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Transcript of Stanulonis Christine Marie - Pythagoras the Musician - Thesis - 2015
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ABSTRACT
Pythagoras the Musician
Christine Marie Stanulonis
Director: Alden Smith, Ph.D.
It is contested whether or not the mathematical and scientific strain of the Pythagorean tradition could have belonged along with the mythological and religious strain to the original sect. Denying the mathematic tradition to original Pythagoreanism is often based upon assumptions that privilege one form of mathematics over another. But the Pythagorean conception of number need not be judged by the standard of deductive, axiomatic geometry, the paradigmatic mathematics of ancient Greece; instead, it can be considered as a practice which shares many of the characteristics of Greek arithmetic. This is because early Pythagorean figured numbers and later Greek arithmetic share a non-verbal and intuitive nature in accord with number understood through musical, poetic expression rather than through the strict, logical language upon which the geometry relies. This thesis will argue that the practice of measuring the numerical ratios of musical intervals may have been a kind of exemplar of scientific inquiry that acted as the catalyst for Pythagorean philosophical development. In addition, because these musical intervals were the living, pulsing heart of moral, religious, poetic, and communal life for members of the Pythagorean sect, their Pythagoreans understanding of their relationship to what they measured in mathematical terms would be radically different from the understanding of philosophers whose methods began with geometry. Thus, the privileged place of music as part of both aspects of the Pythagorean experiencethe scientific and the religiousmay have allowed for two modes of expressionthe philosophical and the mythologicalto operate within the same system of thought.
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APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS:
______________________________________________ Dr. Alden Smith, Department of Classics APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: ______________________________________________________ Dr. Andrew Wisely, Director DATE: ___________________________
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PYTHAGORAS THE MUSICIAN
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of
Baylor University
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Honors Program
By
Christine Marie Stanulonis
Waco, Texas
May 2015
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . iii
Introduction . . . . . . . . 1
Chapter One: The Discord between Ritual and Rational . . 3
Chapter Two: Pythagorean Mathematics and the Greek Mathematical Traditions 26 Chapter Three: Music the Harmony between Ritual and Rational 47
Conclusion . . . . . . . . 67
Bibliography . . . . . . . . 69
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In completing this thesis, I owe a debt of gratitude to several individuals who
encouraged, advised, or in some other way enriched the project and my understanding of
it. I thank Dr. Smith, my advisor, for believing in my ability to write a worthy thesis,
even when I had little hope of it. I also thank the three other readers on my panel: Dr.
Froberg for his assiduous attention to stylistic details, Dr. Williams for her timely advice
and much-needed encouragement, and Mr. T.J. McLemore for his appreciation of
mystery. In addition, I thank Dr. Moser whose classes and conversation originally drew
me to the topic. Also, I am deeply indebted to Megan for her constant, gracious
friendship and to Jackson, Kara, Kelsey, and Zach for their camaraderie. Finally, I thank
Christopher for many months of patience.
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INTRODUCTION
The Pythagorean tradition is known in many ways. Pythagoras, called over the
centuries the founder of ancient Greek mathematics, was accredited at various times with
the discovery of the theorem for calculating the sides of a right triangle, the discovery of
the numerical ratios that govern musical intervals, and even the discovery of the
irrationality of the square root of 2. Also called the founder of philosophy, he first
attempted to explain the world as a cosmos ordered by numbers. His influence is sought
in many key places in the Western intellectual tradition, from the wisdom of Plato to the
medieval Quadrivium to the heliocentric Copernican solar system. Religious doctrines of
the Pythagorean tradition are also remembered: the transmigration of souls, the kinship of
all creatures, and the cyclical nature of the world. Mixed in with all this is mystical
disposition toward numbers and the various attempts at association between numbers and
physical objects or abstract realities.
Yet, while much can be known about the entire traditionas it has been
attributed, remembered, developed, and transmittedsurprisingly little can be known
about its founder or its earliest adherents. This paper will examine the question of
whether or not the mystical and mathematical strains could have both been fundamental
to the Pythagorean tradition from the beginning. It will note some of the presuppositions
concerning mathematics generally, assumptions that can lead scholars to discount early
Pythagorean number theory, and suggest the possibility that an emphasis upon music and
a musicians approach to mathematics might enable a more sympathetic reading of the
early Pythagorean tradition.
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CHAPTER ONE
The Discord between Ritual and Rational
The favor and attention that has ensured the continuation of Pythagorean thought
across temporal, geographic, cultural, and linguistic divides also enabled alterations; and
the early sources necessary for understanding its origins are almost non-existent. Yet the
dearth of definitive sources is only the beginning of the difficulties involved in an
interpretation of Pythagoras and early Pythagoreanism. The inquiry is complicated
further because the evidence available points to a story difficult to understand and even
more difficult to credit with historical verity. The legendary character of Pythagoras
represents a combination of contradictory modes of human engagement with the world,
an odd assortment of traits associated with both ritualistic devotion and rational
observation. Pythagoras, shrouded in mystery, in ancient times inspired strong reactions
from devotees and detractors alike, and continues to be a subject of debate.
As a brief introduction to the study of early Pythagoreanism, this chapter first
offers a survey of major relevant sources. It will continue with a review of the legend of
Pythagoras as it was conceived in late antiquity and as it was passed down into the
middle ages. Finally, it will conclude with an examination of some views in
contemporary scholarship relevant to subsequent chapters.
The Problem of Sources
Hellenistic tradition held that Pythagoras transmitted all of the doctrines and
precepts of his sect orally and left no writings; and in modern scholarship this notion is
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taken as fact. Contrarily, Diogenes Laertius in late antiquity attested in his Life of
Pythagoras that the famous man left behind at least three volumes of his own writings,
but his evidence is hardly convincing.1 Just as there are no texts attributable to
Pythagoras, there is none from his immediate followers. According to testimonia,
Pythagoreans held themselves to a vow of silence regarding their leaders teachings.
Presumably, Isocrates refers to this vow in his complaint: to this day, those who pretend
to be his [Pythagoras] disciples are more admired for their silence than those who have
the greatest reputation for speaking.2 The Pythagorean silence is especially notorious in
the different versions of the legends concerning a certain Pythagorean named Hippasus,
drowned for declaring openly the discovery of the dodecahedron.3
Possible echoes of the oral Pythagorean tradition are the Pythagorean symbola
and the Golden Verses of Pythagoras. The symbola are maxims for living, often bizarre
in their claims and in their demands. Some are as universal in scope as the most just
thing is to sacrifice, the wisest is number.4 Others seem to deal with minutiae, such as
not leaving the marks of a pot in a pile of ashes.5 They are also called acusmata (things
heard) because disciples of Pythagoras would listen in silence to his enigmatic sayings
that could not be properly interpreted by a listener who knew not the secrets of
Pythagorean discourse. The earliest evidence for these is dated ca. 400 B.C., found in an
1 Diogenes Laertius, The Life of Pythagoras, V. translated in Guthrie, The Pythagorean Sourcebook and Library,(Grand Rapids, MI: 1987), 142-43; Diogenes Laertius bases his claim upon a quote of Heraclitus (DK12 B129) which mentions Pythagoras and writings, but does not make clear Pythagoras relationship with those writings or claim his authorship.
2 Isocrates, Busiris, 28. Qtd. in Khan, Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, (Indianapolis: 2001), 12.
3 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 18.88.
4 Iamblichus De Vita Pythagorica, 18.82.
5 No. 35 from Androcydes collection, qtd. in Burkert, Lore and Science, (Cambridge: 1972), 173.
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Explanation of Pythagorean Symbola by Anaximander of Miletus.6 Thus, the symbola
are pre-Platonic and in the time of Anaximander were already supposed to require
allegorical interpretation, as would utterances wrapped in the mysticism and mythology
of archaic times.7 Following Anaximander, the practice of collecting and interpreting
Pythagorean symbola garnered a long tradition.8 Another possible product of the early,
oral tradition is the so-called Golden Verses of Pythagoras. Armand DeLatte maintained
in the early 20th century that these were compiled in the mid-3rd or early 4th century B.C.
either from written fragments or from oral tradition,9 and Thom argues that the Verses
should be dated earlier than 300 B.C.10 Like the acusmata, they are oriented toward
instruction for ordered living.
Because of the mysterious character of the Pythagorean sect, the earliest written
evidence for Pythagoreanism comes from non-Pythagoreans. These testimonia come
from various authors, namely, Heraclitus, Empedocles, Ion of Chios, and Herodotus, each
of whom in some way refers to the reputation of Pythagoras as a learned individual.11
However, because the fragments of Heraclitus are decidedly hostile in their description of
6Burkert, Lore and Science, (Cambridge: 1972), 166. 7 As Burkert notes, Ibid.
8 For instance, in Iamblichus De Vita Pythagorica 18.86-87, in Porphyry De Vita Pythagorica 42 (Guthrie, 131), or more recently, in K. S. Guthries Pythagorean Sourcebook, (Grand Rapids: 1987), 159-161.
9 DeLatte, Etudes sur la litterature pythagoricienne, Paris 1915, p. 44-79.
10Thom, The Pythagorean Golden Verses, (New York: 1995), 57-58. 11 Heraclitus DK12 B40 and DK12 B129, Empedocles DK21 B129, Ion of Chios DK36 B4,
Herodotus 4.95.
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Pythagoras, and others are ambivalent, a veritable philological storm has arisen in
modern scholarship over their interpretation.
After the testimonia comes the first genuinely Pythagorean author, Philolaus of
Croton in the 4th century B.C. On Nature was likely the first book written by a
Pythagorean.12 Fragments of it survive, on subjects of such central importance as the role
of numbers in human knowledge, in the arrangement of the heavenly bodies of the
cosmos, and in the musical intervals. The fragments of Philolaus have undergone
scrutiny over the years, and their authenticity has been variously affirmed and denied.13
According to Burkert, since the argument against authenticity issued by Frank in the early
20th century, the dominant mood has been uncertainty, though scholarly caution has
somewhat tipped the balance toward the negative.14 However, Carl Huffmans
comprehensive study, Philolaus of Croton, defends the authenticity of much that would
otherwise be discarded, and suggests a revised understanding of the Philolaus fragments
liberated from some of the preconceptions of Aristotles interpretation.15
The next Pythagorean author is Archytas of Tarentum. Although his connection
with the sect is more tenuous than that of Philolaus, and he lived half a century later,
according to Huffman, he fits the popular conception of a Pythagorean better than
anyone in the Pythagorean tradition.16 He was a known mathematician highly involved
and successful in the government of Tarentum and, in some respect, a friend or
12 Huffman, Philolaus Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2012, online.
13 See Burkert (1972), 221, no.17 for list of scholars for and against.
14 Burkert, (1972), 221.
15Huffman, Philolaus of Croton, (Cambridge: 1993) 16 Huffman, Archytas of Tarentum, (Cambridge: 2005), 44.
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acquaintance of Plato. The writings of Archytas are more mathematically intricate than
those of Philolaus, and they provide the most advanced explanation of musical harmony
in the pre-Platonic Pythagorean tradition, with a detailed introduction to the three means
(arithmetic, geometric, and harmonic) which came to occupy a foundational place in
Pythagorean harmonic theory. Recently, scholars have come to see Philolaus, and
especially Archytas, as philosophical figures in their own right, and not as mere sources
for referral in the attempt to reconstruct the thought of Pythagoras. This valuable insight,
in light of the scattering of the Pythagorean sect in the 5th century, makes unrealistic the
assumption that the tradition continued as a perfectly homogenous whole. Instead, it
assumes a different character in the various personalities who give it expression.
This notion is nowhere more obvious than in the most troublesome source for
Pythagoreanism, Plato himself. It has long been known that Plato develops themes
quintessentially Pythagorean, at least according to the traditional perception of
Pythagoreanism. Specifically, the cosmological, mathematical, and harmonic tenants are
woven throughout the Timaeus, and the religious doctrines on the transmigration of souls
are re-fashioned in the Phaedo. But to say that there is nothing in Plato so helpful as a
bibliography of previous scholarship is an understatement: in fact, he mentions the name
Pythagorean only twice in the entire corpus, even when he clearly deals with
Pythagorean material.17 Burkert suggests some reasons for this tendency. Not only does
Plato value arguments for their truth rather than for their source, but he also integrates
foreign material fully into his own structure.18 Indeed, one cannot read Platos writings
17 Republic, 600 b2 and 530 d8, according to Burkert (1972), 84-85.
18 Burkert, (1972), 83.
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without understanding that the unity of his thought and the shifting innovation and
creativity of his expression must confuse the traces of borrowed ideas. Walter Burkert in
Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, through an impressively thorough array of
evidence attempts to separate an historical, religious Pythagoras from the mathematical
and scientific learning and achievements so long associated with him. Instead, he sees in
Plato (and in mathematicians of Platos time) the origins of the more philosophically
rigorous half of a tradition which until that time had been merely ritualistic and mystical.
The final major source for the pre-Platonic Pythagorean tradition consists of
certain passages of Aristotle. Aristotle and his school preserve the only significant post-
Platonic view of early Pythagoreanism, a view free from Platonizing elements. This
assessment may not be completely accurate, for there are reasons to suspect that some of
the Aristotelian characterizations of Pythagoreanism are informed by a reaction to
Platonic philosophy. Even so, it is certain that Aristotle, unlike Plato, writes more in the
fashion of one only reporting on a system of thought in order to develop his own system
in contrast and reference to it and has no interest in re-inventing it for himself. Some of
the most relevant passages, particularly on Pythagorean cosmology, are found in the
Metaphysics, the De Caelo, and the Physis.19 Zhmud rejects Aristotle as a reliable source
for early Pythagoreanism because he maintains that there is interference of an anti-
Platonic agenda with Aristotles record of Pythagorean beliefs.20
The search for the historical Pythagoras and the character of his original sect
treads upon a shaky foundation. The teachings drift down through the ages in the form of
19 Metaphysics 342b29, 345a13, 987a29 , 989b29, 990a27, 996a4. De Caelo. 284b6, 285a10.b24,
290b12-291a9, 293a19.b1. Physics. 203a3, 204a32, 213b22. 20 Zhmud, Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans, (Oxford: 2012), 13.
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enigmatic maxims and lines assumed to preserve some fidelity to an original oral
tradition and also through the fragments of Philolaus and Archytas. But lack of evidence
for what came before Philolaus, leaves room to question what relationship existed
between his ideas and those of his predecessors, even if the authenticity of the fragments
is vindicated. Archytas, whatever his association with Pythagoreanism, stands farther
from the source, for there is more reason to think that Archytas is innovating and
developing the specifically mathematical portion of the tradition, if indeed it was part of
the early tradition. The commentary of authors outside of the Pythagorean tradition, from
Heraclitus to Aristotle, must be interpreted through the expressed attitudes and
assumptions of the authors; Platos rich presentation of Pythagorean ideas conceals as
much as it reveals. In light of these uncertainties, scholars have provided arguments both
for and against the traditional Pythagoras, the semi-mystical mathematic genius, but it
would be hardly fitting to proceed without first becoming better acquainted with
Pythagoras legend which now ignites such controversy.
The Traditional Pythagoras
Late sources say most about the life of Pythagoras. Three of the best known
Lives of Pythagoras were written by Diogenes Laertius (3rd century A.D.), Porphyry
(c.235-c.305 A.D.), and his student Iamblichus (c. 245-c.325 A.D.). Those from
Diogenes Laertius and Porphyry were part of larger works on Lives of the Eminent
Philosophers and the History of Philosophy, respectively. But The Pythagorean Life
from Iamblichus was the first volume of an encyclopedic, ten-volume work dedicated
entirely to Pythagorean thought. As the longest and most extravagant in its attributions, it
offers an example of the high regard and loyalty that students of the Pythagorean tradition
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devoted to the Pythagorean ideals in late antiquity and into the middle ages. Pythagoras
was the only Pre-Socratic to retain such fame beyond antiquity, due in large part to the
full synthesis achieved between Neoplatonism and Neo-Pythagoreanism by Neoplatonic
authors, Iamblichus in particular, who considered himself to be both a Platonist and a
Pythagorean.
The Pythagoras of the Neoplatonic Lives is a colorful, almost whimsical
combination of scientist, orator, mystic, musician, friend, vegetarian (perhaps), healer,
and moral teacher. As these sources reveal, he was born (by legend the son of Apollo,
god of reason and music) in Samos in the 6th century B.C. As a young man he studied
with the Ionians Thales and Anaximander, and absorbed the wisdom of the earliest Greek
philosophy. He then traveled to Phoenicia, acquiring Hebraic thought, and went from
Phoenicia to Egypt, where he visited temples, and sought out priests and sages to be
instructed by them in the secrets of their religion.21 He later came to in Babylon
(according to Iamblichus he was taken captive and brought there by soldiers of
Cambyses)22 where he eagerly learned from the Magi. There also, in the account of
Porphyry, he was ritually purified by Zoroaster himself.23 From these lands he gained a
marvelous knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy, as well as
initiation into many mysteries. If that were not enough, upon return to the Greek-
speaking world, he dwelt in Crete and Sparta for a time to become familiar with their
laws and visited all the oracles.
21 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 3.13-4.19.
22 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 4.19.
23 Porphyry De Vita Pythagorica, 12, translated in Guthrie (1987), 125.
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The sources relate that later, because he found the inhabitants of Samos
uninclined to apply themselves to education and because he deemed that the growing
power of the tyrant Polycrates would hamper a free man in his studies, he traveled to
southern Italy, and settled in Croton where he quickly gained popularity through the
wisdom and power of his speeches. Iamblichus relates that he began by addressing a
crowd of young men whom he found in the gymnasium, exhorting them to esteem their
parents and pursue other virtues especially important for young men. When the elders of
the city discovered him, they invited the newcomer to speak to them in their senate.24
Later, they asked him to speak also to their boys and then to their women. Iamblichus
even records the subject matter of these speeches as though they were remembered still in
late antiquity, although it seems more likely that he is using the story of the man
Pythagoras depicted generally as a mouthpiece for Neo-Pythagorean and Neoplatonic
morals. The coming of Pythagoras so affected the community of Croton that many
people, both men and women, began to join the Pythagorean sectso many in fact, that
the government of Croton came decidedly under their influence. Porphyry relates that
whole cities were constructed to hold the number of outsiders who came to hear him.25
The descriptions of the Pythagorean sect and their customs are equally
fascinating. All Pythagoreans lived under a vow of silence regarding their masters
teachings. Not surprisingly, the teachings of Pythagoras have always been something of
a mystery, and even in his lifetime there was a particular ordering within the Pythagorean
community as to which people were allowed to share in his more esoteric revelations and
24 Iamblichus De Vita Pythagorica, 9.45.25 Porphyry, De Vita Pythagorica, 20, in Guthrie (1987), 127.
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which were not. Entrance among the Pythagoreans was apparently a long process.
According to Iamblichus, Pythagoras would first observe newcomers and judge their
character based on such things as their gait, how and when they laughed, or what caused
them joy and sorrow.26 If accepted by him, aspirants would be neglected for three years
while still being under the masters observation, so that they could prove the stability of
their character. Those who passed this test were required to relinquish their possessions
to be shared in common among the Pythagoreans (as did all members of the sect, it being
a maxim of Pythagoras that friends had all things in common). They were allowed to
listen silently to the teachings of Pythagoras but were not allowed to see him because he
sat behind a veil. After five years they would become esoterics, allowed to speak with
him behind the veil and share in his most hidden doctrines. If anyone failed the test of
the five-year silence, he was returned double the wealth he brought them, but he was
treated as though dead.
Porphyry places the blame for the destruction of the Pythagoreans on Cylon of
Croton.27 This man, by Porphyrys account, thought highly of himself and was greatly
insulted when Pythagoras would not consider him for admittance into the Pythagorean
community. As an act of vengeance, he stirred up a popular rebellion against the
Pythagorean leaders of Croton and burned them in a house where they had gathered
together. All of the Pythagoreans were either killed or scattered, and Pythagoras himself,
according to the tradition, traveled about Southern Italy seeking refuge. However, the
political upheaval had already spread beyond Croton, and riots arose around him
26 Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 17.71.27 Porphyry, De Vita Pythagorica, 54-55, in Guthrie (1987), 134.
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wherever he went. He died either from starvation or from grief in the temple of the
Muses in Metapontum.28
The vignettes of strange and miraculous deeds of Pythagoras included in these
sources are characteristic of the status attributed to him as a man above ordinary mortals.
Diogenes Laertius relates a legend in which Pythagoras, in a former life, had been a son
of Hermes, and when his father gave him the promise to grant any wish short of the wish
for immortality, the not-yet Pythagoras asked for a perfect and lasting memory.
Consequently, he could remember all of his former lives, one of them a life as the hero
Euphorbus, spoken of in Homers Iliad. Another famous story in several sources was
that of the Daunian bear. In this tale, Pythagoras possessed, like Orpheus, the ability to
communicate with animals. When a certain savage bear had killed a few local
inhabitants, Pythagoras secured its promise that it would become a vegetarian, and it left
the vicinity and never harmed man or beast again. In another legend, Pythagoras met a
group of fishermen just pulling in their catch and told them the exact number of fish in
their nets. Having agreed to do whatever he commanded if he were correct, they counted
the fish and proved his assertion accurate. Then according to his wish, they threw all the
fish, still living, back into the water. But the most spectacular of all the Pythagorean
legends, perhaps, is the claim that he was seen talking to his disciples in Metapontum in
Italy and in Tauromenium in Sicily, at exactly the same time.29
This oddly attractive picture of Pythagoras (if in some points bizarre) no doubt
was meant to be appreciated by ancient admirers such as Iamblichus. In modern
28 Porphyry, De Vita Pythagorica, 57, in Guthrie (1987), 134.
29 Porphyry, De Vita Pythagorica, 27, in Guthrie (1987), 128.
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scholarship a more modest reconstruction of the life story of Pythagoras agrees that he
was from Samos and was born a contemporary of the beginnings of Philosophy in Ionia.
However, little can be known about his life prior to his arrival in Croton in the latter half
of the sixth century. Guthrie suggests as credible the report that Pythagoras left Samos as
a consequence of the character of its tyrant Polycrates because, whether or not political
reasons for his flight existed, Pythagoras as an ascetic would have begrudged the tyrants
encouragement of luxury and license.30 Ancient and modern historians verify that
Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans had a significant effect on the political life of Southern
Italy, although it is not necessary that Pythagoras rose to popularity with such marvelous
immediacy as the Neoplatonic sources describe. It is known that Croton was badly
defeated by Locri at the river Sagra around the time that Pythagoras would have arrived,
but that later in 510 B.C. Croton defeated and destroyed the wealthy city of Sybaris,
thereby becoming the dominant force in the area for the next half century. Some
historians have credited this dramatic shift in the fortunes of Croton to the moral reforms
and discipline which Pythagoras inspired. Dunbabin confidently asserts the opinion that
the Pythagorean hetaireiai, that is, brotherhoods or political clubs, guided the affairs of
Croton and most of the other southern Italian cities for the first half of the fifth century
and became responsible for Crotons political expansion.31 Even after the revolt named
in ancient histories, the Pythagorean influence remained for about a century and a half in
Southern Italy, so that even in the first half of the fourth century B.C. the mathematician
30 Guthrie, W.K.C., History of Greek Philosophy, vol. 1, (Cambridge: 1962), 174.31 Dunbabin, The Western Greeks, (Oxford: 1948), 359, 360; Burkert is skeptical, (1972), 116, n.
44.
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Archytas, who could claim some kind of association with Pythagorean ideas, was several
times elected to high positions in the government of Tarentum.
Pythagoras image, passed down through the ages, is double-sided. On the one
hand, he was seen as a brilliant philosopher who endeavored to present the world as a
cosmos founded upon rational, mathematical principles, a great master in the studies of
arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. But he was also remembered as a religious
leader who introduced the doctrine of metempsychosis to the Greek world, a kind of
shaman connected to the old Orphic cults (and possibly to religious beliefs derived from
the East, depending on the interpretation.)
The Dichotomy between Rational and Ritual in Modern Scholarship
This legend of Pythagoras was accepted, for the most part, throughout late
antiquity, the middle ages, and the early modern period. But in the nineteenth century,
scholars expressed doubts over whether the authentic teachings and true character of
Pythagoras could ever be known. In 1865, Eduard Zeller famously noted that the
majority of the records of Pythagoras life and teachings are of questionable authenticity
and that the information they provide becomes both more abundant and more dubious the
later the source.32 Scholars of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have continued to
provide in Zellers wake excellent philological examinations of the earliest source
material for Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans. While there is general agreement that
Pythagoras, the religious leader, existed in fact, a controversy continues to brew over the
traditional identification of Pythagoras as mathematician-philosopher.
32 Zeller. Pythagoras und die Pythagoraslegende. Vortrge und Abhandlungen I. (Leipzig:
1865), 30-50; as an example, even the account of Iamblichus is more far-fetched in comparison to that of Diogenes Laertius, though the time between them is not great.
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A major line in Pythagorean scholarship is drawn between those who argue for a
synthesis between mysticism and mathematics, and those who argue against it. August
Dring, in 1892, argued for a synthesis that was based upon the concept of katharsis.33 Dring suggests that Pythagoras sought the souls purification in ritual but found it most accessible of all in the contemplation of scientific knowledge. In opposition to this,
scholars such as Erich Frank in the early 20th century emphasized the highly religious and
mystical character of early Pythagoreanism as something at odds with the scientific and
mathematical developments; these, according to Frank, must have been added into the
tradition later by the Southern Italian mathematicians of Platos acquaintance, especially
by Archytas.34 Somewhat later, Cornford posited that the mathematical tradition, though
not original, developed from the mystical tradition earlier than this, in response to
Parmenides criticisms of Pythagoreanim.35 He identifies this mathematical tradition as a
kind of number-atomism, similar to, but not identical to, the atomism of Democritus
and Leucippus, and maintains that it was the target of extant criticisms from Zeno.36
As might be expected, there are two major questions to be contested. First,
scholars seek to determine what form Pythagorean religion or mathematics would have
taken in the 6th and early 5th century. Second, they inquire whether religion and
mathematics in such forms could have possibly cooperated to form a synthetic system of
thought. The issue tends to be contested on two different planes, sometimes
33 Dring, Wandlungen in der pythagorischen Lehre. Archiv fr Geschichte der Philosophie 5
(1892), 503-531.
34 Frank, Plato und die sogenannten Pythagoreer, (Halle: 1923). 35 Cornford Mysticism and Science in the Pythagorean Tradition. In Mourelatos, The Pre-
Socratics, (Princeton: 1993), 135-136. 36 Ibid.
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simultaneously. On the one hand, scholars seek out and interpret written sources as well
as cultural and political context. On the other, scholars face their own preconceptions
(and those of the source-materials) concerning whether or not religion and mathematics
in those presumed forms could form a synthetic system of thought.
One of the most comprehensive, influential works of scholarship on
Pythagoreanism is Walter Burkerts Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism,
published in English in 1972. Because of the breadth of his evidence and the intricacy of
his arguments, anyone who wishes to comment on the history of early Pythagoreanism is
almost obligated to address his claims. Burkerts work demonstrates that the scientific
and mathematical side of Pythagorean tradition is inextricable from the Platonic sources
(both Plato and his acquaintances and followers) that ensured its fame throughout later
ages. It lacks, in his evaluation, the early evidence to stand upon its own, and because of
this, it ought not to be assumed to have preceded Plato and the thinkers of his time.
The major obstacle standing in the way of Burkerts assertion that Pythagoras did
not practice scientific inquiry or consider numbers from a mathematical point of view is
the set of early testimonia from non-Pythagoreans. These fragments, some of the earliest
written evidence for Pythagoras, all comment on his great learning in some fashion,
sometimes in praise, sometimes in derision or ambiguity.The fragments from Heraclitus
are rich with suggestion but also complex and unfavorable:
.
DK12 B40 , , .
DK12 B129
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Clearly, the words , , and must lie at the center of debate. At
its simplest reading, fragment 40 seems to place Pythagoras in company with both
Xenophanes and Hecataeus, thus giving him a place amongst the Ionian thinkers, a
position beneficial for a philosophical figure. Burkert, however, suggests that the
position of the word in the sentence shows that Heraclitus is grouping Pythagoras with Hesiod rather than with the other two, emphasizing that as a polymath he did not
specialize in the newer science but, like Hesiod, he specialized in the older myths, rituals,
and theogony.37 Burkert acknowledges the connection of with the Milesian
disposition to rational inquiry, but finds it to be overpowered by the words and, especially because the sound like Orphic writings.
All scholars by no means agree with Burkerts reading of Heraclitus fragments;
some do not accept his effort to minimalize the scientific identity of Pythagoras in these
early sources. Zhmud passes over Burkerts complicated reading, doubting the authority
of Heraclitus because he is known to have had derisive things to say about almost every
other person he named.38 Khan does not concede the weakening of the force of the word
, which was routinely used in reference to the Milesian science, including
geometry, astronomy, geography, and history.39 In addition, Zhmud counters that
refers to prose writings, and thus could not be Orphic poetry, but more likely
37 Burkert, (1972), 209-210.
38 Zhmud, Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans, (Oxford: 2012), 32.
39 Khan, Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, (Indianapolis: 2001), 17.
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writings from such men as Anaximander and Anaximenes, whose ideas Pythagorean
thought resembles.40 Evidently the interpretation of the testimonia is not soon to be
settled.
While Burkert denies that sufficient evidence supports the mathematical and
scientific tradition in the early days of the sect and affirms the evidence for the early
religious tradition, Zhmud disagrees entirely. In his view, to apply an argumentum ex
silentio to the early mathematical tradition is inconsistent. He cites the presence of
meager, early evidence for the political influence of Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, but
the political tradition is accepted far more commonly.41 Again, he compares Pythagoras
to Thales, who also left no writings. He notes that the tradition surrounding Thales
attributes to him sayings and actions not historically possible, and the first specific
evidence for his philosophical and geometrical discoveries appears as late as Aristotle.42
Yet, there is generally little doubt that Thales was not in some fashion a man who
pursued mathematical and natural inquiry.
The above examples introduce some of the complexities involved in identifying
and interpreting the early sources for Pythagoreanism and their context. But beneath the
philological quandaries, understanding of mathematics often drives the debate. This
tendency is even explicit in Gomperz, who locates in Pythagoras the full range of
traditional identitiesmathematician, acoustician, astronomer, founder of a religious
sect, scientist, theologian, and moral reformer.43 According to Gomperz, the reason that a
40 Zhmud, Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans, (Princeton: 2012), 33.
41Zhmud, Pythagoras and the Early Pythagoreans, (Princeton: 2012), 27.42 Zhmud, Pythagoras and the early Pythagoreans, (Princeton: 2012), 26. 43 Gomperz, Greek Thinkers, vol. I. (London: 1955) , 99.
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pioneer of exact science can at the same time be a prophet of mysticism lies in the
character of the mathematical temperament.44 He relies upon a certain evaluation of
the mathematical which has the power to justify all the strange contradictions of the
legendary Pythagoras. However, there are scholars who rely upon the nature of
mathematics and the mathematical temperament in order to refute the same synthesis.
Burkert is perhaps the most prominent example. A major theme of his work Lore and
Science is that genuine mathematical methods and the natural science which arose from
them are not compatible with what is known of early Pythagoreanism. In the middle
ground, Riedweg maintains that any interpretation too narrowly focused on mathematics
and the natural sciences does not do justice to the Pre-Socratics in general, let alone
Pythagoras, and appears as a result of nineteenth century positivism.45
The Necessity of Abstraction for Mathematical Thought
The issues which Burkert brings to light are highly useful for investigating the
nature of mathematics and its relationship to early Pythagorean teaching. In Burkerts
view, Pythagoras sits on the wrong side of a divide in the development of Greek thought.
In a culture and an age just beginning to engage in scientific inquiry, Pythagoras stands
out as a figure whose primary allegiance is to an older, mythological explanation of the
world.
From the very beginning, his influence was mainly felt in an atmosphere of miracle, secrecy, and revelation. In that twilight period between old and new, when Greeks, in a historically unique achievement, were discovering the rational interpretation of the world and quantitative natural science, Pythagoras represents
44 Gomperz, Greek Thinkers, vol. I. (London: 1955), 108. 45 Riedweg. Pythagoras: His Life, Teaching, and Influence. (Ithaca: 2005), 73.
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not the origin of the new, but the survival or revival of ancient, pre-scientific lore, based on super-human authority and expressed in ritual obligation.46
Burkerts criticism of the theory of synthesis between the ritual and the rational
which Dring and others propose relies on his attempt to separate the elements of older and newer ways of thinking. Specifically, his argument is in response to the one
presented by Burnet in his Early Greek Philosophy. Burnet, like Dring, argues for a synthesis between the mathematical and the religious Pythagoras which depends upon the
idea of catharsis. In Burnets understanding, Pythagoras could have had a doctrine of
catharsis which would have bridged the gap between Orphic practices of catharsis and the
Platonic conception of it, thus blending old mysticism with new rational, mathematical
thought. Orphic cults, which in Pythagoras day had gained popularity in the Greek
world, taught that man had a godlike soul which longed to be free of its body, and could
begin to experience this ecstasy through the practice of purification (), although
ultimate freedom would not come until the soul escaped from the cycle of
reincarnations.47 Aristoxenus wrote that Pythagoras used to use music to purge the
soul.48 Burnet argues that we can add that to effect purification, Pythagoras promoted not
only music, but also more significantly the study of science, and of mathematics in
particular.49 He turns to the Pythagorean technique of arranging numbers of pebbles into
shapes, as an example of an early Pythagorean interest in arithmetic. This practice
appears to be an early innovation, because the veneration of the tetractys was central to
46 Burkert, (1972), Preface to the German Edition.
47 Add citation: Kirk and Raven? 48Aristoxenus, Fr. 26.
49 Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, (London: 1958), 98.
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Pythagorean thinking and accredited to Pythagoras himself.50 If Pythagoras taught that
scientific investigation was to be pursued for the sake of the purification of the soul, then
this doctrine would link the religious teachings with the philosophical teachings, making
it possible for them to be united in one man.
Burkert rejects this proposal by positing that the theory of catharsis cannot remain
intact if it is removed from the conceptual background which belonged to Plato but not to
the early Pythagoreans. Burkert from Platos writings identifies passages that suggest a
theory of catharsis. In the Phaedo, catharsis is achieved by philosophy, whose goal is
deaththe separation of soul and body that enables the full realization of truth.51 And
again in the Republic, the studies of arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy lead the
soul from the world of appearances to the true forms.52 Burkerts main point of
contention is that the forms or ideas are absent from the Pythagorean mindset. He cites a
passage from Aristotle as evidence that the Pythagoreans thought of numbers in a way
inseparable from the physical world,53 unlike Plato for whom the forms were incorporeal
objects of knowledge. Because of this, there could not have been a Pythagorean
understanding in which the goal of life, death, and metempsychosis was escape from the
physical world. For Burkert, this constitutes sufficient cause to believe that the catharsis
of the early Pythagoreans was not based on music and mathematical study, but on music
50 A triangle made of rows of one, two, three, and four pebbles, adding to ten, the perfect number
for Pythagoreans. The tetractys was said to have contained the nature of number.
51 Plato, Phaedrus 64a-67d.
52 Plato, Republic 521c-522d.
53 Met. 989b29; Aristotle notes that the Pythagoreans did not take a physical substance as their fundamental element, yet all of their investigations are concerned solely with the physical world.
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and religious ritual, closely related to the Orphic practices.54 He speculates that Plato
could have borrowed the lifestyle of catharsis from the Pythagoreans along with its
connection to music, but reinvented it with a scientific focus and a mathematical
understanding of music.55 Burkerts analysis reveals the one key characteristic which he
holds to be necessary to true mathematical thought: abstraction. Without a conception of
numbers abstracted from things, he argues, the Pythagoreans could not have risen to a
level of scientific inquiry as we know it. Khan also identifies this abstraction of numbers
as a fundamental question in the study of early Pythagoreanism.56
Thus, the Pythagorean question is concerned with more than merely a lack of
adequate, early source material; it is complicated by various interpretations of the
relationship between a more ancient mythological understanding of the world and the
newer, more scientific revolution of thought which the pre-Socratic philosophers began.
Much depends upon whether the interpreter considers these two modes of thought to be
incompatible, or if he endeavors to find some fundamental commonality by which the
latter evolved from the former. As has been seen, Burkert (and other scholars who take a
similar position) views the mythological and the scientific as basically opposed to one
another. On the other side, Dring and Burnet work to find a common strand (the practice of catharsis) to unite the two in the person of Pythagoras. Burkerts criticism of
this focuses on the Pythagorean perception of number: he argues that if the Pythagoreans
did not have a conception of number as something incorporeal, they could not have
54Burkert, (1972), 212-213. 55 Ibid. 56 Khan, Pythagorean Philosophy before Plato, In Mourelatos, The Pre-Socratics, 163; Aristotle
records the Pythagorean perception of number in different ways, saying both that things are number and that things resemble number. There seems to be a possible difference between a sensible and a non-sensible concept of number.
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believed in purification through contemplation of scientific knowledge. This idea
illustrates that one of the most fundamental questions in Pythagorean scholarship (if not
the most fundamental) is the question of in what way the early Pythagoreans perceived
and encountered number.
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CHAPTER TWO
Pythagorean Mathematics and the Greek Mathematical Traditions
Pythagorean understanding, without question, was generated or in some way
fashioned by an attention to number. This idea is apparent in the symbol which states
that the wisest thing is number,1 as well as in a fragment of Philolaus which reads, and
all things, indeed, that are known have number: for it is not possible for anything to be
thought or known without this.2 Aristotle, as well, attests to it in his Metaphysics:
the people called Pythagoreans took up mathematics, and were the first to advance this science; and having been reared on it, they thought that its principles were the principles of all things. Since of these it is the numbers that are by nature first, and in the numbers they thought that they saw many likenesses to the things that are and that come into being, more so than in fire and earth and water3
Metaphysics 985b23 (DK58 B4)
These are only a few examples of many. Whatever Pythagoras taught, it must have found
its meaning or its language of expression in number.
Thus, it is not the importance of number in early Pythagorean teaching which
scholars question but the way that number was encountered, and whether that way really
matches what a later system of thought would define as mathematical,or only
mystical, mythological, or poetic. And even if the assumption is accepted which is
present in Aristotles summary, that Pythagorean ideas begin with a study of
mathematics, it still remains to be determined what sort of mathematics were studied, for
not all mathematics in ancient Greece conformed to a single method. Unavoidably it is
1 Iamblichus De Vita Pythagorica, 18.82.
2 DK 44 B4. Translation in Barker, Greek Musical Writings, vol. II, (Cambridge: 1990), 36.
3 Translation in Barker Greek Musical Writings, vol. II, (Cambridge: 1990), 32.
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necessary to determine something of the character of the Pythagorean understanding of
numbers before attempting to distinguish between the perceived incompatibility of the
scientific and religious strains of thought attributed to them, for the manner or method by
which they thought about numbers would surely influence their thinking in other areas.
Figured Numbers the Earliest Pythagorean Conception of Number
The earliest testimony that sheds light on how Pythagoreans regarded numbers on
the most basic level occurs in references to the method of one Pythagorean named
Eurytus. This testimony is given both by Theophrastus and by Aristotle on the authority
of Archytas, who reportedly had first-hand knowledge of the somewhat older man
Eurytus. Like Archytas, Eurytus was from Tarentum, a Pythagorean most likely closer
than Archytas to the original strain of the sect. He was also regarded as a pupil of
Philolaus.4 Theophrastus writes that Eurytus had the method of arranging particular
quantities of pebbles in order to show the numbers which were associated with certain
things, in this case, a man and a horse.
For this is the [approach] of an accomplished and sensible man, that very thing which Archytas once said that Eurytus did, in his various diatheseis of psephoi; for he said that this number turned out to be of man, that of horse, that of some other thing.5
Theophrastus, Metaphysics 6a19-22
Similarly, Aristotle refers to the same thing in his writings:
as Eurytus assigned a certain number to a certain thing, e.g., this [number] to man, that [number] to horse (just as is done, making numbers into the figures triangle and square), making the forms of living beings analogous, in this way, to psephoi.6
4 Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, (London: 1958), 99-100. 5 Translation in Netz, The Problem of Pythagorean Mathematics, in Huffman, A History of
Pythagoreansm,, 173.
6 Translation in Netz, The Problem of Pythagorean Mathematics, in Huffman (2014), 174.
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Metaphysics 1092b9-13
What exactly Eurytus was doing in laying out his pebbles remains unclear.
Theophrastus refers to him with some respect; the evaluation of Aristotle is more
questionable. Netz gives an interpretation of Aristotles treatment of Eurytus method in
which Aristotle, though discounting it as a scientific procedure, is not wholly in
disagreement with some of its fundamental assumptions.7 It is at least known that
patterned numbers are not an uncommon way of manipulating numbers in ancient
cultures.8 Simpler arrangementssuch as triangular numbers, square numbers, and other
classificationswere likely customary, perhaps as a form of calculation in business
transactions or other practical matters (one might think of the art of calculating using an
abacus, keeping in mind that the original meaning of calculus was pebble). Aristotle
at any rate alludes to the practice as a known phenomenon (just as is done, making
numbers into the figures triangle and square). Heidel expresses certainty that square and
oblong numbers were almost as old in the time of Pythagoras as they are in the present
day.9 The preeminent example of a figured number is the tetraktys, the triangular
arrangement formed when one, two, three, and four pebbles are set out in parallel rows.
This figure was believed to express the nature of number and was highly revered in
Pythagorean circles. The triangular figure may be extended by the addition of subsequent
rows of quantities. Thus, triangular numbers are the sums of consecutive whole numbers,
that is {3, 6, 10, 15, 21,}.
7 Netz, The Problem of Pythagorean Mathematics, in Huffman, (2014), 173-77.
8 Netz, The Problem of Pythagorean Mathematics, in Huffman (2014), 176. 9 Heidel, W.A. The Pythagoreans and Greek Mathematics. Studies in Pre-Socratic Philosophy.
Vol. I, (New York: 1970), 352.
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Other shapes were formed as well. Square numbers are the sums of consecutive odd
numbers, for instance {4, 9, 16, 25, 36}. Three pebbles added to one pebble forms the
shape of a square, while five added to the first four conveniently does the same, and so on
for the rest of the odd numbers.
In a similar way, oblong or rectangular numbers are the sums of consecutive even
numbers, such as {2, 6, 12, 20, 30,}. Four pebbles added to two makes six; six added
to six make twelve; and so for the rest.
Triangular, square and oblong numbers are only the most basic of the patterned
or figured numbers, as they are called. In the Introduction to Arithmetic, of
Nicomachus, there are also found pentagonal numbers, hexagonal numbers, and more.
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One can only wonder what a man-number, or a horse-number might have been under
the hands of Eurytus.
So far as can be told, the arrangement of these simple figured numbers would
have been Pythagorean mathematics in its earliest form, and this is not hard to believe
if figured numbers really were a common occurrence outside the Pythagorean community
at that time.10 It is further substantiated by tradition surrounding the tetraktys, a figure
wrapped in the ritualistic and religious attitude which is widely considered to be the most
certain element of original Pythagoreanism. And in later generations, Pythagoreans
continued to use this as the primary mode of working with numbers, undeterred by newer
mathematical innovations. At least it is certain that later avowedly Pythagorean or Neo-
Pythagorean authors, such as Nicomachus of Gerasa in the 2nd century A.D., continued to
base their arithmetic in some key part on these figures, in contrast to the mainstream
axiomatic-deductive tradition of Greek mathematics exemplified in much of Euclid and
Archimedes. It can safely be asserted that the Pythagoreans from the beginning
conceived of numbers as clusters of pebbles rather than in alphabetical notation or in the
later Euclidean line representations of Greek geometry. Netz calls attention to this:
[Counters, for the Greeks] were the medium of numerical manipulation par excellence, in exactly the same way in which, for us, Arabic numerals are the numerical medium par excellence. We imagine numbers as an entity seen on the page; the Greeks imagined them as an entity grasped between the thumb and the finger.11
This being the case, it will be profitable to speculate on what effect the figured numbers
would have had on the early Pythagorean perception of number.
10 As Netz hints that they were. Netz, The Problem of Pythagorean Mathematics, in Huffman
(2014), 176. 11 Netz, Counter Culture: Towards a History of Greek Numeracy, History of Science, 40 (2002),
341.
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The arrangement of figured numbers is a practice in natural concordance with the
way the human mind recognizes different numbers through counting. We know that the
Pythagoreans did not consider one to be a number. One, because it is by definition
indivisible, cannot be measured by any other number. Instead, it is the principlethe
beginning and sourceof all numbers and the standard by which all numbers are
measured or counted out, just as any shape arranged out of pebbles is composed of the
individual pebbles. The concept of unity is what makes counting possible. However, one
cannot rely on unity alone. When Filon describes the development of calculation in
cultures generally, he notes that the number of objects which can be immediately
perceived by the human eye is usually low, four or five; all numbers above this are
ascertained through counting. But larger numbers can hardly be counted by the unit
alone. It is difficult for the human mind to measure greater numbers, such as one
hundred, with the unit. In practice, therefore, counting necessarily takes the form of
counting in groups, and then counting the number of groups; then forming groups of
groups, and so on.12 Here lies the reason for the establishment of counting systems in
base five, base ten, or whatever the case may be. And why should it not also lead to the
figured numbers of the Pythagoreans?
Represented here are the numbers 2, 6, and 12:
12 Filon, The Beginnings of Arithmetic, The Mathematical Gazette, vol. 12, no. 177, (1925),
403.
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Two is easily recognizable. But six is probably identified as two lines of three; thus it is
literally measured by the numbers 2 and 3. Twelve likewise is seen as three lines of
four; it is measured by 3 and 4. It is imaginable that with larger shapes or composite
shapes the same observation holds: the number is recognized through the parts which
make it up. And though it is possible that the more complex figured numbers were not
discovered until later, because these are only juxtapositions of triangles and squares, it is
not difficult to imagine that Pythagoreans might have arranged them also as objects of
contemplation, this being an activity that most children could engage in. It is also not
difficult to imagine that they would still consider the simpler figures to be the most
important, and be known for their allegiance to them, because they are the principles of
all the others. In this way, for instance, a heptahedron might be formed.
From all this it ought to be clear that the heart of Pythagorean number practices is
the recognition of a number through measurement and classification. This measurement
is not the geometrical measurement of segments and planes, but an ability to identify one
number by its relationship with other numbers, by means of recognizing the numbers
which add and multiply together to compose it. The classification of numbers is not
based only on their shapes, but also on the smaller numbers by which the shape of the
larger number is measured, because the two are inseparable. For example, the numbers
classified as square must also be classified as composed by addition of consecutive odd
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numbers (1, 1+3, 1+3+5, etc.), and by multiplication of consecutive whole numbers (11,
22, 33, etc.). Now, there is no need to suppose that the Pythagoreans themselves
would have articulated it in this way, or would have set their observations down into
formulas and definitions. Likely they did not, and the recognition of numbers through
measurement and classification was mostly intuitive. Still, measurement and
classification are the thought processes, as it were, which would naturally derive from the
representations of figured numbers.
Once it is accepted that figured numbers are the key to Pythagorean involvement
with numbers, it becomes necessary to determine how far they were applied and with
what results. The controversy begins with this question: how mathematical was the
method and understanding of the early Pythagoreans? This question begs another: how
do scholars decide beforehand what qualifies and does not qualify as mathematical?
Determining an answer requires that there be some kind of exemplar of mathematical
practice.
This reliance on an exemplary mathematics outside of the early Pythagorean
tradition is especially apparent in Burkerts evaluation. Burkerts aim is to disprove the
tradition that Pythagoras was the founder of mathematics in Greece. He begins by
attacking an argument by Becker that some of the Euclidean propositions (9.29-34) on
properties of the even and the odd are Pythagorean in origin because, among other
reasons, they can be derived from a reconstruction using pebble numbers.13 These
propositions are seemingly out of place and isolated in Euclid; they are used only in the
proposition on perfect numbers (9.36) and in the proof of irrationality, two subjects
strongly associated with Pythagorean tradition. Burkert does not object to the notion that
13 Referenced in Burkert, (1972), 434.
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Pythagoreans had some kind of awareness of the relationships between the even and the
odd, because they could see such things in their figured numbers (for instance, they could
see that one pebble added to an even number produces an odd number). However, he
does object to the notion that this observation proves the existence of an early
Pythagorean deductive mathematics, perhaps the ancestor of the fully developed
propositions and proofs in Euclids Elements.14
Burkert clearly distinguishes between Pythagorean number theory and the highly
geometrical mathematical tradition represented in Euclids Elements because he seems to
be interested in maintaining a certain conception of the nature of mathematics, and
mathematics as it existed in the larger part of Greek culture specifically. He correctly
recognizes that the paradigmatic form of Greek mathematics, as a deductive system
based on axioms, is geometry.15 In contrast to this, he notes that the Pythagorean
practice of figured numbers is pictorial and inductive. Every figured number may be
probatory into some mathematical concept, but each is taken as evident on its own.
There is no need for a systematic structure, with every proposition or proof based on
other propositions, the defining characteristic of Greek geometry.16 On these grounds
Burkert does not completely reject the Pythagorean figured numbers as a mathematical
exercise, but he comes close: he concedes that even a game may be regarded
legitimately as a kind of mathematics and the axiomatic-deductive form is not the only
14 Burkert, (1972), 434-35.
15 Burkert, (1972), 427.
16 Burkert, (1972), 435.
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one possible.17 But he does maintain that, compared to Greek geometry, Pythagorean
arithmetic is an intrusive, quasi-primitive element.18
In the final consideration, Burkerts version of the early Pythagoreans is that of a
sect based on the mystical and ritualistic doctrines of some kind of shaman, with almost
no influence on the scientific developments of the Greek world around them. Perhaps
this is the natural conclusion if the later advances in Greek geometry are taken as the
standard for measuring the mathematical worth of the early Pythagorean contribution.
But this may not be the only way, or the best way, to evaluate it. To begin with, more
might be said on the nature of Greek mathematics, for the mainstream tradition of Greek
geometry was not the only one.
Greek Arithmetic and Geometry
Netz, in an attempt to determine the place of the early Pythagorean interest in
number within the larger story of the development of Greek mathematics, notices a
division in the mathematical tradition. He divides the major mathematicians into two
networks, based on a difference in their emphases and the methods of their inquiry.19
The first network he identifies flourished in the first half of the fourth century. The
names of its contributors are found in Proclus summary of Greek mathematics before
Euclid, written as the first part of his introduction to the Euclidean Elements20. Netz calls
attention to the names Theodorus, Theaetetus his student, Archytas, Eudoxus,
17Burkert, (1972), 423. 18 Ibid.19 Netz, The Problem of Pythagorean Mathematics, in Huffman, (2014), 167-171. 20 Proclus, On Euclid, 64.16-70.18; the introduction which he writes is believed to be a summary
of another text written by Eudoxus.
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Menaechmus his student, Dinostratus, Menaechmus brother, and Philippus, and
Leodamus. All these men are attested to have had connections with Plato. Netz
significantly points out that they pursued a whole set of mathematical topics relegated to
the background in subsequent generations, namely, means, ratios, proportions, irrationals,
and harmonies. In general, the one most characteristic pursuit of these mathematicians
was the classification of numbers, ratios, and proportions without reliance on complex
geometrical diagrams. These topics find expression in Books VII-IX of Euclid, and in
parts of Books V and X.
The remaining books of the Elements, roughly the first half, contain a form of
geometry which coincides more neatly with the second network of mathematicians whom
Netz categorizes, those associated with the correspondence and writings of Archimedes
and the works of the generation following him. This group is characteristically provided
inspired solutions to the problems of finding the measurements of geometrical shapes and
established tight, deductive reasoning based on axioms. In short, the primarily geometric
accomplishments for which Greek mathematics are especially remembered derive from
the second network. The division between the two is not perfect, as Netz admits. He
refers to the methods attributed to Eudoxus (a mathematician of the first network) for
the measurement of the volumes of pyramids, cylinders, and cones in Book XII of the
Elements. This work clearly shows mathematics associated with the later methods and
discoveries. But instances such as these are exceptional. Generally, Netzs distinction
holds true. Thus, two schools of thought in mathematics become apparent, one which
puts arithmetic first, and one which puts geometry first. Euclids Elements, by its very
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arrangement of the geometrical books in the first half of the work, seems to fall into the
second category.
This evidence clearly shows that the story of Greek mathematics need not be so
one-sided as Burkert would have it. A reconsideration of the value of early Pythagorean
understanding of number, against the backdrop of a more varied conception of
mathematics, is appropriate. A brief review of some elementary concepts of the
arithmetic tradition will facilitate this. Unfortunately, because the writings of Archytas
are so fragmentary, relevant information proves more productive if sought from a later
author, in the Introduction to Arithmetic of Nicomachus of Gerasa. Although
Nicomachus is an author later than would be wished, he seems to be a compiler more
than an innovator in his work. Also, because his most complicated subjects in the
Introduction are the three means (arithmetic, geometric, and harmonic) described in the
second fragment of Archytas, it is reasonable to assume that the simpler and more
elementary discussions would not have been beyond Archytas and the arithmeticians of
his time either.
Nicomachus work first teaches the relationship between odd and even numbers.
This relationship between odd and even numbers is one of the most important aspects of
Pythagorean number-theoretical tradition. Nicomachus introduces this idea in the
following way: the most fundamental species in [number] are twoodd and even, and
they are reciprocally woven into harmony with each other, inseparably and uniformly.21
This means that the entirety of the class of all numbers is composed only of even
numbers and odd numbers, but when he speaks of them being woven together he is
referring to much more than the fact that even and odd numbers alternate down the
21 Nicomachus, Introduction to Arithmetic, VI, translated by Dooge, (London: 1926), 190.
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number line. He then spends many pages exploring this harmony which arises from the
two opposite elements of number, but in order to begin to glimpse it, we must subdivide
both the even and the odd numbers into classes, as he does.
The even numbers are divided into what he calls the even-times-even, the odd-
times-even, and the even-times-odd numbers. A number is called even-times-even if it
can be divided in two, its two parts can be divided in two, and so on consecutively until
the quotient is one and can be divided no further. In other words, the even-times-even
numbers are those which are multiples of two and of two only, {2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64,}.
When broken down into their constituent factors, there are no odd numbers whatsoever.
In fact, when fully broken down there are no factors other than the number 2. Thus, the
even-times-even numbers are the most purely even. The even-times-odd numbers, in
contrast, are those even numbers which can be divided into two, but whose two halves
cannot be divided in two. For example, the numbers {6, 10, 14, 18, 22,} contain
factors which are odd (3, 5, 7, 9, and 11 respectively); thus, the numbers, though even,
are not purely even in the same sense as are the even-times-even numbers. All of the
even-times-odd numbers can be produced by multiplying each of the odd numbers
(excepting 1) by 2. Finally, the odd-times-even numbers are those even numbers which
can be divided in half, and whose halves can be divided in half; but though the division
by two may continue beyond this, it cannot reach 1 because eventually the division will
produce an odd number. For example, the number 24 can be divided in half, yielding 12;
in turn so can 12, yielding 6; but 6, divided in half, yields 3. At this point the number
cannot be divided any further by 2. Thus, the odd-times-even numbers are closer to the
even-times-even, but are still not purely even in their composition.
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The odd numbers are also split into sub-categories. The first contains the prime
numbers, those odd numbers that cannot be divided by any other number besides 1.
These are well-known: {1,3,5, 7, 11, 13,}. Composite numbers are those odd numbers
which can be divided by other factors besides one and so are not prime, for instance 9
(divisible by 3 and 1), 15 (by 5, 3, and 1), and 21 (by 7, 3, and 1). In addition,
Nicomachus takes note that some composite numbers are prime in comparison to other
numbers even though they are not prime absolutely. For example, 9 and 25 are both
composite, the one being divisible by 3 and 1 and the other being divisible by 5 and 1;
but they share no divisor in common besides 1 and because of this are considered prime
in relation to each other.
The classification of the even and the odd numbers is based upon origin and
measurement. One is the origin of all other numbers and measures all other numbers.
Two is the origin of the even. It is very helpful to use Nicomachus own metaphor at this
point and to imagine the whole infinite progression of numbersthe number lineas
being composed of different strands or strings woven together. Different numbers belong
to different strands based upon what they are measured by. One is the source of all these
strands because it measures all numbers. But every number in the number line is in a
sense a source of a new strand because it measures its own strand of multiples (thus 3
measuresor divides6, 9, 12, 15, etc.). Of these, some numbers are more or less
original. Thus 15, is not so original a source as 3; and 3 is not so original as 1. Fifteen
measures its own multiples {30, 45, 60, 75,} but is itself measured by 5, and 3; so all
of its multiples are also measured by 5 and 3. In turn, 15, 5, and 3 and all of their
multiples are measured by 1. The only numbers, after 1, which act as primary origins of
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their multiples are 2 and the prime numbers.22 This is obvious because these numbers
can each be measured only by 1 and themselves, and so their multiples cannot be
measured by any more original source.
From 2 and the prime numbers the harmony between even and odd is most clearly
seen. Two for the Pythagoreans was classed among the prime numbers but was given its
own, special status as the source of the even. By even is meant not merely every even
number, but the characteristic of the Even, i.e. the ability to be divided (and measured) by
two. No prime number has this characteristic symmetry which divides into equal halves.
Some numbers, as has been related already, possess this even-ness purely, and are
completely derived from 2 and only 2. These are those numbers which increase
exponentially from two: {4, 8, 16, 32,}. Other even numbers are a mix or an
intertwining between the Even and the Odd, such as the odd-times-even and even-times-
odd which were already classified. These numbers are measured both by 2 and by certain
prime numbers (for instance, 30 as a multiple of 2, 3, and 5).
This explains why Nicomachus calls the relationship between the even and the
odd the harmony between the Unlimited and the Limiters. Unlimited carries the
connotation of unshaped, unformed, and undefined rather than unending; a thing which is
not given limits is not demarcated by measurements by which it may be known or
recognized. In this sense, the Even (think of the exponential multiples of 2: {4, 8, 16,
32,}) is Unlimited because it can be measured only by 2. Every prime number, by
contrast, adds a new standard of measurement into the number line, a standard that did
not exist before it, and with that a whole string of multiples can be reduced to that prime
22 2 was not considered a prime number among the Pythagoreans, but the source of all the even
numbers.
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and to no other. This makes them Limiters. And when the Unlimited and the Limiters
are multiplied together the result is the odd-times-even and even-times-odd numbers (the
even numbers that contain odd numbers in their composition), and the harmony of the
even and the odd is complete.
The arithmetical vision articulated in part above is so different from the rigid
method of the geometric tradition that the very way in which they are communicated
through language is vastly dissimilar. A typical Euclidean proof is so neatly constructed
that there is almost only one way to articulate it in language. This occurs because it is an
exercise in verbal logic as much as it is an experiment in physical measurement. That the
axiomatic element is so necessary, as Burkert notices, must mean that the words
themselves are inseparable from the method of the mathematics. With Nicomachean
arithmetic, however, it is quite to the contrary. The very way it is written suggests that
there is a different relationship between the numbers and the words which attempt to
explain them. Nicomachus often describes in two or three different ways the properties
which identify a class of numbers, for these will stay the same no matter how they are
decorated with words or sentences. The arithmetic could be demonstrated without words
because it deals only with the relationships between numbers, relationships which are in
themselves self-evident; but the geometry would be difficult to convey without words
that brought to mind the generalizations of equality and inequality, or without the
syntax that communicates the logical conditional, to name a few. Because the arithmetic
is self-evident without the help of words, the language that Nicomachus uses is not
essential to the subject it is communicating and acquires a different role. It becomes
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descriptive instead of axiomatic, and most fully summarizes the reality of the numbers
when it uses symbolic descriptors, like woven and harmony.
There are other differences. The Euclidean geometry is abstract while the
Nicomachean arithmetic is more concrete. The propositions and proofs of the geometry
rely upon generalizations such as equal, unequal, greater than, less than
abstracted from the relationships between numbers, while the classifications of the
arithmetic rely upon examples of specific numbers and their relationships recognized by
the mind. In addition, the Euclidean geometry is systematic. This means that each step
in the progression of a single proof and from one proof to the next and one section to
the nextdepends upon an understanding of formerly demonstrated propositions. Each
part of the argument is not immediately intuitive on its own. It is otherwise in the
arithmetic. Its approach to understanding those numbers is less systematic and more
exploratory. The order in which Nicomachus expounds the different classes of numbers,
ratios, and proportions is fitting in the way that it moves from the simpler to the more
complex, but it is not necessary for understanding. There is more freedom in his field to
begin at any point. Finally, the geometry is comprehensive. Everything which is
relevant to the problem is noted and contained on the page: the diagram, the laws which
order relationships of equality and inequality, and the former proofs which may be
referred to at need. It relies heavily on written statements, because of the need to keep in
mind the relation of each step to the one before it. The arithmetic is less comprehensive
in approach. It is does not require the particulars of every discovery to be held in mind,
or on paper. Instead it requires an intuition of the whole but a clear comprehension only
of the number under immediate consideration.
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Arithmetic through a Musical Method and Metaphor
Now, the Greek arithmetic tradition just contrasted with the geometric tradition
has been called Pythagorean; however, not all scholars agree on the connection between
this intricate and elegant system found in late Pythagorean and Neo-Pythagorean sources
and what would have been the number theory of primitive Pythagoreanism and its
founder. Because of the lack of evidence to indicate what exactly was the nature of
Pythagoras interest in number, there is no way to prove conclusively a line of descent in
the arithmetical ideas from the founder to Archytas, Plato, and the network of
mathematicians in their time who gave the preeminence to arithmetic above geometry.
But this does not mean that the tradition should be wholly or easily discounted. For
Burnet, it is sufficient that the figured numbers persisted in the works of late authors. He
sees these as anachronistic, having been made obsolete by the development of
alphabetical notation and the linear representations of geometry, and proposes that it
would not have been likely to survive into later generations had it not been propelled by
the remarkable authority of some famous namethat of Pythagoras.23
Netz also assigns Pythagorean roots to the arithmetical tradition, albeit by way of
a different argument. He reasons that because Archytas was likely the oldest of the
mathematicians in the circle around Plato, as well as the most influential in the socio-
political realm, it is not unlikely that he could have been the paradigmatic individual for
this earlier form of mathematics.24 If this be true, he suggests, the roots of the tradition
strike near the heart of Pythagoreanism. For even if there is no evidence that Archytas
23 Burnet, Early Greek Philosophy, (London: 1958), 99-102.
24 Netz, in Huffman (2014), 170-171.
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was a true Pythagorean in terms of the earliest tradition, this is largely speculative
because it is often impossible to determine what makes an authentic Pythagorean.
Individuals remembered as Pythagoreans come in many types, and in the time of
Archytas the ties that bound the original society together would have been breaking apart
due to persecution, migration, and the passage of time. In the view of Netz, the
connection of Archytas to Pythagoreanism, whatever it was, was substantial enough to
bind the arithmetical tradition of Platos time to Pythagoras, the founder of the sect.25
In addition to these historical considerations, it seems reasonable at least to take
note of the inherent similarity between the early Pythagorean fascination with number
and the later tradition of arithmetic. Burkert admits that even a game may be regarded
legitimately as a kind of mathematics,26 and he seems to hint at the same time that the
figured numbers of the Pythagoreans fall into this category of mathematical activity. In
this evaluation, he is most likely correct. But more than anything, this concept
strengthens the connection between the early number theory and the later arithmetical
developments. The exploratory and incomprehensive nature of the arithmetic is precisely
the kind of attitude toward mathematics that would be expected to grow out of a non-
systematic, non-rigorous love for number, an approach that accepted number, sometimes
in odd ways, as central to moral, religious, artistic, and communal life. The arithmetical
tradition may have arisen as something so different from the more common geometrical
tradition because of roots in such Pythagorean play. Specifically, the non-verbal and
intuitive nature of the arithmetic would be in accord with an appreciation of number
understood through musical activity, as would the almost poetic descriptions of it. It may
25 Netz, in Huffman, (2014), 170-71. 26 Burkert, (1972), 423.
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not be coincidental that the one thing which Burkert allows to be an unequivocally
Pythagorean element is the arithmetization of music theory and, to a degree, the elevation
of number theory (arithmetic) to an independent branch alongside geometry.27 It is
only reasonable that the arithmetization of music theory is what did elevate arithmetic to
the level of geometry, if the Pythagorean interest in music is a fundamental an element to
the teachings of the sect as it is remembered.
27 Burkert, (1972), 422.
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CHAPTER THREE
Music, the Harmony between Ritual and Rational
Because the presence of the musical element is one of the least contested in early
Pythagoreanism, it seems remarkable that its influence upon the rest of Pythagorean
thought, from the religious to the philosophical, is not more widely investigated. The
fascination with the ratios of the musical harmonia has generally been accepted as part of
early Pythagorean life. Possibly at least the discovery of these ratios had a far more
dramatic effect upon Pythagorean thought than is usually surmised. For it is not at all
unlikely that the ratios of the musical intervals were the first thing that the Pythagoreans
would have learned to measure, both because of the centrality of music in their way of
life and because the exercise itself is simplesimpler than the arithmetical observations
of later authors and more immediate than the cosmological speculation. If the practice of
measuring the ratios of musical intervals was a kind of exemplar or paradigm of
Pythagorean inquiry, then naturally it would shape their pursuit of understanding
generally and in other areas.
The effect that the Pythagorean preoccupation with music may have had on the
tradition as a whole is implicit in Aristotles words summarizing the Pythagorean
philosophy, is latent in the character of the Pythagorean engagement with music, and is
finally manifest in the language of Pythagorean cosmology. First, this chapter will posit
that Aristotles summary is structured as though by the assumption that the measurement
of musical ratios was the catalyst for the Pythagorean efforts in natural philosophy.
Second, in order to see the significance of this claim, it will examine the historical
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Pythagorean involvement with music as a double-sided experience, both scientific and
religious. Finally, it will argue that because the discovery of the ratios of musical
intervals was the catalyst for their philosophical development and because their
experience of music was already twofold, the Pythagoreans learned to express their
cosmological system in two different modes, one philosophical and one mythological.
Evidence from Aristotle for the Primacy of Music
That the mention of the musical ratios in the passage from Aristotles Metaphysics
(cited in the last chapter) appears prominently in his summary and introduces the
technical account of Pythagorean philosophy may communicate the vital role that
musical ratios played in Pythagorean thought. It is customary to assume that Aristotles
words indicate that the one seminal item in the Pythagorean tradition was mathematics.
But closer observation of the passage hints that Pythagorean mathematics was not
sufficient to generate the full Pythagorean philosophy, and that the knowledge of number
in music specifically, rather than through mathematical practices or methods, takes the
central role.
Aristotle relates,
and through studying [mathematics] they came to believe that its prin