterms,thantoexcludethemfromtheUnion.

Mr.Morriswithdrewhismotion.

Mr.Dickinsonwished the clause to be confined to the Stateswhichhadnot themselvesprohibited the importationof slaves, and for thatpurposemovedtoamendtheclausesoastoread—

"The importationofslaves intosuchof theStatesasshallpermit thesame,shallnotbeprohibitedby theLegislatureof theUnitedStates,

untiltheyear1808,"whichwasdisagreedto,nem.con.

Thefirstpartofthereportwasthenagreedtoasfollows:

"Themigration or importation of such persons as the several Statesnowexistingshallthinkpropertoadmit,shallnotbeprohibitedbytheLegislaturepriortotheyear1808."

Mr.Shermanwasagainst thesecondpart ["buta taxordutymaybeimposedonsuchmigrationorimportationataratenotexceedingtheaverageof theduties laidon imports"], asacknowledgingmen tobepropertybytaxingthemassuchunderthecharacterofslaves.

Mr.MadisonthoughtitwrongtoadmitintheConstitutionthelikeideathattherecouldbepropertyinmen.Thereasonofdutiesdidnothold,asslavesarenot,likemerchandise,consumed.

Itwasfinallyagreed,nem.con.,tomaketheclauseread—

"Butataxordutymaybeimposedonsuchimportation,notexceedingtendollarsforeachPERSON."—MadisonPapers,Aug.25,1787.

[38]

—Comparethisnoblepassageandthatatpage18,withthetwaddleofMr.Orr(note30),andtheslangofMr.Douglas(note37).

[39]

—That demandhas since beenmade.SaysMR.O'CONOR, counselfor theStateofVirginia in theLemonCase,page44:"WeclaimthatunderthesevariousprovisionsoftheFederalConstitution,acitizenofVirginiahasan immunityagainst theoperationofany lawwhich theStateofNewYorkcanenact,whilstheisastrangerandwayfarer,orwhilst passing through our territory; and that he has absoluteprotectionforallhisdomesticrights,andforallhisrightsofproperty,which under the laws of theUnited States, and the laws of his ownState,hewasentitled to,whilst inhisownState.Weclaim this, and

neithermoreNORLESS."

Throughoutthewholeofthatcase,inwhichtherighttopassthroughNew York with slaves at the pleasure of the slave owners ismaintained,it isnowherecontendedthatthestatuteiscontrarytotheConstitutionofNewYork;butthatthestatuteandtheConstitutionoftheStatearebothcontrarytotheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates.

TheStateofVirginia,notcontentwiththedecisionofourowncourtsupon therightclaimedby them, isnowengaged incarrying this, theLemoncase, to theSupremeCourtof theUnitedStates,hopingbyadecision there, in accordancewith the intimations in the Dred Scottcase,tooverthrowtheConstitutionofNewYork.

SenatorToombs,ofGeorgia,hasclaimed, in theSenate, that lawsofConnecticut,Maine,Massachusetts,Michigan,NewHampshire,Ohio,Rhode Island,Vermont, andWisconsin, for the exclusion of slavery,conceded to bewarranted by the StateConstitutions, are contrary totheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates,andhasaskedfortheenactmentof lawsby theGeneralGovernmentwhichshalloverride the lawsofthoseStatesandtheConstitutionswhichauthorizethem.

[40]

—"Policy,humanity,andChristianity,alikeforbidtheextensionoftheevils of free society to new people and cominggenerations."—RichmondEnquirer,Jan.22,1856.

"Iamsatisfiedthat themindof theSouthhasundergoneachangetothisgreatextent,thatitisnowthealmostuniversalbeliefintheSouth,notonlythattheconditionofAfricanslaveryintheirmidst,isthebestconditiontowhichtheAfricanracehaseverbeensubjected,butthatithas the effect of ennobling both races, the white and theblack."—SenatorMason,ofVirginia.

"Ideclareagain,asIdidinreplytotheSenatorfromWisconsin(Mr.Doolittle), that, in my opinion, slavery is a great moral, social, andpolitical blessing—a blessing to the slave, and a blessing to themaster."—Mr.Brown,intheSenate,March6,1860.

"IamaSouthernStates'Rightsman;IamanAfricanslave-trader.IamoneofthoseSouthernmenwhobelievethatslaveryisright—morally,religiously, socially, and politically." (Applause.) ... "I represent theAfricanSlave-tradeinterestsofthatsection.(Applause.)IamproudofthepositionIoccupyinthatrespect.IbelievetheAfricanSlave-traderisatruemissionaryandatrueChristian."(Applause.)—Mr.Gaulden,a delegate from First Congressional District of Georgia, in theCharlestonConvention,nowasupporterofMr.Douglas.

"Ladiesandgentlemen,Iwouldgladlyspeakagain,butyouseefromthe tonesofmyvoice that I amunable to.This hasbeen ahappy, aglorious day. I shall never forget it. There is a charm about thisbeautiful day, about this sea air, and especially about that peculiarinstitutionofyours—aclambake.I thinkyouhavetheadvantage, inthat respect, of Southerners. For my own part, I have much morefondnessforyourclamsthanIhavefortheirniggers.Buteverymantohis taste."—HonStephen A.Douglas's Address at Rocky Point, R.I.,Aug.2,1860.

[41]

—It is interesting to observe how two profoundly logical minds,though holding extreme, opposite views, have deduced this commonconclusion. SaysMr. O'Conor, the eminent leader of the NewYork

Bar,andthecounselfortheStateofVirginiaintheLemoncase,inhisspeechatCooperInstitute,December19th,1859:

"That is thepoint towhichthisgreatargumentmustcome—Isnegroslavery unjust? If it is unjust, it violates that first rule of humanconduct—'Rendertoeverymanhisdue.'Ifit isunjust, itviolatesthelawofGodwhichsays,'Lovethyneighborasthyself,'forthatrequiresthat we should perpetrate no injustice. Gentlemen, if it could bemaintainedthatnegroslaverywasunjust,perhapsImightbeprepared—perhapswealloughttobeprepared—togowiththatdistinguishedmantowhomallusionisfrequentlymade,andsay, 'Thereisahigherlaw which compels us to trample beneath our feet the Constitutionestablished by our fathers, with all the blessings it secures to theirchildren.'ButIinsist—andthatistheargumentwhichwemustmeet,and on which we must come to a conclusion that shall govern ouractionsinthefutureselectionofrepresentativesintheCongressoftheUnitedStates—insistthatnegroslaveryisnotunjust."

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