Saturday, March 14, 2015

Social Movements Political Process Approach to Social Movements

Power in Movement: Social Movement, Collective Action and Politics

Sidney Tarrow

- Power in movement grows when people join forces in contentious confrontations with elites, authorities, and their opponents

- movements are created when political opportunities open up for social movements

- political opportunities draw people into collective action

- their base are the social networks and cultural symbols which social relations are organised

- incentives are created by political opportunities

- social networks and cultural frames is how movements overcome obstacles to collective and sustaining the action

I. Approach to the study - The irreducible act lies at the base of all social movements and revolutions is the

contentious collective action

- collective action mostly occurs within the institutions, constituted of groups who act in the name of goals

- it becomes contentious when it is used by people who lack regular access to the institutions

- contentious collective action is the basis of social movements not because they are violent or extreme but because it is the main recourse that most people possess against better equipped opponents

- they have power because they challenge opponents , brings out solidarity and have meaning among groups

- social solution: mounting collective challenges, drawing on common purpose, building solidarity, and sustaining collective action are the basic properties of social movements

�1

Saturday, March 14, 2015

II. Basic properties of social movement - collective challenge, common purpose, solidarity, and sustained interaction

Collective Challenge

- movements mount challenges through disruptive direct actions against elites

- often marked by interrupting, obstructing or rendering uncertain activities of others

- providing selective incentives, to building consent among supporters, challenging cultural codes

- seeks appeal to new constituents and assert their claims

Common Purpose

- people band together in movements to mount common claims against opponents, authorities, or elites

- Common or overlapping interests and values are the basis of common actions

- people do not sacrifice their time to social movements if they didn't think that they have a good reason to do so

Solidarity

- Participant recognition of their common interest that translates the potential for movement into collective action

- leaders can only create a social movement when they tap into deep rooted feelings of solidarity or identity

Sustaining collective action

- Common purposes, collective identities , and identifiable challenge help movements to do this

- changes in the political opportunity structure create incentives for collective actions, the magnitudes and duration of these collective action depend on mobilising people through social networks and around identifiable symbols are drawn from cultural frames meaning

III. Collective Action

Individual and Collective Action

- Mancur Olson: importance of non-material incentives

�2

Saturday, March 14, 2015- Very small groups in which individual and collective goods are closely associated, the

larger groups prefer a free ride on the efforts of the individuals whose interest in the collective good to pursue it

- Solutions to free rides: “ Selective incentives” to convince them their participation is worthwhile

- people participate in movements not only as a result of self interest but because of deeply held beliefs, the desire to socialize with others

- movement entrepreneurs: skills and opportunities to draw existing reservoirs of grievance into social movement

- people join a movement for many reasons: desire for personal advantage, group solidarity, commitment to a cause, this heterogeneity of motivations make it a problem for coordination but also makes possible to draw out resources

- how many people participate depends on the structure of the struggle they are involved in

Social in Social movements

- contract by conventions: building on existing cultures, cultural understanding, and social network

- The most important opportunities are changes in structure of political opportunity

- Together, opportunities, repertoires,networks, and frames are the material for the construction of movement

Political opportunity structure

- People join social movements in response to political opportunities and then through collective action create new ones

- political opportunities translate in the potential for movement into mobilization then even groups with mild grievances may appear in the movement while those of strong grievances but lacking in opportunities may not

- political opportunity structure will also help us to explain how movements are diffused

- concept of political opportunity structure explains how movements diffuse, how collective action is communicated and networks are formed and social groups create and seize opportunities

- social movements form when ordinary citizens responds to changes in opportunities too lower cost of collective action, reveals potential allies and show where authorities are vulnerable

�3

Saturday, March 14, 2015state structure create stable opportunities, but its changing opportunities within states that provide the openings that resource poor actors can use and create movements

Contention by convention

- single campaigns are not social movements, unless a movement sustains its interaction with opponents, allies, and authorities, it is quick combined and easily repressed

mobilizing structures

- Movements are produced when political opportunities broaden , when they demonstrate the existence of allies and when they reveal the vulnerability

Cycles of protest

- opportunities widen and information spreads about susceptibility of political system to challenge not only only activist, but ordinary people test the limit of social control

- opportunities created by early risers provide incentives for new movement organization to form

Dimensions of opportunity

- political opportunity structure, dimensions of political environment that provide incentives for people to undertake collective action by affecting their expectations for failure

- political opportunity structure helps us understand why movements gain surprising, but temporal leverage against the elites then lose it quickly despite their effort

increasing access, unstable alignment, influential allies, divided elites

- most salient changes in opportunity structure are: opening up of access to participation, shift in ruling alignment, the available of influential allies, and cleavages within the elites

- increasing access:gaining partial access to provides an incentive vs those with fortified structures making the opportunities closed.Access to participation is the first important incentive for collective action

- Unstable alignments: electoral instability, instability of political alignment.changes fortunes of government and opposition parties, especially when they are based on new coalitions, creates uncertainty among supporters, encourage challengers to try to exercise marginal power. Peasant uprisings in undemocratic system show, not only in representative systems does political instability encourage collective action. Peasants

�4

Saturday, March 14, 2015are most likely to rebel against authorities when windows of opportunity appear in the walls of their subordination (Peruvian land occupation 1974)

- Influential allies: presence and absence of influential elites, allies are an external source that otherwise resource deficient social actors can sometimes depend on

- Divided elites: Splits among elites and political realignment can work together to induce disaffected elites or government to seek support from outsiders. when minority factions of the elite become influential allies of outside challengers, challenges from outside the polity combine with pressure from the inside create incentives for political and institutional change.

- stable aspects of institutional structure shape the differences in movement formation and strategy in various settings

- Repression in authoritarian states: The very success of repression can produce a radicalisation of collective action and a more organization of opponents. The centralisation of power in repressive states offers a unified field and a centralised target to attack once the system has weakened . hidden transcripts seldom produce collective action but they can undermine a consensus in a way that is difficult to repress, because no single instance crosses the line from resentment to opposition

- stable elements like state strength or weakness the structure of the party system and forms of oppression and facilitation structure the strategies that movements choose. Movements arise as result of new expanded opportunities, they signal the vulnerability of the state to collective action, thereby opening opportunity for others-affecting both alliance and conflict systems

Structural opportunity and perceived opportunity in social movement theory: The Iranian Revolution of 1979

Charles Kurzman

- combination of objective and subjective factors

- subjective sentiments of collective efficacy but the combination of the two

- tight fit between subject perceptions and the structure opportunities

- structural opportunities generally coincide with perceived opportunities

Protestors definition opportunity

- mismatch occurs when people fail to perceive opportunities or they perceive opportunities where none exists

�5

Saturday, March 14, 2015- second mismatch raised in critical mass approach to collective action which argues

protestors define opportunities primarily with reference to patterns of oppositional activity

- Iranian revolution of 1979, protestors were concerned with the prospects for success they did not participate in large numbers until they felt success was at hand. most Iranians did not feel the state weakened or that structural opportunities had opened up. Iranians believed the balance of forces shifted not because of a changing strict but because of a changing opposition movement

- often cited in Iran (1) the undermining of the monarchy’s social support be reforms (2) international pressure on monarchy (3) overcentralization and paralysis of the state (4) the state’s vacillating responses to the protest movement: i argue that none of these factors represents a structural weakness of the state

The Structure of political opportunity

- Monarchy’s social support undermined by reforms: one alleged weakness of the state is the undermining of the state social support particularly by the elite. (Shah’s land reform of 1960s threw the landed oligarchy into the opposition)Political repression threw intellectuals and the middle class into the opposition Arguments: first the affected groups were not entirely oppositional. second even as reforms created enemies for the state they also created new allies. Third the shah needed relatively little internal support . Urban migrants who suffered most in number did not participate in large numbers in the revolutionary movement. state created new classes dependent on state patronage and therefore inclined to support the shah

- international pressure on the monarchy: The widespread impression that international constraints stayed the monarchy’s hand and prevented the crackdown that would have crushed the protest. argues that internal pressures weakened the state and made it vulnerable to revolution

- overcentralization and paralysis of the state: a concerted crackdown would have worked but the state lacked the will to carry out. most theoretical argues the iranian state was structurally susceptible to paralysis because of its overcentralization

- perceptions of the opposition’s power

Perception versus structure

- protestors perception of political opportunities clashed with state’s structural position,the structure of the state gave way

�6

Saturday, March 14, 2015Implication for social movement theory

- argued that Iranian state was not vulnerable to the revolution in 1978: Pahlavi regime’s domestic support had not withered away nor had its internal support. Shah’s centralisation and illness did not prevent the state from responding actively to the revolutionary movement

- there was a mismatch, iransnans appear to have calculated opportunities on the basis of changes in the opposition, their perceptions have proved self fulfilling

- Iranian revolution may be a case in which the people saw the door as closed but felt that it was strong enough to open it

-

Cultural Approaches/ Collective Identities/ Framing Process

Ideology , Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization (Social Movements)

David Snow and Robert Benford

- movements are seen as the primary carriers or transmitters of programs for action that arise from structural dislocations

- meanings are produced in the course of interactions, meaning and other ideational elements can account for movement participation

- Movements functions as carriers for mobilizing beliefs but they are also actively engaged in the production of meaning for participants

- productive work might involve shaping and structuring of existing meanings

- social movements frame. Framing is assigning meaning to and interpret relevant events and conditions in a way that are intended to mobilise potential adherents and constituents

- Framing task: diagnosis of some event or aspect of social life as problematic and in need of alteration, proposed solution to the diagnosed problem, a solution to arms or rationale for corrective action

- prognostic diagnosis is directed towards achieving a consensus mobilization

- Diagnostic framing: involves identification of a problem and the attribution of blame or casualty. consensus is often achieved within a movement with respect to problem identification

�7

Saturday, March 14, 2015- prognostic framing: is not only to suggest solutions to the problem but also to identify

strategies, tactics, and tactics

- motivational framing the elaboration of a call to arms or rationale for action that goes diagnostic and prognosis. Participation is thus contingent upon the development of motivational frames that function as prods to action. resides in the generation for selective incentives

- Infrastructural constraints of belief systems: The centrality or interracial salience, range of central ideational elements, the degree of interrelatedness

Centrality

- the mobilising is potential is weakened considerably and the task of political education or consciousness raising becomes more central but difficult

- it is axiomatic that the greater the correspondence between values promoted by a movement and those held by potential constituents, the greater the success go the mobilisation effort as measured by the number of contributors to participate in the movement

Range of interrelatedness

- presents movement with additional framing dilemmas in the course of mobilisation campaign

- if the framing effort is linked to only one core belief or idea of limited range then the movement is vulnerable to being discounted if that value is called into question of its hierarchical salience diminishes within the entire belief system

- Phenomenological constraints: Does the framing strike as responsive chord with those individuals for whom it is intended? to what extent does it inform understanding of events and experiences within the world of potential constituents?

Empirical credibility

- the fit between the framing and events in the world

Experiential commensurability

- the people must experience the situation in order to understand

- the framing must not be too abstract in order for the people joining the movement must understand it

Narrative fidelity

- framing strikes a responsive chord in that it rings true with existing cultural narrations that are functionally similar

�8

Saturday, March 14, 2015- Cycles of protest

“I Dreamed of Foxes and Hawks” Reflections on Peasant Protest, New Social Movement and The Rondas Campesinas of Northern Peru

Orin Starn

- Collective Identities, Rural justice group Rondas Campesinas, vigilant patrol against thieves

- alternative justice system with open community assembles to resolve problems from wife beating to land disputes. The movement became a point of pride for the peasant who were tired of the inefficiency of town bureaucrats

- how peasant activism represents the active creation of alternative modes of political vision and identity

- James Scott: “everyday resistance” their worked stressed that the political struggles of poor farmers do not just unfold in the high drama of rebellion, revolt, and revolution but also undercover medium of gossip, foot-dragging, false deference, evasion, and petty thievery

- “glory of the slaves” actions that do little to change over-arching structures of inequality and domination but at the same time existence of small scale strategies signals that peasants are never passive even in periods of apparent calm

- protest emerge from a unique and historically specific set of circumstances. peasant activism also involves construction and creation, rural people fashion a vision,symbols, and procedures for organizing

- “contructedness” of a political identity: Their attention turns how politics represents the fashioning of original kinds of self identification through innovation and recombination. Identity becomes something to be built, articulated, and invented rather than explained exclusively by reference to social structures

- society itself is self creating process, peasant protest became a process of collective self imagination , molding forms of fresh forms of political vision and practice

- strategy with identity, Juan Velasco Alvarado brought the term campesinos into wide circulation and associated it with a sense of injustice and exploitation, it has charged meaning with many rural Peruvians

- The most immediate factor leading to the formation of the rondas was robbery.Peasant were upset with the justice system, this discontent has deep historical roots . Justice is in relation with money. The justice system on serves the

�9

Saturday, March 14, 2015rich and powerful, rural people become more resentful with the addition of bribery. corruption gained a strong momentum on it’s own

- Rondas grew from a context of crimes and the complete distrust in the justice system, they needed a way for political organising. Ronda provided an efficient alternative, instead of drawn out judicial proceedings and its expense

- Rondas began not only to patrol or resolve disputes but also take charge of small community public work project, also focus on the disputes. Rural organising new mode of political identity and culture

Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements Approaches to understanding revolutions I: Structuralist and State-Centered Approach

No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements 1945-1991

Jeff Goodwin

- Revolutionary movements are not exclusively a response to economic exploitation or inequality but also a direct response to political oppression and violence , typically brutal and indiscriminate

- Political revolution: refers to any and all instances in which a state or political regime is overthrown and thereby transformed by a popular movement in an irregular, extraconstitutional, and or violent fashion . This definition assumes that revolutions at least those truly worthy of the name, require mobilisation of large numbers of people against existing states

- more restrictive definition revolutions entail not only mass mobilisation and regime change but also more or less a rapid and fundamental social, economic, and cultural change during or soon after the struggle for state power . refashioning the lives of many people

- social movement: collective challenge to elites and authorities other groups or cultural codes. people within common purposes and solidarity in sustained interaction with elites and authorities

- revolutionary movement: social movement advancing exclusive competing claims to control of state or some segment of it

- radical social movement: destruction or fundamental transformation of several important institutions

�10

Saturday, March 14, 2015- radical revolutionary movement: not only seeks to control the state but also aims to

transform more or less fundamentally the national society or some segment of ruled by the state

- patrimonial state: staffed by officials who have been appointed on the basis of political loyalty to a leader or a party

- peripheral state: a state whose power and projects are more or less strictly determined or at least very tightly constrained by a much more powerful “core” or “metropolitan” state within the state system. predominantly capitalist , but generally much weaker than and thus subordinate to core states precisely because peripheral societies are much poorer

- colonial state: de jure administrative and military extensions or branches of specific metropolitan shares, although colonial regimes that attach to them are more exclusive and autonomous from the peripheral societies that they govern compared to metropolitan regimes that oversee and more or less direct them

State-Centered Perspective

- why place the state in such privilege? although revolutions are complex historical processes that involve economics, social, cultural, and organisation, for two general reasons first is the successful revolutions necessarily involve the breakdown or the incapacitation of the state. all states break down in precisely the same way or independently of pressure from revolutionaries. second is strong revolutionary movements even if they ultimately fail to seize state power, will emerge only in opposition to states that are configured and that act in a certain way.

- the importance of needs to be differentiated from the claim that “ expanding political opportunities” are necessary for the mobilisation of social movements. not always do state breakdowns and expanding opportunities lead to the mobilisation of social movements but sometimes revolutionaries create their own opportunities

- Marx: people make their own revolutions, but not just where or when they please; people do not make revolutions under circumstances chosen by themselves but within specific political context directly encountered, given, and transmitted from the past . State structures and practices invariably matter, in other words for the very formation of revolutionary movements, not just for their success or failure and generally do in quite unintended ways

- why is the development of a revolutionary movement dependent on state structures and practices?first people do not tend to join revolutionary movements when they believe the central state has little of anything to do with their everyday problems, however severe those problems may be. few people join or support revolutionaries when they are more or less in agreement with the ideology if they feel doing so will

�11

Saturday, March 14, 2015make them more vulnerable to state violence or they believe that they can obtain much or even more modicum of what they want in political terms

- exclusion, especially violent exclusions or repression of certain social groups tend to puttees oppressed groups into revolutionary movements, state weakness prevents the state from destroying such movement. not all states incubate or encourage revolutionary movements, however are necessarily vulnerable to actual overthrow by such movements. those prone to revolutionary movements are repressive yet weak states that are also organised patrimonially rather than bureaucratically.

- They key idea is that patrimonial states do not easily allow for the implementation of the type of initiatives that can successfully counter a popular revolutionary movement. cannot easily take out leaders

- limitations: one sidedness

Four Types of State Centred Analysis

- Stat-autonomy perspective: emphasizes the variable autonomy to the state/ or state managers. officials have different ideologies from the popular will. officials accumulate resources and mobilising groups may sometimes conflict with powerful groups . Also the lack of officials to implement successful political agendas.

- Political opportunity: state must either lack the means or simply be unwilling to suppress such groups violently. deemed necessary for people to act collectively or to shape the agenda of the state official

- state-constructionist perspective: examines ways in which states help to construct or constitute various social forces and institutions that are falsely conceptualized as wholly exterior to the state. does not emphasize on how the state provides incentives or act on existing opportunities but emphasizes the action of foreign as well as domestic state to make it plausible to make certain types of collective grievance

- State capacity approach: officials may have different aims than economic elites or other states and yet lack the capacity to actually implement their preferred opportunities

- Major thesis in thesis is are that states are largely construct the revolutionary movements that challenge and sometimes overthrow them

Formation of revolutionary movements

- state-sponsorship/ protection of unpopular economic and social arrangements or cultural institution: those involved in people’s work or livelihood may widely viewed as unjust, yet unless state officials are seen to sponsor and protect those institution. that is why ruling class do not directly rule may be safer from revolutionaries than those

�12

Saturday, March 14, 2015which do. follows state regulation or social injustices might be a target for political demands. Economic grievances and cultural resentments may only be politicised

- Repression and/or exclusion of mobilised groups from state power or resources:aggrieved political groups direct claims at the state, they are unlikely to seek its overthrow if they manage to attain some significant share

- Indiscriminate, but not overwhelming, state violence against mobilised groups and oppositional political figure: indiscriminate state violence against mobilized groups and oppositional figures is likely to reinforce the plausibility and justifiability that the state needs to be violently smashed and radically reorganized

- weak policing capacities and infrastructural power: As the political opportunity approach emphasizes no matter how wicked or authoritarian states may be. State breakdown, revolutionaries may become numerous and well organised if the state policing capacity and infrastructural power more generally are chronically weak or geographically uneven

- Corrupt and arbitrary personalistic rule that alienates,weakens, or divides counterrevolutionary elites:By weakening counterrevolutionary elites, however dictators may unwittingly play into the hands of revolutionaries since such elites may thereby become too weak either to oppose revolutionaries effectively or to oust the dictator and reform. certain types of states are not only liable to break down and thereby create the sort of political opportunities that strong revolutionaries movements can exploit

Criticism of state-centered approaches

- societies affect states as much as, or possibly more than states affect societies

- state officials are usually not autonomous actors, instead they typically respond to the demands of the dominant class or occasionally of militant lower classes

- As a type of structuralism, state-centered analysis necessarily neglects the purposive including strategic and cultural dimensions of social action

- because they interpenetrate one another, the very distinction between “states” and “societies: is untenable and should be scrapped

Limitation fo state-centered approaches

- Fundamental weakness statist approach is that it does not theorize the non state or nonpolitical sources: associated networks(class formation), material resources,collective beliefs, assumptions and emotions

�13

Saturday, March 14, 2015

Approaches to understanding revolutions II:Political, processes, ideology, culture, and agency to revolutions

Revolutions in the Real World: Bringing agency back in

Eric Selbin

- symbolic politics, collective memory, and the social context of politics all profoundly voluntaristic construction

- ideas and actors, not structure and some broad sweep of history, are the primary forces in revolutionary processes : revolution are the human creation

- The focus should be on people, not structures, choices not determinism and transformation of society not simply transition

- critical component of the revolutionary potential in any population is an understanding of the populations perception of the options that are available and seem plausible to them. repertoire of collective action- tool kit of symbols stories rituals and world views

- revolutions a viable response to oppression, due to long standing history of rebellions activities being celebrated in folk culture or to revolutionary leaders having created, restored , or magnified such traditions in local culture

- agents and the world they manufacture, the culture they create, be included in any serious analysis of revolution

agency,ideas,ideals,and learning

- structural conditions, do not unconditionally dictate what people do, instead they place certain limits on people’s actions or demarcate a certain range of possibilities

- structural conditions may define the possibilities for revolutionary insurrection or options of available political power, but they do not explain how specific groups o individual acts, what options they pursue, or what possibilities they may realize

- how do people enter revolutionary processes?

- leaders are able to articulate the vision, the population in turn responds, it is they who determine how far and how fast the process unfolds and often shape the efforts of the leaders to their reality

- social revolutionary leaders invoke, manipulate, and build on timeless conceptions to arouse, mobilise the population

culture:stories of resistance and rebellion

�14

Saturday, March 14, 2015- traditionally history has been constructed orchestrated by powerful people, played for

the population

- history: informed people’s ideologies, reflect context of people’s everyday lives, history is accessible to us through people’s narration of their lives

- culture alone is not enough . the ability of revolutionaries to conjure a context in which such traditions plays out are summoned to manipulate rewritten and is often significant

- revolutionaries may provide an impetus and may present the population with a vocabulary intellectual framework that helps organize and channel their visions

Marriage of agency and clutter: the social context of politics

- theories of revolutions are rooted in and driven by a focus on individuals and the culture that they create and transmit , this is through collective memory, symbolic politics, and the social context of politics they create, the blend of agents and structures

- without people articulating compelling stories with engaging and empowering plots, revolutions will not come

- culture denotes shared meanings, attitudes, and values and symbolic forms

- symbols help define any given society and the various places within

Collective memory symbolic politics

- remembering serves as a multitude of functions, it places the past and serves the present

- societal memory, a battlefield where various groups struggle to protect and extend their interpretations of society’s past

- collective memory gives shape to people’s lives, providing not only a base from which individuals can look back and explain their experiences and action, platform on which build and guides the future

- people’s history is captured by their memory, runs constantly in the background and is always visible

- past is continually rewritten often to fit the exigencies of the present. this is especially the case when current reality makes people think harder about the role in shaping process

�15

Saturday, March 14, 2015- where symbolic politics and collective memory meet and create the social context of

politics is in the popular political culture

Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in El Salvador

Elizabeth Jean Wood

Overview of the Civil War in El Salvador

- El Salvador’s long lasting conflict with patterns of economics,political, and social exclusion

- geography of coffee cultivation and agricultural lands, indigenous communities for land and labor. the intensification of conflicts within indigenous communities

- The best agricultural lands were concentrated in the hands of small group of coffee plantation owners. two groups comprised a classic oligarchy

- The massacre profoundly undermined indigenous culture as a threat of renewed state violence led to the abandonment of traditional dress, language, and many indigenous practices

- inequality of land: wealthy families tended to own more than one farm and landless families are not included in the distribution of farms

- one result of unequal distribution of land income and opportunity and its maintenance by coercive labor practices was a complaint campesino political culture

Campesino account of insurgency

- Some people participated in the insurgency despite the benefits, access to land was an aim but not the only goal

- access to land have been the principal motivation for founding or joining in the insurgent cooperative, a potential participant would have to believed. founding of the cooperative was necessary for long run access to land and that his participation was necessary to success and that hr judged that the anticipated benefit - access to land in the long run out weighed the anticipated costs including possible retaliation by local landlords or state authorities as well as everyday cost of attending the meetings

- inadequate access to land was a key grievance before the civil war yet aspirations did not motivate insurgency

- Aspiration for land and resentment at its unjust distribution were frequent themes in interviews with insurgent Usulutan and Tanancingo recalled with evident emotion- ranging from sadness to indignation to rage - the miserable poverty

�16

Saturday, March 14, 2015- two causes of their poverty: low wages and inadequate access to land, many of those

interviewed described the repression, violence, and fear in the early years of war

- many expressed particular resentment towards their inability to cultivate corn a resentment that symbolised their lack of autonomy their dependence on scattered wage labor and their subordination. Being exposed to disrespectful treatment and constant humiliation still rankled older campesinos

- campesinos drew well on traditional agrarian practices and symbols. Umbilical cord is buried in the land to show how the blood has run an many have died but the harvest is at hand. burying in the umbilical cord at a particular spot is a powerful ritual in rural culture throughout mexico and central america

- blood as a recurring image in the interview symbolising both violence and commitment to land claim: “ so many families have fallen. leaving their blood in the land”

- insurgent campesinos drew on cultural strands rooted in traditional rural culture and new liberationist religion in reconstruction and interpreting their memories of violence thus many continued their support to the insurgency

- insurgent identity- arising out of earlier choices and experiences

- repressions also caused the motives to vengeance “ when you keep hearing battles all around in the place of being killed yourself you pick up arms instead”

- The key point, the dominant tone of the incidents of severe government repressions were recounted was one of moral indignation subsumed into a general belief in the justice for struggle

- land is closely associated values of family and self sufficiency were central strands of the insurgent political culture , the overcoming of the culture of fear

- resentments at the social conditions before the war, aspirations for a more just social and economic order, moral outrage at the repression that followed mobilization and pride in achievements of insurgency

- a new political culture emerged, political identities and culture were transformed through the years of the civil war, from a culture in which people frequently submitted to subordination to one in which a new identity as militant activist was openly expressed and supported by opposition organisations

- political culture, particularly it emphasis on pride in the achievements of their collective action, comes from the map making workshops

- all maps are a cultural representation and vary with the maker, a symbolic assertion of authority and ownership of the properties claimed

�17

Saturday, March 14, 2015- participants expressed profound pride in their insurgent activities: they had proved

capable transforming social relations, authorship

- the centrality of this theme for insurgents suggest that acting in the realization of their interest was essential to this transformation of political culture

- political culture also includes the norms of group solidarity, other collective norms and practices such as rituals and symbols and beliefs concerning the feasible social change

- political culture was key to generating and sustaining the insurgency despite the high cost

State power, state formation, and social forces Theoretical and empirical explanation

Introduction: Developing a state-in-society perspective, The state in society: an approach to struggles for domination

Migdal et al ( Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue)

- state in society:to disaggregate states as the object of study, means towards a better understanding of state and political change to rethink the categories used to conceptualise the evolving and fluid nature of social forces in developing countries

- states are part of societies, states may help old but they are also continually folded by societies within which they are embedded. Once the state importance has been emphasised therefore the intellectual attention immediately shifts to issues of why states differ in their respective roles effectiveness

States vary in their effectiveness based on their ties to society

- states are seldom the only central actors in societies and are almost never autonomous from social forces

states must be disaggregated

- the need to disaggregate the state, paying special attention to its parts far from what is usually considered as the pinnacle of power, to recognise the blurred and moving boundaries between state and society and to view states and societies as mutually transforming

social forces, like states, are contingent on specific empirical conditions

- political action and influence of a social group are not wholly predictable from the relative position of that group within the social structure

�18

Saturday, March 14, 2015states and other social forces may be mutually empowering

- some interactions between state segments and social segments can create more power for both, state ally with select social groups against other groups

- Societies multiple arenas of domination and opposition . officials at different levels of the state are key figures in this struggle

- in the various setting is born the recursive relationship between state and society, the mutually transforming interactions between components of state and other social forces

- the multiple settings end up reshaping both the state and society often state or society driven initiative have been provoked by the fundamental changes associated with the grate transformation

- the role of the state is itself an object of struggle

- state; the state set to be a set of organization invested with the authority to make binding decisions for people and organisations juridically located in a particular territory and to implement these decisions using necessary force

- transformative states go beyond trying to establish people’s personal identities, they aim to shape people’s entire moral orders- the content of the symbols and codes determining what matters to most of them. this penetration into people’s daily lives means that transformative state simply cannot let any struggle over domination

-

An Anarchy of families the historiography of state and family in the Philippines

Alfred W McCoy

- Philippines past solely as the interaction of state, private institution, and popular movements

- paradigm of political families

- Jean Grossholtz: described the the family as the strongest unit of society, demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and colouring all social activity with its own set of demands

- reflections on the connection between familial and national history. “elite extended family” has always loomed large in interpretations of Brazil’s historical evolution for the

�19

Saturday, March 14, 2015absence of a strong centralising state as well as the lack of other competing institution has meant its importance has long been recognised

- ethos of national and political politics

- Lewin: two key variables account for extraordinary political power based on Brazil family based oligarchies- kinship and state

- during the colonial era state was not yet well established, elite families, reinforced by patriarchy and endogamy captured by control over the land and labor in the country’s productive hinterland

The filipino family

- a weak state and powerful political oligarchies have combined to make a familial perspective on national history relevant

- Philippine central government effectively lost control over the countryside to regional politicians, some powerful that they became known as warlords

- warlords terrorised peasantry

- generations filipino families have relied upon their families for sorts of social services

- primacy of family in the filipino setting

- when church and state cannot provide the family’s must

- anarchy of families, Philippine political parties are usually a coalition of powerful families , little separation between enterprise and household

- strong families and weak state

- filipino families define kinship bilaterally thus widening their social networks and narrowing their generations consciousness, bilateral kinship produces overlapping egocentric networks

The weak state

- two key elements have directly contributed to the formation of powerful political families, the rise of rents as a significant share of the nation’s economy and a simultaneous attenuation of central government control over the provinces

- the paradoxical relationship between a weak state and strong society is not limited to the Philippines. the pairing of wealth and weakness that opened the state to predatory rent seeking politician. state apparatus weakened and political families gained wealth

- Migdal identifies effective coercion as a key attribute of a strong state: “ first leaders aim to hold a monopoly over the principal means of coercion in their societies by

�20

Saturday, March 14, 2015maintaining firm control over standing armies and police forces while eliminating non state controlled armies militias and gangs

-

�21