Spanking and Verbal Punishment
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Correlates and Consequences of Spanking and Verbal Punishment for
Low-Income White, African American, and Mexican American Toddlers
Lisa J. BerlinCenter for Child and Family Policy,
Jean M. Ispa and Mark A. FineUniversity of Missouri–Columbia
Patrick S. MaloneUniversity of South Carolina
Jeanne Brooks-Gunn andChristy Brady-Smith
National Center for Children and Families,
Catherine AyoubHarvard University
Yu BaiUniversity of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
This study examined the prevalence, predictors, and outcomes of spanking and verbal punishment in 2,573low-income White, African American, and Mexican American toddlers at ages 1, 2, and 3. Both spanking andverbal punishment varied by maternal race ⁄ ethnicity. Child fussiness at age 1 predicted spanking and verbalpunishment at all 3 ages. Cross-lagged path analyses indicated that spanking (but not verbal punishment) atage 1 predicted child aggressive behavior problems at age 2 and lower Bayley mental development scores atage 3. Neither child aggressive behavior problems nor Bayley scores predicted later spanking or verbal pun-ishment. In some instances, maternal race ⁄ ethnicity and ⁄ or emotional responsiveness moderated the effects ofspanking and verbal punishment on child outcomes.
This research was supported by National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) Grant K01MH70378 awarded to Lisa Berlin. The find-ings reported here are based on research conducted as part of the national Early Head Start Research and Evaluation Project funded bythe Administration for Children and Families (ACF), U.S. Department of Health and Human Services under contract 105-95-1936 toMathematica Policy Research, Princeton, NJ, and Columbia University’s Center for Children and Families, Teachers College, in conjunc-tion with the Early Head Start Research Consortium. The Consortium consists of representatives from 17 programs participating in theevaluation, 15 local research teams, the evaluation contractors, and ACF. Research institutions in the Consortium (and principalresearchers) include ACF (Rachel Chazan Cohen, Judith Jerald, Esther Kresh, Helen Raikes, and Louisa Tarullo); Catholic University ofAmerica (Michaela Farber, Harriet Liebow, Nancy Taylor, Elizabeth Timberlake, and Shavaun Wall); The National Center for Childrenand Families at Columbia University (Lisa Berlin, Christy Brady-Smith, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, and Allison Sidle Fuligni); HarvardUniversity (Catherine Ayoub, Barbara Alexander Pan, and Catherine Snow); Iowa State University (Dee Draper, Gayle Luze, SusanMcBride, Carla Peterson); Mathematica Policy Research (Kimberly Boller, Jill Constantine, Ellen Eliason Kisker, John M. Love, DianePaulsell, Christine Ross, Peter Schochet, Cheri Vogel, and Welmoet van Kammen); Medical University of South Carolina (RichardFaldowski, Gui-Young Hong, and Susan Pickrel); Michigan State University (Hiram Fitzgerald, Tom Reischl, and Rachel Schiffman);New York University (Mark Spellmann and Catherine Tamis-LeMonda); University of Arkansas (Robert Bradley, Richard Clubb,Andrea Hart, Mark Swanson, and Leanne Whiteside-Mansell); University of California, Los Angeles (Carollee Howes and ClaireHamilton); University of Colorado Health Sciences Center (Robert Emde, Jon Korfmacher, JoAnn Robinson, Paul Spicer, and NormanWatt); University of Kansas (Jane Atwater, Judith Carta, and Jean Ann Summers); University of Missouri–Columbia (Mark Fine, JeanIspa, and Kathy Thornburg); University of Pittsburgh (Beth Green, Carol McAllister, and Robert McCall); University of WashingtonSchool of Education (Eduardo Armijo and Joseph Stowitschek); University of Washington School of Nursing (Kathryn Barnard andSusan Spieker); and Utah State University (Lisa Boyce, Gina Cook, Catherine Callow-Heusser, and Lori Roggman). The content of thispublication does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the Department of Health and Human Services. We thank Nancy Hill andJudi Mesman for helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article, and Jamilah Taylor for assistance with manuscript preparation.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lisa J. Berlin, Center for Child and Family Policy, Duke University,Durham, NC 27708-0545. Electronic mail may be sent to [email protected].
Child Development, September/October 2009, Volume 80, Number 5, Pages 1403–1420
� 2009, Copyright the Author(s)
Journal Compilation � 2009, Society for Research in Child Development, Inc.
All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2009/8005-0008
Many theories of early child development empha-size the benefits of parents’ positive feedback andemotional responsiveness (Belsky, 1984; Berlin &Cassidy, 2000; Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000). There ismuch less agreement about parental discipline,however. Spanking, in particular, is a topic of con-siderable—and often contentious—debate amongparents, practitioners, and scientists (Baumrind,1996; Benjet & Kazdin, 2003; O’Callaghan, 2006). By‘‘spanking,’’ we mean ‘‘striking the child on thebuttocks or extremities with an open hand withoutinflicting physical injury with the intent to modifybehavior’’ (Baumrind, 2001, p. 1).
A recurring question about spanking concernsthe extent to which it may cause aggression inchildren (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Bitensky,2007). This question requires further research,especially with respect to spanking during toddler-hood (ages 1–3). This period is particularly impor-tant to study because during this time, children’smobility and autonomy seeking increase dra-matically, parental discipline also increases, andpatterns of noncompliance and aggression canform (Moffitt, 1993; Sroufe, Egeland, Carlson, &Collins, 2005).
Verbal punishment, defined for the purposes ofthis study as scolding, yelling, or derogating, isanother common type of parental discipline thatrequires further research with toddlers. Drawing onecological and transactional theories of child devel-opment, in this study we examine the (a) preva-lence, (b) predictors, and (c) outcomes of spankingand verbal punishment in a large sample of low-income White, African American, and MexicanAmerican toddlers at ages 1, 2, and 3.
Prevalence of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
Studies to date have indicated that among U.S.parents of toddlers, both spanking and verbal pun-ishment are common disciplinary practices. Forexample, a nationally representative phone surveyof approximately 2,000 White, African American,Latino, and Asian families found that 29% of theparents of 10- to 18-month-olds, and 64% of theparents of 19- to 35-month-olds, reported usingspanking to discipline their toddlers (Regalado,Sareen, Inkelas, Wissow, & Halfon, 2004; see alsoWissow, 2001). In a smaller study based on face-to-face interviews with a racially diverse group of 182mothers of toddlers, 54% reported spanking in thepast 3 months (Socolar, Savage, & Evans, 2007).
Verbal punishment is also quite common,although prevalence rates vary depending on
whether they are based on parental reports orobservation. In one large survey, 51% of the parentsof 18- to 23-month-old children and 63% of theparents of 24- to 36-month-olds reported that theyyell at their child sometimes or often (Wissow,2001). Another large study indicated that 76% ofthe parents of 10- to 18-month-olds and 91% of theparents of 19- to 35-month-olds reported that theyuse yelling to discipline their toddlers (Regaladoet al., 2004). An observational study of approxi-mately seven hundred 3-year-olds indicated that22% of the mothers scolded or derogated their tod-dlers in the presence of a researcher (Smith &Brooks-Gunn, 1997).
The extant literature also indicates racial andethnic group differences in spanking and verbalpunishment. Paralleling studies of older children(for a review, see Dodge, McLoyd, & Lansford,2005), African American parents of toddlers haveconsistently been found to spank more frequentlythan White parents (Regalado et al., 2004; Slade &Wissow, 2004; Wissow, 2001). Findings on thespanking of Latino toddlers have been inconsistent,however. One study reported that Latino parentsspank less frequently than White parents (Slade &Wissow, 2004). Two other studies of toddlers didnot find such differences (Regalado et al., 2004;Wissow, 2001).
With respect to verbal punishment, whenobserved, scolding ⁄ derogating was more frequentlyused by African American mothers than Whitemothers (Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). In anotherstudy, however, there were no racial ⁄ ethnic groupdifferences in self-reported yelling (Regalado et al.,2004).
In sum, the literature to date has found bothspanking and verbal punishment to be quite preva-lent among parents of toddlers, with African Amer-ican parents of toddlers spanking more than theirWhite counterparts. Findings on the spanking ofLatino toddlers are inconsistent, as are findingsabout racial ⁄ ethnic group differences in verbalpunishment. These inconsistencies may be due inpart to the fact that no study of the spanking orverbal punishment of Latino parents has examinedthe potentially important dimensions of country oforigin or acculturation.
In the current study, we examine the preva-lence of spanking and verbal punishment at ages1, 2, and 3 in a large and exclusively low-incomesample of White, African American, and MexicanAmerican families. We examine not only overallprevalence rates but also racial ⁄ ethnic group dif-ferences in spanking and verbal punishment at
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each age. Mexican Americans are the sole Latinogroup considered. Mexican American participantsare also subclassified as ‘‘more’’ or ‘‘less’’ accul-turated.
Predictors of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
According to Belsky’s (1984) ecological model ofparenting, parental characteristics such as maturity,support, and mental health influence childrearing.Consistent with this model, a large body of studieshas indicated that spanking is more likely to beused by parents who are younger, less educated, oflower income, single, and ⁄ or more depressed andstressed (Day, Peterson, & McCracken, 1998;Pinderhughes, Dodge, Bates, Pettit, & Zelli, 2000;Regalado et al., 2004; Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997;Straus & Stewart, 1999; Wissow, 2001). Studies havealso indicated that spanking is most commonlyused by parents who were themselves spanked,who live in the South, and ⁄ or who identify them-selves as conservative Christians. Spanking is alsomost commonly used by parents who believe in itseffectiveness and ⁄ or believe their child to be at faultin a given situation (Holden, Miller, & Harris, 1999;Straus & Stewart, 1999).
The predictors of verbal punishment appear tovary depending on whether verbal punishment isobserved or self-reported. Smith and Brooks-Gunn(1997) found that observed scolding ⁄ derogatingwas most frequently used by mothers who gavebirth as teenagers, who had not graduated fromhigh school, who were poor, and who were headsof their households (Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997).When examining self-reported yelling, Regaladoet al. (2004) found that teenage mothers were morelikely to yell at their toddlers than nonteenagemothers. The likelihood of yelling was not asso-ciated with maternal education, household income,or marital status, however.
Belsky’s (1984) model specifies that parenting isalso influenced by children’s characteristics. Inkeeping with this model, spanking has been shownto be more common among parents of boys andamong parents who perceive their child as fussy(i.e., temperamentally irritable or difficult; Dayet al., 1998; Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Withrespect to verbal punishment, observed scolding ⁄derogating has been found to be more frequentamong mothers of boys than mothers of girls (Smith& Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Although Regalado et al.(2004) did not find an association between self-reported yelling and child sex, they found a greaterlikelihood of yelling among parents with children
classified as developmentally higher risk. No knownstudy has examined child fussiness as a predictor ofverbal punishment.
In sum, the literature to date portrays spankingas a product of family risk characteristics, parentalvalues, and child characteristics. The predictors ofverbal punishment are less clear. In the currentstudy, with maternal race ⁄ ethnicity controlled, weexamine maternal age, education, and depression;family income and structure; and child sex andfussiness as predictors of spanking and verbalpunishment at ages 1, 2, and 3.
Outcomes of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
Gershoff (2002) meta-analyzed data from 88studies on corporal punishment and concluded thatit is associated with a broad range of negative out-comes in children (see also Gershoff & Bitensky,2007). Although Gershoff’s findings are compellingin many regards, the extent to which the literaturespeaks to the effects of spanking, per se, is limited.Specifically, as several scholars have noted (Baum-rind, Larzelere, & Cowan, 2002; Ispa & Halgunseth,2004; Larzelere & Kuhn, 2005; Socolar, 1997), manystudies have investigated spanking without defin-ing the term or asking for parents’ own definitions.In addition, many studies have examined spankingas only one component of corporal punishment. Forexample, Gershoff’s analysis of corporal punish-ment examined spanking and ⁄ or hitting with anobject. Moreover, only one study has documentedassociations between ‘‘verbal aggression’’ (insult-ing, provoking, and threatening) and child out-comes (Vissing, Straus, Gelles, & Harrop, 1991).There are no known studies of the associationsbetween more mildly defined verbal punishmentand child outcomes.
In keeping with transactional theories of childdevelopment (Bell & Chapman, 1986; Sameroff &Fiese, 2000), another question requiring furtherstudy concerns the direction of effects. In particular,to what extent do parental discipline strategies drivechild outcomes, to what extent are these parentingstrategies elicited by particular child behaviors, andto what extent are both causal mechanisms opera-tive? These questions are especially relevant tounderstanding the effects of spanking on childaggression because, as discussed by Gershoff andBitensky (2007), parents are more likely to use cor-poral punishment in response to child misbehaviorsperceived as aggressive. As recommended byGershoff and Bitensky, cross-lagged path modelsthat simultaneously estimate effects from parental
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1405
discipline strategies to child behaviors and viceversa are critical to disentangling such issues. Yetsuch path models have not been used to analyzespanking or verbal punishment of toddlers. In thisstudy, we use a series of four cross-lagged pathmodels to examine the reciprocal effects of spankingand verbal punishment at ages 1, 2, and 3 onchild aggressive behavior problems and cognitivedevelopment at ages 2 and 3.
In addition to testing the main effects of spankingand verbal punishment, we use rigorous path mod-els to test moderated effects. Specifically, in keepingwith ecological theories of child development (Bron-fenbrenner, 1979; Parke, 2002), a growing number ofstudies of corporal punishment (including thoughnot limited to spanking) have demonstrated theimportance of examining individual and contextualfactors that moderate the associations betweenparental discipline and child outcomes. These stud-ies have highlighted two moderators: race ⁄ ethnicityand maternal emotional responsiveness (for reviews,see Deater-Deckard, Dodge, & Sorbring, 2005;Dodge et al., 2005). For example, several studies ofolder children have found that corporal punishmentpredicts aggression and externalizing behaviorproblems for White but not African Americanchildren (Deater-Deckard et al., 2005; Dodge et al.,2005). The one study of toddlers to examine race ⁄ethnicity as a moderator similarly found thatspanking between birth and age 2 predicted earlychildhood behavior problems for White children,but not for African American or Latino children(Slade & Wissow, 2004). This study did not examinematernal emotional responsiveness as a moderator,however.
Evidence of maternal emotional responsivenessas a moderator of the associations between parentaldiscipline and early childhood outcomes has comefrom two studies. The first of these studies includedover 1,000 White, African American, and Latino 4-and 5-year-olds (McLoyd & Smith, 2002). In all threeracial ⁄ ethnic groups, spanking predicted increasesin children’s behavior problems when maternalemotional responsiveness was low but not whenmaternal emotional responsiveness was high (seealso Deater-Deckard, Ivy, & Petrill, 2006, for similarfindings). In another study, Smith and Brooks-Gunn(1997) examined ‘‘harsh discipline’’ (mother-reported spanking, observed hitting, and ⁄ orobserved verbal punishment) and observed mater-nal emotional responsiveness at ages 1 and 3. Atage 3, White and African American girls (but notboys) who had experienced higher levels of harshdiscipline and higher levels of maternal emotional
responsiveness had higher IQ scores than thosewho had experienced higher levels of harsh disci-pline and lower levels of maternal responsiveness.
These studies suggest that spanking may havenegative effects for White children that do not nec-essarily apply to racial or ethnic minority childrenand that parents’ emotional responsiveness can buf-fer or even trump the potentially negative effects oftheir disciplinary practices. These provocative sug-gestions require further research, especially withregard to spanking and verbal punishment per se,and especially with toddlers. In this study, weexamine whether maternal race ⁄ ethnicity andobserved maternal emotional responsiveness mod-erate the effects of spanking and verbal punishmentat ages 1 and 2 on child aggression and cognitivedevelopment at ages 2 and 3.
Participants and Procedures
Participants came from the Early Head Start(EHS) National Research and Evaluation Project(N = 3,001), a 17-site, longitudinal evaluation ofsome of the first federally funded EHS programsfor low-income infants, toddlers, and their families(Administration for Children and Families, 2002;Love et al., 2005). In accordance with EHS programeligibility rules, all participants’ family incomeswere at or below the federal poverty level. Half ofthe participants were randomly assigned to receiveEHS child and family services that began betweenthe third trimester of pregnancy and the child’s12th month of age, continued through the child’s3rd year, and consisted of home-based, center-based, or mixed (home- and center-based) services.The control group did not receive EHS services butcould receive any other services.
The sample for this study consisted of 2,573 pro-gram and control target children and their primarycaregivers (99% of whom were biological mothers).We selected these 2,573 participants from the origi-nal 3,001 on the basis of mothers’ self-reportedrace ⁄ ethnicity and acculturation. Specifically, tofacilitate our ability to examine (a) racial ⁄ ethnicgroup differences in spanking and verbal punish-ment and (b) maternal race ⁄ ethnicity as a modera-tor of the associations between spanking and verbalpunishment and child outcomes, we first selectedparticipants according to mothers’ forced-choiceresponses at enrollment to the question, ‘‘whatrace ⁄ ethnicity do you consider yourself to be?’’ We
1406 Berlin et al.
selected mothers who identified themselves asWhite (non-Hispanic), Black (non-Hispanic), orHispanic. We excluded the 135 mothers who identi-fied themselves as American Indian or Alaskan,Asian or Pacific Islander, or Other because therewere too few to analyze as a separate group. Moth-ers who identified themselves as Hispanic also sub-classified themselves as Mexican, Puerto Rican,Cuban, Central American, or Other Hispanic.
As a result of the considerable heterogeneityamong Hispanics as a function of country of originand acculturation (e.g., Harwood, Leyendecker,Carlson, Ascencio, & Miller, 2002), we thenrestricted our sample of Hispanic participants totheir largest subgroup in the EHS sample, thosewho identified themselves as Mexican (63% of allHispanics). Finally, following Ispa et al. (2004), whofound meaningful differences in the parentingbehaviors of Mexican American EHS mothers classi-fied as more or less acculturated (based on mothers’responses to a series of questions from the Multicul-tural Acculturation Scale; Wong-Rieger & Quintana,1987, described later), we examined more and lessacculturated Mexican Americans separately. Wealso restricted our sample of Black participants tothose born in the United States. Our resultingsample consisted of 1,101 (43%) White, 1,020(40%) African American, and 452 (18%) MexicanAmerican participants, of which 174 (7%) were moreacculturated and 278 (11%) were less acculturated.
Centrally trained and certified staff collected alldata at the 17 research sites. Baseline demographicdata came from enrollment interviews conductedbetween July 1996, and September 1998, at whichpoint the target children were approximately3 months old (M = 3.23, SD = 4.61). In-depth dataon child and family development came from 2-hr,home-based interviews that included observationsand direct child assessments conducted when thetarget children were approximately 1, 2, and 3 yearsold. All assessments were conducted in English orSpanish, according to the mother’s preference.
At age 1, 78% of the 3,001 mothers were inter-viewed and 63% of the children were assessed;at age 2, these participation rates were 70% and58%, respectively; at age 3, the rates were 70%and 55%, respectively (Administration for Chil-dren and Families, 2002; Love et al., 2005). Reten-tion rates, which are fairly typical forlongitudinal studies of high-risk families, did notdiffer significantly for program and control par-ticipants, and there were no systematic patternsof attrition (Administration for Children andFamilies, 2002; Love et al., 2005). In the present
study, program and control participants werecombined for all analyses, with program partici-pation covaried as appropriate. Following Schaferand Graham’s (2002) widely adopted approach tohandling missing data, except for descriptiveanalyses, all analyses were conducted using fullinformation maximum likelihood (FIML) estima-tion to accommodate missing data.
Table 1 illustrates the baseline characteristics ofthe sample as a whole and for each racial ⁄ethnic group. As indicated in the table, although allparticipants were low-income, African Americanparticipants reported significantly less familyincome than Whites, more acculturated Mexi-can Americans, and less acculturated MexicanAmericans.
Maternal and Child Psychosocial Characteristics
Acculturation.. At the age 2 assessment, motherscompleted a set of items from the MulticulturalAssessment Scale (MAS; Wong-Rieger & Quintana,1987), a measure of generational status and lan-guage use. There was too little variability in accul-turation among the White and African Americanparticipants to support analysis of acculturation ineither of these groups. For the Mexican Americans,following Ispa et al. (2004), we classified mothersas more or less acculturated according to an indexcreated by summing five MAS items: generationalstatus (1 = born in Mexico, 1.5 = born in the UnitedStates of Mexican-born parents, 2 = born in the UnitedStates of U.S.-born parents); language spoken athome (1 = Spanish, 2 = English); and extent to whichmothers spoke English during childhood, currentlyspeak English, and currently read English(1 = about half the time or less, 2 = most or all of thetime). Mexican mothers’ acculturation scores rangedfrom 5 to 10 (a = .87; M = 6.92, SD = 2.04). Motherswho scored 5 or 6 were classified as less accultur-ated; mothers who scored between 7 and 10 wereclassified as more acculturated.
Maternal depression.. During the age 1 assessment,mothers completed the Center for EpidemiologicStudies Depression Scale (Radloff, 1977) to assessthe frequency of 20 depressive symptoms such assadness, lethargy, and appetite loss during theweek prior to the interview. Mothers responded ona 4-point scale (0 = rarely or never, 1 = some or a lit-tle, 2 = occasionally or moderately, 3 = most or alldays). Responses were summed and scores rangedfrom 0 to 56 (a = .77; Table 1).
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1407
Child fussiness.. During the age 1 assessment, todescribe their child’s temperament, mothers com-pleted an abbreviated version of the Emotionality,Activity, Sociability, and Impulsivity TemperamentScale (EASI II; Buss & Plomin, 1984). We focused onthe five-item emotionality subscale, assessing reactiv-ity, irritability, and fussiness. Fussiness is a relativelystable dimension of temperament found to relate tolater behavior problems (e.g., Aguilar, Sroufe, Ege-land, & Carlson, 2000). Mothers responded accordingto a 5-point scale (1 = not at all like my child, 5 = verymuch like my child). Mean scores ranged from 1 to 5(a = .72; see Table 1 for descriptive statistics for thefull sample and for each racial ⁄ ethnic group).
Spanking, Verbal Punishment, and EmotionalResponsiveness
During each assessment, mothers reported ifthey or anyone in the household had spanked thetarget child in the past week, and, if so, how often(Table 1).
Measures of observed verbal punishment at ages1, 2, and 3 came from the widely used HomeObservation for Measurement of the Environment(HOME; Bradley & Caldwell, 1984). For the ages1 and 2 observations, we focused on three itemstapping whether the mother ever (a) shouted atthe target child, (b) expressed annoyance with or
Descriptive Statistics for All Variables by Maternal Race ⁄ Ethnicity
(N = 2,573)a
(n = 1,101)
(n = 1,020)
(n = 174)
(n = 278) F(3, 2570)
EHS program participant (1 = yes) 0.50 (0.50) 0.51 (0.50) 0.50 (0.50) 0.53 (0.50) 0.48 (0.50) 0.45
Maternal age 22.42 (5.47) 22.93abc (5.29) 21.14ad (5.08) 20.39be (4.71) 26.32cde (5.74) 84.15***
Maternal educationb 8.84 (2.20) 9.43abc (1.89) 8.93ade (1.95) 8.13bdf (2.13) 6.52cef (2.61) 151.67***
Maternal depression (age 1, 0–60 scale) 13.26 (9.84) 13.62a (9.99) 13.58b (9.47) 12.05 (9.99) 11.54ab (10.23) 3.70**
Family income (% FPL)c 59.63 (52.89) 66.29a (48.91) 49.47abc (55.99) 67.34b (75.50) 61.73c (33.66) 16.21***
Family structure (1 = mother lives alone) 0.37 (0.48) 0.33ab (0.47) 0.49acd (0.50) 0.27c (0.45) 0.17bd (0.38) 42.53***
Child sex (1 = male) 0.51 (0.50) 0.50 (0.50) 0.51 (0.50) 0.53 (0.50) 0.55 (0.50) 0.62
Child fussiness (age 1, 1–5 scale) 2.98 (0.95) 2.86ab (0.88) 3.09a (0.99) 2.94 (0.95) 3.05b (1.00) 8.26***
Frequency of spanking, age 1
(number per week)
0.87 (1.72) 0.68a (1.55) 1.27abc (2.04) 0.61b (1.08) 0.41c (1.12) 24.65***
Frequency of spanking, age 2
(number per week)
1.52 (2.59) 1.23ab (2.23) 2.23acd (3.16) 1.19c (2.46) 0.68bd (1.05) 31.23***
Frequency of spanking, age 3
(number per week)
1.34 (2.31) 1.25ab (2.37) 1.76acd (2.49) 0.99c (2.02) 0.64bd (1.09) 15.32***
Verbal punishment, age 1 (0–3 scale) 0.28 (0.71) 0.25a (0.70) 0.36ab (0.77) 0.23 (0.58) 0.19b (0.57) 5.13***
Verbal punishment, age 2 (0–3 scale) 0.43 (0.88) 0.37ab (0.81) 0.62acd (1.02) 0.37c (0.82) 0.16bd (0.51) 18.50***
Verbal punishment, age 3 (1 = yes) 0.16 (0.37) 0.14a (0.36) 0.23abc (0.42) 0.13b (0.34) 0.07c (0.25) 12.32***
Maternal emotional responsiveness,
age 1 (0–7 scale)
5.98 (1.48) 6.17a (1.34) 5.67abc (1.69) 6.12b (1.27) 6.22c (1.12) 17.57***
Maternal emotional responsiveness,
age 2 (0–7 scale)
6.12 (1.37) 6.18a (1.33) 5.96ab (1.49) 6.33b (1.04) 6.23 (1.31) 4.88***
Child aggressive behavior problems
(CBCL 0–38 subscale), age 2
12.78 (6.8) 12.50 (6.32) 12.95 (6.91) 13.11 (7.60) 13.02 (7.50) 0.82
Child aggressive behavior problems
(CBCL 0–38 subscale), age 3
11.29 (6.52) 11.81a (6.37) 10.73a (6.41) 11.14 (7.05) 11.24 (6.92) 3.34*
Child cognitive development, age 2
89.04 (13.75) 92.21ab (14.20) 86.62a (12.53) 89.64c (12.42) 84.18bc (13.72) 27.67***
Child cognitive development, age 3
90.83 (12.60) 94.12abc (12.51) 87.27ad (12.01) 91.00bd (11.36) 88.77c (12.47) 32.07***
Note. Means with the same subscript letters are significantly different from each other (p < .05). Standard deviations are in parentheses.EHS = Early Head Start; FPL = federal poverty level; CBCL = Child Behavior Checklist; MDI = Mental Development Index.aNs for full sample variables ranged from 1,862 to 2,568. bMaternal education was rated on a scale of 1 (no school completed) to 16(doctorate) and 10 (high school graduate ⁄ general education diploma). cIn 1998, the federal poverty level for a family of 4 was $16,450.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
1408 Berlin et al.
hostility toward the child, and ⁄ or (c) made negativecomments directly to the child in the presence ofthe researcher. Responses were summed to create4-point scales (0 = no verbal punishment observed to3 = three types of verbal punishment observed). At age3, the observer coded one item tapping whether themother scolded, yelled at, or directly derogated thetarget child more than once during the home obser-vation (1 = more than one instance of verbal punish-ment observed; Table 1). To examine emotionalresponsiveness as a moderator of the longitudinalassociations between spanking and verbal punish-ment and child outcomes, we examined observedmaternal emotional responsiveness at ages 1 and 2.Our assessment of mothers’ emotional responsive-ness came from the HOME emotional responsive-ness subscale (Fuligni, Han, & Brooks-Gunn, 2004;Linver, Brooks-Gunn, & Cabrera, 2004). This sub-scale reflects the observer’s coding of seven warmand responsive behaviors toward the target child(e.g., caressing or kissing, spontaneously praising,responding verbally to child). Responses weresummed and, at age 1 and age 2, scores rangedfrom 0 to 7 (as = .71 and .73, respectively; Table 1).
Child Outcomes at Ages 2 and 3
Child aggressive behavior problems.. As part of theages 2 and 3 interviews, mothers completed theaggressive behavior subscale of the Child BehaviorChecklist, based on the Achenbach System of Empir-ically Based Assessment (Achenbach & Rescorla,2000). This subscale asks about the frequency of 19child behaviors within the past 2 months that oftenco-occur to create behavior problems (e.g., easilyfrustrated, hits others, defiant). Mothers respondedto each item on a 3-point scale (0 = never, 1 = some-times, 2 = often). Responses were summed to create a38-point scale. In the present sample, at age 2, scoresranged from 0 to 36 (a = .87); at age 3, scores rangedfrom 0 to 37 (a = .88; Table 1).
Child cognitive development.. At ages 2 and 3, eachchild was administered the Mental DevelopmentIndex (MDI) from the Bayley Scales of Infant Devel-opment (Bayley, 1993). In the present sample, at bothages 2 and 3, scores ranged from 49 to 134 (Table 1).
Overall Prevalence of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
At age 1, frequency of spanking in the past weekranged from 0 to 14 instances (M = 0.87,
SD = 1.72); 34% of all mothers reported that they or‘‘anyone in the household’’ had spanked the targetchild in the past week (i.e., 66% of the target chil-dren had received no spankings). Of those whowere spanked, the mean number of spankings inthe past week was 2.58 (SD = 2.10). At age 2, fre-quency of spanking ranged from 0 to 28 (M = 1.52,SD = 2.59); 49% of all mothers reported that the tar-get child had been spanked in the past week. Ofthose who were spanked, the mean number ofspankings in the past week was 2.97 (SD = 2.97). Atage 3, frequency of reported spanking ranged from0 to 28 (M = 1.34, SD = 2.31); 49% of all mothersreported that the target child had been spanked inthe past week. Of those who were spanked, themean number of reported spankings in the pastweek was 2.62 (SD = 2.65).
When target children were 1 year old, verbalpunishment scores ranged from 0 to 3 (M = 0.28,SD = 0.71); 17% of the mothers were observed toverbally punish the child. At age 2, verbal punish-ment scores ranged from 0 to 3 (M = 0.43,SD = 0.88); 24% of the mothers were observed toverbally punish the child. At age 3, the mean forthe binary verbal punishment score was 0.16 (16%of the mothers were observed to verbally punishthe child; SD = 0.37).
Racial ⁄ Ethnic Group Differences in Spanking andVerbal Punishment
We used one-way analyses of variance (ANOVAs)with follow-up Bonferroni-corrected comparisonsto examine racial ⁄ ethnic group differences inspanking and verbal punishment at each age. At allthree ages, African American children werespanked significantly more frequently than all otherchildren. Also at all three ages, frequency ofreported spanking did not differ between the Whiteand more acculturated Mexican Americans, orbetween the two subgroups of Mexican Americans(more and less acculturated). At ages 2 and 3, how-ever, the less acculturated Mexican American moth-ers reported significantly less frequent spankingthan did White mothers (Table 1).
At age 1, African American mothers verbally pun-ished their children significantly more frequentlythan White or less acculturated Mexican Americanmothers. At ages 2 and 3, African American mothersverbally punished their children significantly morefrequently than all other mothers. At all three ages,there were no differences in observed verbal punish-ment between the White and more acculturatedMexican American mothers, or between the two
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1409
groups of Mexican American mothers (more and lessacculturated). At age 2, the less acculturated MexicanAmerican mothers verbally punished their childrensignificantly less frequently than White or AfricanAmerican mothers (Table 1).
Because of the significantly lower family incomereported by African American participants, we fur-ther scrutinized these racial ⁄ ethnic group differ-ences by repeating these ANOVAs while addingfamily income as a covariate. The findings werefound to be robust: All racial ⁄ ethnic group differ-ences just reported remained statistically significantwith family income controlled.
Predictors of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
We conducted multiple regressions to analyzewhether maternal age, education, and depression,
family income and structure, and child sex andfussiness predicted spanking and verbal punish-ment at ages 1, 2, and 3. All regressions includedEHS program participation and maternal race ⁄ethnicity as covariates. Estimation was conductedby FIML to accommodate missing data.
Numerous significant associations emerged(Tables 2 and 3). Effects were modest to moderatein magnitude. Not all associations were significantat all three ages, but all of the associations that didemerge were consistent with prior research. Specifi-cally, younger maternal age predicted more fre-quent spanking and verbal punishment. Maternaldepression at age 1 predicted more frequent spank-ing at ages 1 and 2 and more frequent verbal pun-ishment at all three ages. Lower family incomepredicted more frequent spanking at all three agesand verbal punishment at age 1. Living alone
Predictors of Spanking at Ages 1, 2, and 3
Age 1 Age 2 Age 3
Maternal age )0.05*** (0.01) ).15*** (0.02) )0.07*** (0.01) ).15*** (0.02) )0.05*** (0.01) ).11*** (0.02)
Maternal education 0.04 (0.02) .05 (0.03) 0.04 (0.03) .03 (0.03) 0.03 (0.03) .03 (0.03)
Maternal depression (age 1) 0.02*** (0.004) .08*** (0.02) 0.02* (0.01) .06* (0.03) 0.01 (0.01) .05 (0.03)
Family income (% FPL) )0.06* (0.03) ).06* (0.03) )0.10* (0.04) ).07* (0.03) )0.08* (0.04) ).06* (0.03)
Family structure (1 =
mother lives alone)
0.08 (0.08) .02 (0.02) 0.04 (0.13) .01 (0.02) )0.13 (0.12) ).03 (0.03)
Child sex (1 = male) 0.30*** (0.08) .09*** (0.02) 0.25* (0.12) .05* (0.02) 0.34** (0.11) .07** (0.02)
Child fussiness (1–5 scale) 0.15*** (0.04) .08*** (0.02) 0.26*** (0.07) .10*** (0.03) 0.11 (0.06) .05 (0.02)
Note. Results of multiple regressions (full information maximum likelihood estimation) covarying Early Head Start programparticipation and maternal race ⁄ ethnicity. Standard errors are in parentheses. FPL = federal poverty level.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Predictors of Verbal Punishment at Ages 1, 2, and 3
Age 1 Age 2 Age 3
Maternal age )0.01 (0.003) ).04 (0.02) )0.02*** (0.004) ).10*** (0.02) )0.01*** (0.002) ).11*** (0.03)
Maternal education 0.01 (0.01) .02 (0.03) 0.002 (0.01) .01 (0.03) 0.003 (0.01) .02 (0.03)
Maternal depression (age 1) 0.01*** (0.002) .13*** (0.02) 0.01** (0.002) .07** (0.03) 0.003** (0.001) .09** (0.03)
Family income (% FPL) )0.02* (0.01) ).06* (0.03) )0.02 (0.01) ).03 (0.03) )0.01 (0.01) ).03 (0.03)
Family structure (1 =
mother lives alone)
0.02 (0.04) .02 (0.02) 0.15** (0.05) .08** (0.03) 0.02 (0.02) .03 (0.03)
Child sex (1 = male) 0.03 (0.03) .02 (0.02) 0.11** (0.04) .06** (0.02) 0.05* (0.02) .06* (0.02)
Child fussiness (1–5 scale) 0.04* (0.02) .05* (0.02) 0.09*** (0.02) .10*** (0.03) 0.01 (0.01) .03 (0.03)
Note. Results of multiple regressions (full information maximum likelihood estimation) covarying Early Head Start programparticipation and maternal race ⁄ ethnicity. Standard errors are in parentheses. FPL = federal poverty level.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
1410 Berlin et al.
predicted more frequent verbal punishment at age 2only and did not predict spanking at any age. Hav-ing a male child predicted more frequent spankingat all three ages, and more frequent verbal punish-ment at ages 2 and 3. Child fussiness at age 1 pre-dicted spanking and verbal punishment at ages 1and 2. Unlike in prior research, maternal educationdid not relate to spanking or verbal punishment.
Associations Between Spanking and Verbal Punishmentand Child Outcomes
Table 4 illustrates the bivariate correlationsamong spanking, verbal punishment, maternalemotional responsiveness, child fussiness, childaggressive behavior problems, and child cognitivedevelopment.
For our principal analyses of the associationsbetween spanking and verbal punishment andchild outcomes, we employed a series of four cross-lagged path models. These models examined thereciprocal effects of spanking and verbal punish-ment at ages 1, 2, and 3 on child aggressive behav-ior problems and cognitive development at ages 2and 3. Such path models offer the most rigorousapproach to analyzing the effects of spanking andverbal punishment on child outcomes not onlybecause they allow for the testing of reciprocaleffects but also because they allow for the simulta-neous consideration of multiple assessment points.
Figure 1 depicts a generic version of the fully sat-urated, cross-lagged path model that was tested.Using MPlus software (version 5; Muthen & Muth-en, 2007) with FIML estimation to accommodate
missing data, we estimated simultaneously (a) theeffects of spanking or verbal punishment at ages 1,2, and 3 on child outcomes at ages 2 and 3, and (b)the effects of child behavior (aggressive behaviorproblems or cognitive development) at age 2 onspanking and verbal punishment at age 3. Becausechild fussiness predicted both spanking andverbal punishment at all three ages, and to examinefully child effects on mothers’ discipline strate-gies, each model also included child fussiness atage 1.
Four specific models were tested. Model 1 testedthe reciprocal effects of spanking and child aggres-sive behavior problems. Model 2 tested the recipro-cal effects of spanking and child cognitivedevelopment (Bayley MDI scores). Model 3 testedthe reciprocal effects of verbal punishment and
Bivariate Correlations Among Spanking, Verbal Punishment, Maternal Emotional Responsiveness, Child Fussiness, and Child Outcomes
Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
1. Frequency of spanking, age 1 —
2. Frequency of spanking, age 2 .33*** —
3. Frequency of spanking, age 3 .22*** .33*** —
4. Verbal punishment, age 1 .14*** .06* .09*** —
5. Verbal punishment, age 2 .09*** .15*** .08** .28*** —
6. Verbal punishment, age 3 .11*** .12*** .15*** .15*** .24*** —
7. Emotional responsiveness, age 1 ).04 ).11*** ).08 ).21*** ).11*** ).11*** —
8. Emotional responsiveness, age 2 ).07** ).12*** ).09*** ).10*** ).22*** ).10*** .41*** —
9. Child fussiness, age 1 .11*** .11*** .05*** .08*** .12*** .06* ).08*** ).07** —
10. CBCL aggression, age 2 .12*** .15*** .09*** .05 .18*** .09*** ).07 ).13*** .27*** —
11. CBCL aggression, age 3 .07** .12*** .15* .09*** .12*** .12*** ).07 ).10*** .21*** .52*** —
12. Bayley MDI, age 2 ).02 ).08** ).06* ).06* ).14*** ).09*** .25 .26*** ).08** ).12*** ).05 —
13. Bayley MDI, age 3 ).08** ).07* ).08** ).08** ).10*** ).11*** .24 .23*** ).10*** ).12*** ).08** .58*** —
Note. CBCL = Child Behavior Checklist; MDI = Mental Development Index.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Figure 1. Generic cross-lagged path model used to analyze thereciprocal effects of spanking and verbal punishment at ages 1,2, and 3 on child aggressive behavior problems and cognitivedevelopment at ages 2 and 3.Note. VP = verbal punishment.
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1411
child aggressive behavior problems. Model 4 testedthe reciprocal effects of verbal punishment andchild cognitive development. As noted, each modelincluded child fussiness at age 1. In addition, eachmodel covaried EHS program participation; mater-nal race ⁄ ethnicity, age, and education; maternaldepression at age 1; family income and structure;and child sex (Tables 5 and 6). Because all of themodels were fully saturated, fit indices werealways perfect (i.e., v2 = 0). Of interest to ourresearch questions are the individual path estimatesof the longitudinal associations.
Results are depicted in Tables 5 and 6, with boldindicating the paths most relevant to our researchquestions (i.e., longitudinal associations betweenspanking or verbal punishment and child out-comes). As indicated in Table 5, spanking at age 1predicted child aggressive behavior problems atage 2 and lower Bayley scores at age 3. Spanking atage 1 or age 2 did not predict child aggressivebehavior problems at age 3 or Bayley scores at age2, however.
We also note that child fussiness at age 1 pre-dicted spanking at age 2. Neither child aggressivebehavior problems nor Bayley scores at age 2 pre-dicted spanking at age 3, however. Thus, whereasspanking predicted later child outcomes, the reci-procal paths from age 2 child outcomes to laterspanking were not significant.
As indicated in Table 6, verbal punishment atage 1 or 2 did not predict child aggressive behaviorproblems or child cognitive development at age 2or 3. We also note that child fussiness at age 1 pre-dicted verbal punishment at age 2. Neither childaggressive behavior problems nor Bayley scoresat age 2 predicted verbal punishment at age 3,however.
Robustness of the Associations Between Spanking andChild Outcomes
To examine the robustness of the associationsbetween spanking and child outcomes, two addi-tional series of path models were tested. First,we note that the EHS program significantlyreduced the frequency of spanking (Love et al.,2005). It is possible, thus, that the reduction inspanking in the EHS program group may alsohave reduced the magnitude of the associationsbetween spanking and child outcomes amongprogram participants, and therefore altered ourfindings. To explore this possibility, we estimatedthe same models separately for program andcontrol participants. Although there were somedifferences in the magnitude of the significancelevels for individual parameter estimates, thefindings for each group were very similar to eachother and to those for the program and control
Reciprocal Effects of Spanking on Child Aggressive Behavior Problems and Cognitive Development
Model 1: Spanking fi CBCL
aggression Model 2: Spanking fi Bayley MDI
Unstandardized (b) Standardized (b) Unstandardized (b) Standardized (b)
Age 1 spanking fi Age 2 child outcome 0.32** (0.10) .08** (0.02) 0.26 (0.21) .03 (0.03)
Age 1 spanking fi Age 3 child outcome )0.05 (0.09) ).01 (0.02) )0.43* (0.19) ).06* (0.03)
Age 2 spanking fi Age 2 child outcome 1.59*** (0.36) .11*** (0.02) )1.43 (0.77) ).05 (0.03)
Age 2 spanking fi Age 3 child outcome 0.11 (0.06) .04 (0.02) 0.01 (0.12) .002 (0.03)
Age 3 spanking fi Age 3 child outcome 1.39*** (0.28) .12*** (0.02) )0.38 (0.56) ).02 (0.03)
Age 2 child outcome fi Age 3 spanking 0.01 (0.01) .02 (0.03) )0.01 (0.004) ).04 (0.03)
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 2 spanking 0.15* (0.07) .06* (0.02) 0.16* (0.07) .06* 0.02
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 3 spanking )0.001 (0.06) .000 (0.02) 0.003 (0.06) .001 0.02
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 2 child outcome 1.69*** (0.17) .24*** (0.02) )0.56 (0.37) ).04 (0.03)
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 3 child outcome 0.48** (0.15) .07** (0.02) 0.01 (0.31) .001 (0.02)
Age 2 child outcome fi Age 3 child outcome 0.46*** (0.02) .48*** (0.02) 0.51*** (0.02) .55*** (0.02)
Age 1 spanking fi Age 2 spanking 0.45*** (0.04) .30*** (0.02) 0.45*** (0.04) .30*** (0.02)
Age 1 spanking fi Age 3 spanking 0.15*** (0.04) .11*** (0.03) 0.15*** (0.04) .11*** (0.03)
Age 2 spanking fi Age 3 spanking 0.26*** (0.03) .29*** (0.03) 0.26*** (0.03) .29*** (0.03)
Note. Coefficients from cross-lagged path models (full information maximum likelihood estimation) covarying Early Head Startprogram participation, maternal race ⁄ ethnicity, age, and education, maternal depression at age 1, family income and structure, andchild sex. Bold indicates the associations most relevant to our research questions (longitudinal associations between spanking and childbehaviors). CBCL = Child Behavior Checklist; MDI = Mental Development Index.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
1412 Berlin et al.
groups combined. For example, among programparticipants (n = 1,290), spanking at age 1 pre-dicted child aggressive behavior problems at age2 (b = .07, SE = 0.03, p = .05), and among controlparticipants (n = 1,269), spanking at age 1 alsopredicted child aggressive behavior problems atage 2 (b = .10, SE = 0.04, p < .01).
Second, some scholars (e.g., Larzelere & Kuhn,2005) have argued that prior research indicatingnegative effects of spanking is distorted by theinclusion of participants who spank overlyseverely (as opposed to ‘‘customarily’’). Toexplore this possibility in this study, we esti-mated the same path models, excluding partici-pants whose children had been spanked‘‘severely,’’ which we defined as daily or moreoften at age 1, 2, or both (n = 2,177). Again,although there were some differences in the indi-vidual parameter estimates, the findings as awhole appeared very similar. For example, fussi-ness at age 1 predicted spanking at age 2(b = .06, SE = 0.02, p < .01), and spanking at age1 predicted child aggressive behavior problems atage 2 and lower Bayley scores at age 3 (b = .06,SE = 0.02, and b = ).06, SE = 0.02, respectively,ps < .05). Thus, our findings do not appear to bedriven by mothers’ severe behaviors.
Moderated Associations Between Spanking and VerbalPunishment and Child Outcomes
To examine whether maternal race ⁄ ethnicity andobserved maternal emotional responsiveness mod-erated the effects of spanking and verbal punish-ment, we analyzed eight additional models(Models 1 through 4 testing race ⁄ ethnicity modera-tors, and Models 1 through 4 testing emotionalresponsiveness moderators). First, we created eightinteraction terms, with spanking and verbal pun-ishment at ages 1 and 2 mean centered and multi-plied by maternal race ⁄ ethnicity and by maternalemotional responsiveness at ages 1 and 2, respec-tively. Then, Models 1 through 4 were reestimatedtwice, first with the three interaction terms testingthe race ⁄ ethnicity moderators (e.g., Spanking atAge 1 · Race ⁄ Ethnicity fi age 2 child outcome;Spanking at Age 1 · Race ⁄ Ethnicity fi age 3child outcome; and Spanking at Age 2 · Race ⁄Ethnicity fi age 3 child outcome), and secondwith the three interaction terms testing theemotional responsiveness moderators. Each ofthe moderated effects was tested by examining thesignificance of each interaction term added to eachmain effect model. Missing data were handledthrough FIML estimation.
Reciprocal Effects of Verbal Punishment on Child Aggressive Behavior Problems and Cognitive Development
Model 3: Verbal
punishment fi CBCL aggression
Model 4: Verbal
punishment fi Bayley MDI
Unstandardized (b) Standardized (b) Unstandardized (b) Standardized (b)
Age 1 verbal punishment fi Age 2 child outcome 0.05 (0.24) .01 (0.02) )0.32 (0.51) ).02 (0.03)
Age 1 verbal punishment fi Age 3 child outcome 0.37 (0.21) .04 (0.02) )0.58 (0.45) ).03 (0.03)
Age 2 verbal punishment fi Age 2 child outcome 0.76*** (0.13) .15*** (0.02) )1.32*** (0.28) ).12*** (0.03)
Age 2 verbal punishment fi Age 3 child outcome 0.02 (0.17) .003 (0.02) 0.15 (0.35) .01 (0.02)
Age 3 verbal punishment fi Age 3 child outcome 0.15** (0.05) .08** (0.03) )0.16 (0.10) ).04 (0.03)
Age 2 child outcome fi Age 3 verbal punishment 0.002 (0.001) .03 (0.03) )0.001 (0.001) ).04 (0.03)
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 2 verbal punishment 0.07** (0.02) .08** (0.02) 0.07** (0.02) .08** (0.02)
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 3 verbal punishment )0.001 (0.01) ).003 (0.03) 0.001 (0.01) .003 (0.03)
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 2 child outcome 1.71*** (0.17) .24*** (0.02) )0.56 (0.37) ).04 (0.03)
Age 1 fussiness fi Age 3 child outcome 0.47** (0.15) .07** (0.02) 0.01 (0.32) .001 (0.02)
Age 2 child outcome fi Age 3 child outcome 0.46*** (0.02) .49*** (0.02) 0.51*** (0.02) .55*** (0.02)
Age 1 verbal punishment fi Age 2 verbal punishment 0.30*** (0.03) .24*** (0.02) 0.30*** (0.03) .24*** (0.02)
Age 1 verbal punishment fi Age 3 verbal punishment 0.04** (0.01) .08** (0.03) 0.04** (0.01) .08** (0.03)
Age 2 verbal punishment fi Age 3 verbal punishment 0.07*** (0.01) .18*** (0.03) 0.07*** (0.01) .17*** (0.03)
Note. Coefficients from cross-lagged path models (full information maximum likelihood estimation) covarying Early Head Startprogram participation, maternal race ⁄ ethnicity, age, and education, maternal depression at age 1, family income and structure, andchild sex. Bold indicates the associations most relevant to our research questions (longitudinal associations between verbal punishmentand child behaviors). CBCL = Child Behavior Checklist; MDI = Mental Development Index.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1413
There was one significant moderated effectinvolving spanking. For the prediction of cognitivedevelopment at age 2, there was a significant inter-action between spanking at age 1 and maternalrace ⁄ ethnicity, involving the contrast between themore acculturated Mexican American group andthe White group (b = .17, SE = 0.08, p < .05). Thisinteraction term contributed to a significant changein the prediction of cognitive development at age 2(change R2 = .002, p < .05). Following Aiken andWest (1991), predicted values for age 2 Bayley MDIscores at 1 SD above and below the mean wereplotted (Figure 2). Follow-up tests of the simpleslopes indicated that for more acculturated MexicanAmericans, spanking at age 1 predicted higher Bay-ley scores at age 2, t(2554) = 2.22, p < .05. ForWhites, there was not a significant associationbetween spanking at age 1 and Bayley scores at age 2.
There were four significant moderated effectsinvolving verbal punishment. For the prediction ofcognitive development at age 3, there was a signif-icant interaction between verbal punishment at age2 and maternal race ⁄ ethnicity, involving the con-trast between the less acculturated Mexican Ameri-can group and the White group (b = .07, SE = .03,p < .05). This interaction term contributed to a sig-nificant change in the prediction of Bayley scoresat age 3 (change R2 = .01, p < .05). As indicated inFigure 3, for less acculturated Mexican Americans,verbal punishment at age 2 predicted higherBayley scores at age 3, t(2556) = 2.35, p < .05. ForWhites, there was not a significant associationbetween verbal punishment at age 2 and Bayleyscores at age 3.
For the prediction of aggressive behavior prob-lems at age 3, there was a significant interactionbetween verbal punishment at age 2 and maternal
emotional responsiveness (also at age 2: b = ).07,SE = 0.03, p < .01). The interaction term contributedto a significant change in the prediction of aggres-sive behavior problems at age 3 (change R2 = .004,p < .001). Neither simple slope was significant,however. The pattern of associations, shown inFigure 4, suggests (albeit speculatively) that whenmaternal emotional responsiveness was relativelyhigh, as verbal punishment at age 2 increased, childaggressive behavior problems at age 3 decreased,whereas when maternal emotional responsivenesswas relatively low, as verbal punishment increased,child behavior problems also increased.
A similar pattern of positive effects of verbalpunishment in the context of higher emotionalresponsiveness emerged for the prediction of cogni-tive development at age 3. Specifically, a significantinteraction between verbal punishment at age 2 andmaternal emotional responsiveness at age 2 contrib-uted to a significant change in the prediction of age
Figure 3. Associations between verbal punishment at age 2 andchild cognitive development at age 3, moderated by maternalrace ⁄ ethnicity (less acculturated Mexican American compared toWhite).Note. MDI = Mental Development Index.
Figure 4. Associations between verbal punishment at age 2 andchild aggressive behavior problems at age 3, moderated bymaternal emotional responsiveness at age 2.Note. CBCL = Child Behavior Checklist.
Figure 2. Associations between spanking at age 1 and childcognitive development at age 2, moderated by maternalrace ⁄ ethnicity (more acculturated Mexican American comparedto White).Note. MDI = Mental Development Index.
1414 Berlin et al.
3 Bayley scores (b = .09, SE = 0.03, p < .001; changeR2 = .004, p < .01). As shown in Figure 5, whenmaternal emotional responsiveness was relativelyhigh, as verbal punishment at age 2 increased, age3 Bayley scores increased, t(2556) = 3.19, p < .01.There was not a significant association between ver-bal punishment at ages 2 and 3 Bayley scores whenmaternal emotional responsiveness was relativelylow.
An anomalous pattern (of positive effects of ver-bal punishment in the context of lower emotionalresponsiveness) emerged for the prediction of cog-nitive development at age 2. Specifically, a signifi-cant interaction between verbal punishment at age1 and maternal emotional responsiveness at age 1contributed to a significant change in the predictionof age 2 Bayley scores (b = ).07, SE = 0.03, p < .05;change R2 = .004, p < .05). As shown in Figure 6,when maternal emotional responsiveness was rela-tively low, as verbal punishment at age 1 increased,age 2 Bayley scores increased, t(2556) = 2.20,
p < .05. There was not a significant associationbetween verbal punishment at age 1 and Bayleyscores at age 2 when maternal emotional respon-siveness was relatively high.
In this study, we drew on ecological and transac-tional theories of child development to further theunderstanding of the controversial topic of earlyparental discipline. We found a considerableamount of spanking among this study’s partici-pants. We also found racial ⁄ ethnic group differ-ences in both spanking and verbal punishment.Consistent with transactional models of develop-ment, we found main effects of spanking (thoughnot verbal punishment) on child outcomes, as wellas main effects of children’s fussiness at age 1 onboth spanking and verbal punishment. In someinstances, maternal race ⁄ ethnicity and ⁄ or emotionalresponsiveness moderated the effects of spankingand verbal punishment on child outcomes. Consis-tent with ecological models of development, thesefindings highlight the value of examining parentaldiscipline in context.
Prevalence of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
Our finding that about one third of the 1-year-olds and about half of the 2- and 3-year-olds hadbeen spanked in the last week indicates a substan-tial amount of spanking among the study’s low-income families. These rates are comparable to the29% rate of spanking of 10- to 18-month-oldsreported by Regalado et al. (2004), yet lower thanthe 64% rate of spanking of 19- to 35-month-oldsreported in the same study. We suspect that thisdiscrepancy reflects a difference in methodology.The current study used face-to-face interviews,whereas the Regalado et al.’s study drew on phoneinterview data. Our findings are more similar tothose of Socolar et al. (2007), who also used face-to-face interviews and found that 54% of the mothersof 12- to 19-year-olds had spanked their child in thepast 3 months. Interestingly, our reported meannumbers of spankings per week (2.97 at age 2 and2.62 at age 3) are quite comparable to the mean of 3spankings per week for 1- to 23-month-oldsreported by Slade and Wissow (2004).
Observed verbal punishment peaked at age 2, at24%, compared to 17% at age 1 and 16% at age 3. Theincrease in verbal punishment at age 2 may reflectmothers’ frustration with the autonomy-seeking
Figure 6. Associations between verbal punishment at age 1 andchild cognitive development at age 2, moderated by maternalemotional responsiveness at age 1.Note. MDI = Mental Development Index.
Figure 5. Associations between verbal punishment at age 2 andchild cognitive development at age 3, moderated by maternalemotional responsiveness at age 2.Note. MDI = Mental Development Index.
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1415
behavior typical of 2-year-olds, whereas thedecline in verbal punishment at age 3 may reflectthese mothers’ responses to their children’s increas-ing verbal comprehension, self-regulation, andcompliance.
Racial ⁄ Ethnic Group Differences in Spanking andVerbal Punishment
We find that at all three ages, African Americanchildren were spanked significantly more fre-quently than all other children. We also find that atage 1, African American children were verballypunished significantly more frequently than Whiteand less acculturated Mexican American children,and that at ages 2 and 3, African American childrenwere verbally punished significantly more fre-quently than all other children. These findingsextend those of prior studies that have indicatedmore frequent spanking in African American fami-lies. First, this study finds greater prevalence of ver-bal punishment, as well as spanking. Second, mostprior studies that have indicated greater prevalenceof spanking in African American families haveconfounded race with family income. Althoughrace ⁄ ethnicity and family income are related in thecurrent study (with African American familyincome significant lower than that of Whites ormore or less acculturated Mexican Americans), thefinding of African Americans’ greater use of spank-ing and verbal punishment held with familyincome covaried.
There are several thoughtful discussions in theliterature of African American parents’ relativelygreater use of spanking (e.g., Dodge et al., 2005;Ispa & Halgunseth, 2004). These discussions high-light cultural factors such as a long-standing beliefin the importance of children’s respect for elders,and in the value of physical discipline to inculcatethat respect. These discussions also highlight Afri-can American parents’ concerns about preparingtheir children for such challenges as racial discrimi-nation and physical danger. In a qualitative study,Ispa and Halgunseth (2004) note that the mothersthey interviewed ‘‘saw little room for error’’ (p. 479)in their childrearing.
We also find that, at ages 2 and 3, the children ofless acculturated Mexican American mothers werespanked significantly less frequently than the chil-dren of both White and African American mothers,though as frequently as the children of more accul-turated Mexican American mothers. Similarly, atage 2, when verbal punishment peaked in allgroups, less acculturated Mexican American moth-
ers verbally punished their children significantlyless frequently than White and African Americanmothers. Previous studies have reported relativelyless spanking among Latino parents (Hashima &Amato, 1984; Wissow, 2001). When factoring inacculturation, however, one might expect lowerlevels of acculturation to be associated with morepsychological distress and, thus, greater use of bothphysical and verbal discipline, which is not whatwe find. Instead, what may be at work among theless acculturated mothers in this study are Latinocultural beliefs in young children’s inability to‘‘know better’’ and resulting lenience (Halgunseth,Ispa, & Rudy, 2006). These issues merit furtherstudy in toddlers.
Predictors of Spanking and Verbal Punishment
Consistent with previous studies and with eco-logical theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), youngermaternal age predicted both spanking and verbalpunishment, and lower family income predictedmore frequent spanking at all three ages and verbalpunishment at age 1. Maternal depression at age 1predicted more frequent spanking at ages 1 and 2and more frequent verbal punishment at all threeages. Living alone predicted more frequent verbalpunishment. In keeping with transactional models(e.g., Sameroff & Fiese, 2000), child fussiness alsopredicted more frequent spanking and verbal pun-ishment. In addition, having a male child predictedmore frequent spanking and verbal punishment.Unlike in previous studies, maternal educationdid not predict spanking or verbal punishment,perhaps due to the relatively restricted range inmaternal education in the current sample.
Taken as a whole, it is notable that these associa-tions emerge in an exclusively low-income sample,even while covarying race ⁄ ethnicity. Consistentwith many prior studies and with Belsky’s (1984)model of the determinants of parenting, they painta picture of spanking and verbal punishment asproducts of parental challenges (e.g., the many dif-ficulties associated with being a young parent,and ⁄ or living in poverty) and may also reflect agoal of preparing a child for a life characterized bythese and other challenges.
Associations Between Spanking and Verbal Punishmentand Child Outcomes
Rigorous cross-lagged path analyses revealedthat spanking at age 1 predicted child aggressivebehavior problems at age 2 and lower Bayley scores
1416 Berlin et al.
at age 3. These findings hold (a) above and beyonda comprehensive set of covariates, (b) for the EHSprogram as well as control groups alone, and (c)when ‘‘severely’’ (daily or more frequently)spanked participants are excluded. Together theyare consistent with the work of Gershoff and col-leagues (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007),and they support the conclusion that spanking dur-ing toddlerhood can have negative consequencesfor toddlers’ cognitive as well as socioemotionalfunctioning.
At the same time, it is important to note thatspanking at age 1 or 2 did not predict child aggres-sive behavior problems at age 3 or Bayley scores atage 2. In addition, the effects of spanking were small.It has been argued that spanking may not be detri-mental if it is culturally normative (Dodge et al.,2005). To the extent that spanking is more commonand more culturally normative in poor families, thefact that the current sample is exclusively lowincome, makes the apparent negative effects ofspanking that did emerge especially notable. It mayalso help explain the small effect sizes.
It is also important to discuss the effects of childbehaviors on parenting. Child fussiness at age 1predicted both spanking and verbal punishment.Thus, child behavior affected and was affected byparental discipline strategies. Interestingly, theeffects of spanking on child outcomes and theeffects of child behaviors on mothers’ disciplinarystrategies both originated in age 1 assessments.Consistent with attachment theory and research(Cassidy, 2008), these findings highlight children’sfirst year as the time of establishing lasting patternsof parent–child interaction.
At the same time, it was children’s fussiness atage 1—not aggression or misbehavior—that elicitedmore spanking and verbal punishment. Moreover,neither child aggressive behavior problems norBayley scores at age 2 predicted spanking or verbalpunishment at age 3. Thus, mothers’ spanking andverbal punishment may have arisen more fromfrustration with their 1-year-old’s fussiness thanfrom the perception of child misbehaviors and theneed to correct them (it is also possible that fussi-ness itself was perceived as misbehaving). The useof frustrated spanking has been discussed as moredetrimental than the use of reasoned spanking(Dodge et al., 2005) and may help explain thenegative effects of spanking that we found.
Our analyses of the moderated effects of bothspanking and verbal punishment add nuance toour findings. First, for more acculturated MexicanAmericans compared to Whites, spanking at age 1
predicted higher Bayley scores. This finding is con-sistent with prior research suggesting that spankingmay not affect racial ⁄ ethnic minorities in the sameways that it affects Whites. Several prior studieshave shown an absence of negative effects ofspanking for African American children (Dodgeet al., 2005) or, in one study, for Latino children(Slade & Wissow, 2004), compared to Whites. Ourfindings extend this literature by indicating positiveeffects of spanking in the more acculturatedMexican American group.
Interestingly, in contrast to some previous studies(e.g., Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997), maternal emo-tional responsiveness did not moderate theeffects of spanking. During toddlerhood, childrenmay simply be too immature to make meaningof the experience of being spanked beyond itsimmediate negativity, regardless of mothers’responsiveness.
There were four moderated effects of verbal pun-ishment. For less acculturated Mexican Americanscompared to Whites, verbal punishment at age 2predicted higher Bayley scores at age 3. This find-ing is again reminiscent of prior research indicatingdifferential effects of parental discipline (spanking)in different racial ⁄ ethnic groups. With this finding,we extend the literature to the effects of verbal pun-ishment. Similar to the moderated effect of spank-ing just discussed, we show positive effects ofverbal punishment in one of the Mexican Americangroups. It was somewhat surprising that there werepositive effects of verbal punishment in the lessacculturated Mexican American group, however,given that, at age 2, these mothers verbally pun-ished their children significantly less frequentlythan White mothers. Thus, the cultural normative-ness of verbal punishment does not seem to explainthis finding. It may be that compared to Whitemothers, the verbal punishment of the less accultur-ated Mexican American mothers is quite mildand an indication of maternal involvement andcommitment.
We also found the effects of verbal punishmentto be moderated by maternal emotional responsive-ness. In two of three of these findings, there seemedto be positive effects of verbal punishment in thecontext of higher maternal emotional responsive-ness. Specifically, at age 2, when maternal emo-tional responsiveness was relatively high, as verbalpunishment increased, age 3 Bayley scoresincreased, and age 3 aggressive behavior problemsappeared to decline.
In highlighting the potential buffering influenceof mothers’ emotional responsiveness, these findings
Spanking and Verbal Punishment During Toddlerhood 1417
both extend and build on prior studies suggestingthat emotional responsiveness can negate or posi-tively condition the effects of physical punishment(Deater-Deckard et al., 2006; McLoyd & Smith,2002; Smith & Brooks-Gunn, 1997). The strong,positive contributions of parental emotional sup-port to healthy child outcomes are well docu-mented (e.g., Berlin & Cassidy, 2000; Shonkoff &Phillips, 2000). Moreover, parental emotional sup-port may be especially important to low-incomechildren (Hill, 2001; de Wolff & van IJzendoorn,1997). Rohner and his colleagues have illustratedthat children are more likely to perceive parentalrejection when physical punishment is carried outin the context of a less warm and accepting parent–child relationship (Rohner, Bourque, & Elordi, 1996;Rohner & Britner, 2002). In the context of mothers’emotional responsiveness, verbal punishment maybe less likely to be perceived by the child as nega-tive or rejecting and may, in fact, be experienced asan indication of investment and support. Maternalemotional supportiveness may also increase theeffectiveness of verbal punishment. For example, inan early study of the development of prosocialbehavior, in the context of empathic caregiving,mothers’ intense, affectively charged explanationsregarding children’s wrongdoings toward otherspredicted children’s prosocial behaviors (Zahn-Wax-ler, Radke-Yarrow, & King, 1979). When combinedwith emotional responsiveness, mothers’ yelling orscolding may not only get young children’sattention but also convey commitment and concern.
In one inconsistent finding, at age 1, when mater-nal emotional responsiveness was relatively low, asverbal punishment increased, age 2 Bayley scoresactually increased. This finding was surprising andis difficult to interpret in light of the other moder-ated effects of verbal punishment that we found. Itsuggests the possibility of differential processes atage 1 compared to age 2 that, if replicated, willrequire further research to address.
Suggestions for Future Research
Our study raises some methodological issues thatshould be addressed in future research. We recom-mend that in future studies of physical and verbaldiscipline, individual caregivers are given specificbehavioral descriptions to which to respond. As inother studies, we did not provide mothers with aspecific definition of spanking. Rather, the meaningof spanking was left to mothers’ interpretations,which likely varied in ways that we cannot deter-mine. Moreover, our findings of moderated effects
of spanking and verbal punishment highlightthe importance of understanding the cultural andpsychological contexts of parental discipline. Moredata on the full range of precisely defined disciplinestrategies, the severity of each, and the culturaland emotional context surrounding each arerequired.
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