Shear (1978)-Kallias of Sphettos

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HESPERIA: SUPPLEMENT XVII

KALLIAS OF SPHETTOS AND

THE REVOLT OF ATHENS IN 286 B.C.

BY

T. LESLIE SHEAR, JR.

AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES AT ATHENS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

I978

PUBLISHED WITH THE AID OF A GRANT FROM THE DEPARTMENT OF ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY,

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Shear, Theodore Leslie, 1938- Kallias of Sphettos and the revolt of Athens in

286 B.C.

(Hesperia: Supplement; 17) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Athens-History-Revolution, 286 B.C.

2. Kallias, of Sphettos, fl. 307-269 B.C. I. Title. II. Series: Hesperia, journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens: Supplement; 17. DF235.7.S53 938'.5 78-8721 ISBN 0-87661-517-5

Printed in Great Britain by Spottiswoode Ballantyne Ltd. Colchester and London

Offset reprint by Science Press, Ephrata, Pennsylvania, U.S.A. 1982

To MY FATHER

PREFACE

This study presents the first publication of the long honorary decree for Kallias of Sphettos which came to light some years ago in the excavations of the Athenian Agora and is now housed in the epigraphical collection of the Stoa of Attalos. The text of the new inscription has here been edited and translated, and an effort has been made to interpret its contents in a detailed commentary. Because this remarkable document furnishes so much information about so many different aspects of the history of Athens in the early 3rd century B.C., it seemed essential to examine again many of the events of this period in light of the new evidence. When the decree for Kallias takes its place beside other contemporary documents and references to the period in literature, it may be fairly said to provide the key to our better understanding of the stirring events which engulfed the city of Athens during the two decades between the battle of Ipsos in 301 and the battle of Kouroupedion in 281.

Although publication of this decree was planned as an article in Hesperia, like that of all other inscriptions found in the Athenian Agora, the historical complexities of the text caused the manuscript to grow beyond the normal limits of periodical literature; and it thus seemed best to publish it as a separate monograph. In the course of my study of the inscription I have learned much in stimulating discussions with numer- ous colleagues and I have greatly benefited from their suggestions. It is a pleasure to express my warm thanks to Alan L. Boegehold, John McK. Camp II, Peter M. Fraser, John H. Kroll, Benjamin D. Meritt, Ronald S. Stroud, Homer A. Thompson, and Eugene Vanderpool, Sr., all of whom have helped me at different points in the reading, reconstruction, and interpretation of the text. I am most especially grateful to Christian Habicht who has so generously shared with me his knowledge of the Hellenistic period. He undertook to read and criticize the manuscript and suggested many improvements. The photographs of the stele I owe to Eugene Vanderpool, Jr.

To the Publications Committee of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, and to its editor Marian H. McAllister, I am indebted both for suggesting that this study appear as a book and for supporting and approving its publication. To my colleagues on the Publications Committee of the Department of Art and Archaeology at Princeton University I am indebted for the generous subvention which made it possible to print this book. Mention must be made too of my long-standing debt of gratitude to the officers of the Greek Service of Antiquities and Restoration, partic- ularly to the successive Inspectors General and to George Dontas, Director of the Athenian Acropolis, under whose general supervision the excavations in the Agora are conducted. Without their enthusiastic support of the excavations and their hospitality

vi KALLIAS OF SPHETTOS AND THE REVOLT OF ATHENS IN 286 B.C.

to scholars from foreign lands, the inscription preserving the decree for Kallias would not have been found.

It is a special pleasure to acknowledge the unflagging support and encouragement of my wife, lone M. Shear, who in so many ways has given me help, not the least tangible evidence of which was the neatly typed manuscript handed to the editor.

But these words of my appreciation to others are inadequate to express the sense of rare privilege which I have felt at each step in the writing of this book. One of the gifts which a gracious fortune has reserved for excavators in the field is that feeling of powerful immediacy with remote antiquity which comes at the very moment of new discovery. These are haunted moments when the ghosts of the past seem almost to call out to us across the centuries lest they be forgotten wholly and forever. Never have I felt this more strongly than upon my first reading of the decree for Kallias. At the beginning one's whole concern was to decipher and transcribe correctly the individual letters of the inscription, and one had no ear for the words and their meaning; but the stone spoke of the man, Kallias, until that time forgotten but for a single mention of his name, and now suddenly alive in the full and moving narrative of his career. Although six years have passed since my first meeting with Kallias of Sphettos, the memory of that moment is unforgettable. As the writing of this study progressed, my acquaintance with Kallias has ripened, and I now take joy in introducing him to others who may wish to share his company.

T. LESLIE SHEAR, JR. PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY DECEMBER 5, 1977

TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE . . . . . . . . . V ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY . .. .. ix

CHAPTER I: THE DECREE FOR KALLIAS. . . . . . . . 1 TEXT . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 TRANSLATION . . . . . . . . . . 5 EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES . . . . . . . . . . 7

CHAPTER II: COMMENTARY ON THE DECREE . . . . . . . 9 LINES 1-4 . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 LINES 5-9 . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 LINE 11 . . . . . . . . .14 LINES 12-18. . . . . . . . . . . . 14 LINES 18-23. . . . . . . . . . . . 17 LINES 23-32. .. . .. . .. 19 LINES 32-40 . . . . . . . . . . . 21 LINE 33 . . . . . . . . . . . 22 LINES 40-43. . . . . . . . . . . . 25 LINES 44-55. . . . . . . . . . . . 25 LINES 53-55. . . . . . . . . . . . 30 LINES 55-64. . . . . . . . . . 33 LINES 64-66. . . . . . . . . . . . 35 LINES 66-70. . . . . . . . . . . . 39 LINES 70-72. . . . . . . . . . . . 44 LINES 72-74. . . . . . . . . . . . 45 LINES 79-80. . . . . . . . . . . . 47 LINES 81-83. . . . . . . . . . . . 52 LINES 89-101 . . . . . . . . . . . 55 LINES 98-99. . . . . . . . . . . . 56 LINES 101-104 . . . . . . . . . . . 58

CHAPTER III: THE REVOLUTION OF 286 B.C.. . . 61 CHAPTER IV: THE PEACE WITH DEMETRIOS . . . . . . . 74 CHAPTER V: FOREIGN AID FOR THE NATIONALIST REGIME . . . . 79

APPENDIX: LITERARY AND EPIGRAPHICAL TESTIMONIA . . . . . 87

viii KALLIAS OF SPHETTOS AND THE REVOLT OF ATHENS IN 286 B.C.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE INDEXES

INSCRIPTIONS STUDIED OR CITED LIST OF PASSAGES CITED. GENERAL INDEX .

PLATES

CORRIGENDA

p. 4, line 80: read .[avTrov] p. 11, line 11: delete the p. 11, footnote 12, line 5: read Trav p. 39, line 31: read E'rO p. 54, footnote 151: read footnote 146 p. 90, No. 5, line 9: read Kat ot

98

101 . 105 . 108

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Agora XV= B. D. Meritt and J. S. Traill, The Athenian Agora, XV, Inscriptions, The Athenian Councillors,

Princeton 1974 AJP= American Journal of Philology Ap X. cAr. = ApXa0oAKoyiKov AEArlov APX. 'E#. = ApXa?oAoyK ' 'E77JutEpks AthMitt=Mitteilungen des deutschen archdologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung Bagnall, Ptolemaic Possessions= R. S. Bagnall, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt,

Leiden 1976 BCH= Bulletin de correspondance hellenique Beloch, Gr. Gesch.=K. J. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, 2nd ed., Berlin 1927 Bengtson, Strategie= H. Bengtson, Die Strategie in der hellenistischen Zeit, I-III, Munich 1937, 1944, 1952 BSA = The Annual of the British School at Athens CAH= The Cambridge Ancient History, edd. J. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, F. E. Adcock, M. P. Charlesworth, and

N. H. Baynes, Cambridge 1928-1939 CP= Classical Philology Davies, APF= J. K. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families, Oxford 1971 Deubner, Attische Feste= L. Deubner, Attische Feste, Berlin 1932 Dinsmoor, Archons=W. B. Dinsmoor, The Archons of Athens in the Hellenistic Age, Cambridge, Mass. 1931 Dinsmoor, List= W. B. Dinsmoor, The Athenian Archon List in the Light of Recent Discoveries, New York

1939 Durrbach, Choix= F. Durrbach, Choix d'inscriptions de Delos, Paris 1921 Edmonds, Frag. Att. Com.=J. M. Edmonds, The Fragments of Attic Comedy, I-III, Leiden 1957-1961 FD III= Fouilles de Delphes, III, Jtpigraphie, fascs. i-iv (various edd.), Paris 1910-1970 Ferguson, HA= W. S. Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens, London 1911 Ferguson, Tribal Cycles= W. S. Ferguson, Athenian Tribal Cycles in the Hellenistic Age, Cambridge, Mass. 1932 F. Gr. Hist. = F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, Berlin 1923-1955 Fraser, Ptol. Alex.= P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, Oxford 1972 Heinen, Untersuchungen= H. Heinen, Historia, Einzelschrift XX, Untersuchungen zur hellenistischen

Geschichte, Wiesbaden 1972 Hicks, IBM=British Museum: Ancient Greek Inscriptions, I-IV, edd. C. T. Newton, E. L. Hicks, G.

Hirschfeld, London 1874-1893 HSCP= Harvard Studies in Classical Philology HTR= Harvard Theological Review ICret=M. Guarducci, Inscriptiones Creticae, I-IV, Rome 1935-1950 IDelos= Inscriptions de Delos, I-VII (various edd.), Paris 1926-1972 IG II 2= Inscriptiones Graecae, Inscriptiones Atticae, Editio Minor, II-III, ed. J. Kirchner, Berlin 1923-1940 IG VII = Inscriptiones Graecae, Inscriptiones Megaridis et Boeotiae, ed. W. Dittenberger, Berlin 1892 IG IX2 1 -Inscriptiones Graecae, Inscriptiones Graeciae Septentrionalis, Editio Minor, fasc. 1, ed. G.

Klaffenbach, Berlin 1932 IG XI = Inscriptiones Graecae, Inscriptiones Deli, fasc. 2, ed. F. Durrbach; fasc. 4, ed. P. Roussel, Berlin

1912, 1914 IG XII=Inscriptiones Graecae, Inscriptiones Insularum Maris Aegaei Praeter Delum, ed. F. Hiller von

Gaertringen, Berlin 1895-1939 Jarde, Cereales= A. Jarde, Les cereales dans l'antiquite grecque, Paris 1925 JdaI=Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen Instituts

x KALLIAS OF SPHETTOS AND THE REVOLT OF ATHENS IN 286 B.C.

JHS= Journal of Hellenic Studies Kahrstedt, Magistratur= U. Kahrstedt, Untersuchungen zur Magistratur in Athen, Stuttgart 1936 Kahrstedt, Staatsgebiet = U. Kahrstedt, Staatsgebiet und Staatsgehorige in Athen, Berlin 1934 Kirchner, PA= J. Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica, I-II, Berlin 1901-1903 KpT'T. XpOV. = KpqTlKad Xpo'VtKa LeipzStud= Leipziger Studien zur classischen Philologie Leveque, Pyrrhos= P. Leveque, Pyrrhos, Paris 1957 Manni, Dem. Pol.=E. Manni, Demetrio Poliorcete, Rome 1951-1952 Meritt, Ath. Year= B. D. Meritt, The Athenian Year, Berkeley 1961 Moretti, Iscr. stor. ell. = L. Moretti, Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche, Florence 1967 OGIS= W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones Selectae, I-II, Leipzig 1903-1905 P. Cair. Zen. = C. C. Edgar, Catalogue general des antiquites egyptiennes du musee du Caire, Zenon Papyri,

I-V, Cairo 1925-1940 Pfuhl, de pompis= E. Pfuhl, de Atheniensium pompis sacris, Berlin 1900 P. Oxy. = Oxyrhynchus Papyri, edd. B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, et al., I-XLIV, London 1898-1976 Pritchett and Meritt, Chronology= W. K. Pritchett and B. D. Meritt, The Chronology of Hellenistic Athens,

Cambridge, Mass. 1940 Pros. Ptol. =W. Peremans, E. Van't Dack, et al., Prosopographia Ptolemaica, I-VI, Louvain 1950-1954 RE= Paulys Realencyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed. G. Wissowa, W. Kroll et al. REA = Revue des etudes anciennes RhMus = Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie Rhodes, Athenian Boule= P. J. Rhodes, The Athenian Boule, Oxford 1972 RivFil= Rivista difilologia Rostovtzeff, SEHHW= M. I. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, Oxford

1953 Schmitt, Staatsvertrage= H. H. Schmitt, Die Staatsvertrage des Altertums, III, Munich 1969 SEG= Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum SIG3 =W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, I-IV, 3rd ed. (F. Hiller von Gaertringen),

Leipzig 1915-1924 TAPA = Transactions of the American Philological Association Tarn, Ant. Gon. =W. W. Tarn, Antigonos Gonatas, London 1913 Will, Monde hellenistique = E. Will, Histoire politique du monde hellenistique, I, Nancy 1966 ZPE= Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik

CHAPTER I

THE DECREE FOR KALLIAS The epigraphical records of Hellenistic Athens offer eloquent testimony to the

good services of her citizens to a city which, if one could judge only from the increasing proliferation of monuments congratulating them, would seem to have been largely populated with zealous benefactors and worthy public officials who performed honorable service. Moreover, they were honored each according to his deserts by the Demos which always remembered to praise worthy deeds and rendered thanks to all good men. With the passage of time, as the economic and political fortunes of Athens fell to ever lower estate, the honorific decrees of the Athenian assembly appear to increase in inverse proportion. The good services are recorded in more fulsome detail, the praises are proclaimed in more ringing tones, and the rewards become more tangible. Indeed, as the documents show an ever increased refinement in the formula for giving thanks, one is left with the feeling that the gratitude of the Demos was largely an expression of its eager anticipation of more good deeds to come.

To the historian, however, the honorary decrees provide the most valuable primary sources for the reconstruction of the history of Athens in one of its darkest periods, the first half of the 3rd century B.C. A welcome addition to the series of honorary decrees is a new inscription from the Athenian Agora, the text of which is presented here for the first time. Like all the documents of its class it dwells myopically upon the career of a single man and upon his contributions both great and small to the events of his time. His was a time, however, of which we know only the broadest outlines and some scattered details; thus any new text which comes to light contributes a few new facts and helps to fit a few more pieces into the puzzle of 3rd-century Athens.

Inv. No. I 7295 (Pls. 1-4). Complete stele of Pentelic marble preserved intact. The shaft terminates in a slight apophyge and is crowned by a molding, consisting of a cavetto above an ovolo, which runs across the front and returns on both sides. Sides and top are worked smooth, but the latter is slightly pitted from exposure to the weather. The bottom is left rough and a rough-picked band (0.065 m. wide) across the lower edge of the shaft indicates the depth to which the stele was inserted in its base. The back is only roughly worked with a point, but bands of irregular width have been slightly smoothed along the sides of the shaft. The stele was evidently erected in such a position that the back was not exposed to view.'

1 There is no way of determining exactly where Kallias' monument originally stood. The text provides (lines 96, 107) that the inscribed stele be placed beside the bronze statue of Kallias which was to be erected in the Agora. The stele appears as it was found on the plan Hesperia 42, 1973, p. 123, fig. 1 where it may be

2 KALLIAS OF SPHETTOS AND THE REVOLT OF ATHENS IN 286 B.C.

Found on May 20, 1971, lying face upwards and re-used as a cover slab in a late repair of the Great Drain.2

Height, 1.655 m.; width, including molding, 0.524 m.; top of shaft, 0.456 m.; bottom of shaft, 0.536 m.; thickness, 0.122 m.

Height of the letters, lines 1-4, 0.008 m.; lines 5ff., 0.005 m., except line 10, 0.007 m. TEXT a. 270/69 a. NON-2TOIX. 42-49

KaAAIav ?vt,oxadpov

5 Er' ESwotlrTpa'rov adpxovTos em t rrs av8tovwlos sKKTTSq ITpvTavelas' el AOr)voSwposg ropylTrrov AXapvevs' ypaftpI aTEVEV I7Oct. VOS vo 0y80ot El Se.EKa, tait K,[a]l EIKOEaTE[E r]

TSg 7rpVTavElaS' EKKAr7Cla KVupa' TCrV ITpoEOpWV E TEOi,b7/r e v 'ETtXacprs oPE7orTpaTrov 'Epxevs' Kat crv/LTrpOeSpoV'

10 E8ooev Tel fSovAel Kat TOat 87&UCo EvtXapqsg EMapXov KovOvArjOev eLIv e E,7TEtLS KaAAla[s],

', ., \ C, , , yevo/Levqs TI7s eIravarTaOaeOsC V7TO TOV O7,UOV ET TO vs KareXovTas Tr-v TroAtv KacL TOVS p/Ev EK TOo aa'TEwCu aTpaTLnTaS EyfpaAovTos', TOV OE fpOVplov TOV Ev TOM

15 MovEclia)t E'T KarTEXObEVOV Kat TrS' XOwpasg EJ, TroA4E,uo) v I E tp/ J A T ovars V7TO Trov EK TOV 1etEpaES:, Kat J/rplouv apa

ytyvoLEVOV EK HeAoT'ovv7Iaov /ierTa Tov aTpaTOTre`oO v Irt TO aCTrv, a vTo/Jevos' KaAAIas Tov KlSVVOV TOrv T Ep TTJV 7TOAIV Kat ETAECa/Evos Trov aTpaTLcoTv XL

20 AL'ov V 0 avovvg tE aV rerayEvcov ev 4Avopcl Katl avao cLVTOLS' Kt UL TO tLET^7U TcpEyEvETO go ovs oysuavta avrol Kal atoEras rapeyeveo o

06 V EV0VS E a ovOa T OV 3aotAE's IHroAELuaov Trpos' Trov r7fJLuov evvolaL, Kal tEa

yWV ELS T7 Xv TOS pav rp ra TovS /LE' avTov rrpo 25 EKdatOTo T)s rov? alTov TavvKOfJLL&s 7raoav 7rotovLEvoS

identified as the second cover slab from the south on the Great Drain, just east of the south annex of the Stoa Basileios. Since the stele is intact, it was possibly not moved far from its original position at the time of its re-use. It is interesting to observe that the small triangular area, forming the northwest corner of the square and lying only a few meters east of the Great Drain, was found crowded with the foundations of monument bases, ibid., p. 125. Many of these are probably to be dated to the Hellenistic period and are of appropriate size and shape to accommodate single statues. The statue of Kallias may have stood on one of them.

2 Found in square J 5. The grid coordinates of the general plan of the Agora are conveniently consulted in Agora XV, pl. 2.

THE DECREE FOR KALLIAS 3

a7rTOV8v o'TrcO av ELs 'rrv ,roAtv aFTros oSg relaTros eLaK outaYEl' Katl E7rElt8 7rapayevo/levos /rJL7Trpos` Kat 7Tr pacrpaTro7rE8EvaaS ErrOALdpKEL TO arv, aycovtoJlevo S V7rp TOV $r7tOV KaAias Kalt eTEtwv C iOra Tr V OrTpaTl t t 30 oToV TroV uE?0 avrov Kal TpavtJLaTlas yevoIfEvoS KlV8v vov ovOeva V7ToaTeAo/evoS ovo' EV EVl KatpLot EVeKa TrS! TOV &LOV aWT7plaS' Kal TOV 3a\A{A}Ews HTOAfEai ov a7rocaTeAavTOS wLaTrpaTov Ta av/J4epovTa o Tpc4ovT a Tel IroACL, Kat WcoarpaTov JLETa7re?L7roteLVov wrpeapela

35 v rpod EavTov els HIepaia ^eO' is aVVOjeEl Ta Trepl T7rv Ecpr7v7v VIrep r7)s TroAWcS Trpos /rlyr.rpLov, v7raKovaas e Sg TarTa TOarTpaT7)yoLS Kal Tel flovAel KaAIas Kal rT

pEa'Ev?Wv V7TrEp TOV o)n.O0V Kat [7r]avTra TrpaTTrv rTa avep ovTra TEL 7roAEL, Kat avVCOrapa 4E]Tvas ev TWL aLTkel !ETa T

40 GwV arpaTrLOTv Es' 7) ElpJv aC[v]vETEAE?c'A0, Kat ava TAEvra {a}as 7rpos TOr faaiAEa 1T'aroAcELalov rats TrpeapelawS Ta ls' a7roareAo/,Levats V7rT TOV or,/ov avvaycwoVoulevos! els fravra Kat avvepyoWv els Ta aovJtlepovra Te? rO'AcE K at 7TapaAafO'Vvros Tr7v faatAAE [Lav 1HToAE,ua'ov TOV VECOT

45 epov faatAE'cows E7rtrtSLu as E[l]s To aarv KaAAlas, Kat TrO v cTpaTrrTyfv KaAEaaVTcov avr[o]v Kat Epj4avt,oVTw0v Td KaTa T7^v 7TroAv ev ols rvV Kat T7rapaKaAovvTa) [v] avTov a7rTOV

dcraat VTrep Tr7)s TroAEcos TrpOs rTOv faaAe'a H7r[o]AEpa?ov J[7r] aS "v aorj0etd rts %yevraF rrjv r [i]arrqv els ro aarv a'r cog aV fl0o,oeta ?.TL yEvI7Tat T7)v Tax[LIcTT77V ET a ULT

50 uwL Kal xpr7JLaatv, Kat ava7rAeva'a[s] avrTOs LoLL KaAAias els KvTrpov Kal evTrvXOv EKEl Tr[L fl]aatAEF /uAOTriL)s v Trep rKTS 7TOAeoWS EKOJuaev TCOW ?7Cut apyvpLov tev rTcav ra 7revrrKovra, rvpcov o$ otrtalvpvovs XeS tvovs o)peav of rTapEerprr7craav Ey AL/ov roTs drroaTaAEraltv VTO T[O]

55 v^ t71OV Kat CS o flaaLAEvs TpwrTOV E7TOEl Ta 7To[A]E?aZa T[q] v Vvalav Ka TovS adyWvas TW^L 7raT[pl], rj(fuL[a]a[fLE'VOv T]QV [8t] ,ov 0 OeWplav rrelTretv Kal adfcTaavTos I vraK[ovaat KaMl] av apXEOE(? pov Kat ayayeLv vTrep T[o]v 8r),tov [T'1v Oeowpav, v] 7raKovaas, els Tavra L;AorT,uvss K[aA]Al'as, Ka[t Trs ;Elbol) ]

60 tzevas avTrWo vTro Tov ort17ov elS T7jv aPepXcco [ptav 7rEVTrKOV] ra a^Lvas d/E?ls Kat I'TL8ovs r' tW 8i[fLtco], avTro[s Trrv LEV Oecopla] v ayaywv EK TOv lLOvV KaAWS Kat d[6la's] Tov [q]/tov, [rTs 8e] 8 valas- ETtiLLEArEOels VTrep Trrs ro?AECW[s] Kal rov T AAM[v] adrq[vTr] wV CV TrpoOJaKEV I1erT rTov 0ow[p]v' Ktc[al r]ov 8-/1x[o]v rTre [Trp3oro]

65 v Ta HavaGOvaLa TEL Apx7YrE[I] /e'oAAovros 7T[Elv] d[['] Q[,S r] d IT?v EKEKOKLarTO, acAEXOE,ts TWl flactlA K[aLAlas VITE] p Tov o7rAcov v els rov TeT7rAov e8e 7rapaaKeva)gaat [Kat EMTt]


SovTos rt TE o'AEt rov flaaLA{t}E'ows e[a]jTrov'SaaaEv o7r[ws av ws] /3eArtar-a rTE 0OeA) yeV7Jra7' Kcat ot 0[,E]wpo' oi . 'E9 [avtTov Xe]

70 tpoTov7GE?TESvr eVO0V a7roKOflwra[Uv] i[v]rav[Oa ra orrAa' Kal] vvv Ev AALKapvaaa6cht KatcaT77KW' v[rr]d r[ov flaaLAews HToA] Epa ov KaAAtas taTEAE aLAoTILo[v],evo[s 7TpOS TE ras iT peaEltas Kal Tas GECOptas Tas VTO vro TO[V^] Sj[[ov TpoS rov flaa] tAEa HToAEpal;ov acroaTEAAo0E`vas, Kal .l[ac E]hc[arTov TWYv]

75 VroAtr3vic T)OV TE 7rapaytyvolEvwv Trpo aVTOv [rT7v Traaav ETT liE?tavE TOLOVblEVOS K?a TY r T(rpaT[LWsTWYv TOWV KE?t TETay] LEvWv ILeO' avrov, mrep rtela,aTov 7rotov'[evoS To cav,uepov]

Kal KOwVEt ro rfiS /roAjs evwX-ov ~[ ............... V TEt aTplK KaAas OV&8TWeTOO vKr>opE?iv as ... .JE .... K]

80 aTraAEAv/evOV TOVr 8ro 7iOV aAAa Kal TI7V ovaLav TqV E[avTov] 7rpoEeEvos owav 8oorjvat ev TEt oAtapXiat o"aTE P[rv v] TEVaVTLiO T7rpajal l'TE TOLSo VOILOIS' I^T?re TEL riWUOK [pa-r]

aL TEL E, a7TaVTCWV Arvai)'v OITW' av ovv elowUa i7aves [ol ^o] VAo,(uEvot f)tAorTL?tEua6aL 7rpOS Tr7v 7T6'Atv 8lOTL o 86(jLOS [dc]

85 3 JLE`ILV7Trat Y rTv EVEp'yET7CTavrTcov EavTO Kal XapEv EKarTO IS ad7ro8ScoaTv cayaOet TreU XE SEoXOat TEL fovAel roVS 7 poeSpovs O'LTlVw adv AaXcoLv TrpOE8pEVElV ElS T7'v EKA7[Ia] lav rr]v EK To v VO/LO Xp7jaTtLaal 7TEpl TO'VTC)V, yV')Wl7V OE tV3 [a] AAEOat Trs fovAjs Ess ToY OT)JOV^ o'Tt 8OIKE TEL fr t OVAEl [7]

90 atveaat KaAtiav 9vpLoXapov ZLri1TTtOV apeT71s EvEKa Kal e vvoas r77v EXcyv LaTEAEXet rep Tov Oj87P,OV TOv A0YvauiCv Kal t Trec>avWcaat avrov Xpvoa') aTeadvwt KaTa Tov VOI,OV, KaL a veMreLv rTv arE(favov IrOVavloV TWv pLeydaAwv rpaywcot[v] Trlt ayYL TWtl KatvCW' T77SE 8E 7TOL7-6ECW TOV arTEavov Kal T77[s]]

95 avayopevaEws EitrLEA-7Or7vaL Tovs EMTL reLt 38LOK7EtL' cT7rcaa[L] eV avTov Tov 837p,ov Kat elKova XaA7^V ev TEL ayopat, etvat 8

e Kat rrpoESpLav avrTt e'v aTraLV TOLS aycoaL v oFs 7TroALs t[l] 07UCLV Kal Tov apXLTEKTova TOv El7 Trd lepd a XELpOVOVLeV[O]

7aovYaT T7s Te TroL77aEW T7is elKOVOS Kal Tr7s avaQeaWS [e] laayayetv 8e Kcal Tovs OeapLo6eTaS r7)]v 8oKLytaUav T77s 8[wp] EaS avrwt El?S TK>Y 'coAtla(av cTreL8av avt XL,epaL aal K TOV vO6' [ov]

K8e{eX0

THE DECREE FOR KALLIAS

TRANSLATION The Demos

Kallias son of Thymochares

of Sphettos 5 In the archonship of Sosistratos, in the sixth prytany of Pandionis for which

Athenodoros, son of Gorgippos of Acharnai was secretary; on Posideon 18th, 21st of the prytany; assembly with full power. The chairman of the proedroi Epichares, son of Pheidostratos of Erchia and his colleagues put the question to a vote. Resolved by the Council and the Demos; Euchares, son of Euarchos of Konthyle made the motion:

11 Whereas Kallias- -when the revolution of the Demos took place against those who were occupying the city, and they expelled the mercenary soldiers from the City, but the fort on the Mouseion was still occupied, and the countryside was in a state of war at the hands of the troops from the Peiraieus, and while Demetrios with his army was approaching from the Peloponnese to attack the City-Kallias learned the impending danger to the state, and choosing a thousand of the mercenary troops stationed with him on Andros, paying their wages and providing rations of grain, he came at once to the City to help the Demos, acting in accordance with the good will of King Ptolemy toward the Demos; and he marched his troops into the countryside and made every effort to protect the harvest of the grain so that as much grain as possible could be brought into the city.

27 And whereas, when Demetrios had arrived and encamped to besiege the City, Kallias fought on the side of the Demos, and attacking with his troops, although a wounded man, he did not shrink from any danger, not at any moment, for the sake of the deliverance of the Demos; and when King Ptolemy dispatched Sostratos to negotiate in the city's interests, and Sostratos summoned an embassy to meet him at Peiraieus with which he would conclude terms of peace with Demetrios on behalf of the city, Kallias complied with the request of the generals and the Council, acted as envoy for the Demos, and worked in every way for the city's interests, and he remained in the City with his mercenaries until the peace had been concluded; and after he had sailed back to King Ptolemy, he continued to cooperate in every way with the embassies sent out by the Demos and to work for the city's advantage.

43 And whereas, upon the succession to the monarchy of the younger King Ptolemy, Kallias was staying in the City and when the generals called upon him, explained the situation in which the city found itself, and begged him for the sake of the city to hasten to King Ptolemy in order that aid in the form of grain and money might be forthcoming as quickly as possible for the City, Kallias himself sailing at his own expense to Cyprus and there conversing earnestly with the king in behalf of the city brought back fifty talents of silver for the Demos and a gift of twenty thousand medimnoi of wheat, which were measured out from Delos to the agents sent by the Demos.

55 And whereas, when the king first established the Ptolemaia, the sacrifice and the

5


games for his father, and the Demos voted to send a sacred delegation and deemed it appropriate for [Kallias] to accept appointment as chief delegate and to lead [the delegation] on behalf of the Demos, Kallias complied zealously and, declining the [fifty?] minas which had been [appropriated] for him by the Demos for the conduct of his office, and giving them freely to the Demos, he himself both led the [delegation] well and in a manner [ t a vate expense and in a manneralso, together witho the delegates, took charge of the sacrifice in behalf of the city and of all other things that were appropriate; and since the Demos was then about to [celebrate] the Panathenaia for Atena Archegetis [for the first time after] they had recovered the City, [Kallias] conversed with the king about the ropes which it was necessary to prepare for the peplos, and the king having donated them to the city, he endeavored to see that they be as fine as possibfine for the Goddess and that the delegates elected with him bring [the ropes back here] at once.

70 And whereas, now assigned by King Ptolemy to duty in Halikarnassos, Kallias continues to strive eagerly toward the success of the success of the embassies and the sacred delegations dispatched by the Demos to King Ptolemy, and privately he devotes [every] attention [to each] of the citizens who comes to him and takes all possible care too of the soldiers stationed [there] with him, his main aim being [the advantage] and generally the dignity of the city; [and --] of the fatherland Kallias could never for a moment endure [to --], when the democracy was overthrown, but rather his own property he allowed to be confiscated in the oligarchy so as to act in no way in opposition either to the laws or to the democracy which is the democracy of all Athenians.

83 Now therefore, in order that all men who wish to contribute emulously toward the greatness of the city may know that the Demos remembers forever those who serve it well and renders gratitude to each, with good fortune, be it resolved by the Council that the proedroi, who are chosen by lot to preside in the assembly which meets according to the law, deliberate about these matters and submit the resolution of the Council to the Demos, that the Council resolves to praise Kallias, son of Thymochares of Sphettos for his merit and for the good will which he continues to have toward the

92 Demos of the Athenians, and to crown him with a golden crown according to the law, and to proclaim the crown at the contest for new tragedies at the Great Dionysia; that the board of administration have charge of making the crown and the proclamation; further that the Demos shall erect a bronze statue of him in the Agora; and that he shall have a front seat at all the contests which the city holds, and that the duly elected architect in charge of sanctuaries shall assign him the front seat; that the Demos shall forthwith elect three men from all the Athenians who will supervise the making

101 and the installation of the statue; that the thesmothetai shall introduce the scrutiny of his award in the Heliaia when the days prescribed by law shall have elapsed; in order that there may remain for the future a record of Kallias' honorable deeds to the Demos, that the prytany-secretary shall inscribe this decree on a marble stele and place it beside the statue; and the board of administration shall apportion the expen- diture incurred for the inscription and the stele.

THE DECREE FOR KALLIAS

EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES

The text is disposed on the stone so that the prescript of the decree begins 0.21 m. below the molding and an uninscribed space, 0.15 m. high, is left at the bottom of the shaft. Centered in the space above the main body of the text is the citation (lines 1-4) indicating the award of a golden crown which would originally have been shown in paint as was the practice at this period on inscriptions honoring the prytaneis of the Council.3

In general the lettering is neat and quite carefully executed so that large portions of the text are readily legible. The spacing, however, shows considerable irregularities, and the lines vary in length from a minimum of 42 letters (lines 11, 30) to a maximum of 49 (lines 88, 105), those toward the bottom being regularly two or three letters longer than those at the top because of thee taper of the stele. Line 10 with only 26 letters is, of course, a deliberate exception since it records, in slightly larger and more widely spaced letters, only the formula of resolution which thus clearly separates the prescript from the main body of the decree. For the most part the readings are not in doubt since the stone has survived with remarkably little damage. Only on the lower part of the stele toward the right edge has the surface been worn so smooth as to obliterate the letters (PI. 1), though even here very little has been lost.

Line 5: The first four letters were originally cut one half line lower on the stone and then re-cut without erasure in their present positions.

Line 8: The 25 letters before the final epsilon are all inscribed in rasura. The erasure, like four others in lines 9, 22, 50, and 109, simply represents an effort on the part of the stone cutter to correct errors in his transcription of the text which he himself happened to notice. As will be noted below, there are a number of other passages which would have benefited from still further erasure.

Line 9: The name of the chairman of the proedroi has been erased and corrected from the iota of Epichares through the rho of his patronymic.

Line 22: The last 27 letters of the line are cut in rasura. In view of the fact that at the beginning of the line the spacing is unusually crowded, whereas the letters are exceptionally widely spaced toward the end, we may surmise that the erasure was employed to delete letters, or a word, which the mason had mistakenly duplicated.

Line 50: From the 14th letter to the end of the line, all letters are inscribed in rasura. Again the spacing is unusually wide and the letters are a bit larger toward the right end. The mason inadvertently carved the ninth letter from the right edge as delta instead of alpha, so that the stone reads IAIAzI.

Line 62: The 34th letter preserves only the left diagonal of a triangular letter and possibly the lower angle of a delta. The next letter has been completely obliterated, but after it faint outlines of mu, omicron and upsilon can be seen. In the sixth space further to the right are clear indications of a circular letter. This is separated from the upsilon by no more than five letters, and although there is space for two letters between it and the right edge of the stone, this was seemingly uninscribed. In lines 30 and 92 the last letter also falls two spaces from the right edge.

Line 63: The readings of the last two letters are doubtful. Part of the left vertical stroke and of an upper horizontal as of pi seem to be visible, but gamma is also possible epigraphically. The letter has been damaged

3 See S. Dow, Hesperia, Suppl. I, Prytaneis, Athens 1937, p. 20. With few exceptions the wreaths of the citations were regularly painted until ca. 125 B.C.

7


in such a way that a circular letter is not altogether excluded. The last preserved letter in the line was clearly triangular, either alpha or lambda.

Line 64: There is space for no more than four or five letters at the right end of the line. Line 65: The 36th letter was clearly rectangular, the left vertical stroke and upper left angle being

preserved. Gamma and epsilon are also possible epigraphically as well as pi. Traces of a circular letter are preserved in the next space, and there is room for no more than three letters between this and the alpha. Only faint traces of another circular letter can be seen in the second space beyond the alpha.

Line 66: There is only the slightest trace of a stroke in the lower left corner of the last preserved letter space.

Line 67: Of the three dotted letters at the right end of the line only the lowest tips of the strokes are preserved.

Line 74: In the 31st letter space there are traces of two vertical strokes. Epigraphically eta is a possible reading, but the preceding kappa and alpha make it preferable to read both strokes as iotas. The next space preserves the left diagonal of a triangular letter, followed by a centered vertical stroke which can only be read as iota. In the fourth space further to the right, there is visible a left vertical stroke which is more likely to have been joined by other strokes at the middle than at the top or bottom, so that eta or kappa is most probable.

Line 78: The last visible letter in the line had a left vertical stroke, but no other traces survive. There is space for 16 or 17 letters to the right edge of the stone.

Line 79: The 29th letter was mistakenly carved on the stone as mu instead of pi. The last visible letter is epsilon preceded by no more than three missing letters to the left, and followed by five or six letters to the right edge.

Line 80: There is space for no more than five letters to be restored at the right end of the line. Line 82: The dotted kappa preserves only the lowest tip of the vertical stroke. Line 83: The initial letter shows only the lower part of a right diagonal stroke. Line 87: The mason inadvertently omitted one of the kappas from the last word in the line. Line 95: After cutting the left vertical stroke for the first eta of eCrLffAr'rOvat, the mason then carved

the circle for the theta immediately next to it. Seeing his mistake, he proceeded to cut the right vertical of the eta through the middle of the circle, joined the two with a rather long cross bar, and then went on to cut another theta.

Line 96: In the 28th letter space, the stone has chi instead of kappa. Line 98: The stone reads XEIPONOYMEN, one syllable of the word having been omitted by mistake. Line 99: In the fifth letter space the stone has epsilon instead of alpha. Line 103: The stone reads EIZTNHA, the eta of the definite article being omitted. Line 104: Omicron and omega have been mistakenly reversed so that the stone reads Q10O72. Line 108: The sixth letter was mistakenly cut as tau instead of kappa. Line 109: All the letters beginning with the fourth are inscribed in rasura.

CHAPTER II

COMMENTARY ON THE DECREE Lines 1-4: The new document is a decree of the Athenian assembly which confers

a golden crown and other honors (lines 90-99) upon Kallias, son of Thymochares of Sphettos in consideration of his services to Athens at various times in his career. The man's deme and his characteristic prosopography identify him at once as the scion of a wealthy and prominent Athenian family whose members were active in politics and held a number of different public offices throughout much of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. Kallias himself, however, has left no other record of his activities among the Athenian documents. Indeed, his name has hitherto been known only from a Delian decree of the early 3rd century (IG XI 4, 527), which calls him Kallias, son of Thymo- chares the Athenian, and his relationship to the family was first recognized by J. K. Davies.4

Kallias' brother Phaidros, his father Thymochares, and his grandfather Phaidros are all well known as men of public affairs. The last was elected general on at least three occasions in the the third quarter of the 4th century.5 Thymochares, who as as young man seems to have belonged to the circle of Lykourgos, also served as general under the regime of Demetrios of Phaleron; and he commanded Athenian forces fighting with Antigonos in Cyprus probably in 316 B.C., and later with Kassandros in 313/2.6 The public career of Kallias' brother Phaidros7 began during the tyranny of Lachares when

4 APF, p. 526; cf. Kirchner, PA 7824. It may be noted that in the Athenian inscriptions the genitive of the patronymic is spelled without exception ev/toXapov as here lines 3, 90. Cf. IG 112, 682, lines 57, 72; 700, line 1; 7385; Hesperia 15, 1946, p. 192, no. 37, linte Delian text (IG XI 4, 527, line 5) does the name appear in the form 9vp,oXdpovs, as it is transcribed by Kirchner (PA 13963) and Davies (APF, pp. 526, 528).

5 Kirchner, PA 13964; Davies, APF, p. 525. He was elected general in 347/6: IG II2, 213, line 8; before 334/3: IG II 2, 1623, line 240, and cf. lines 174-175, 329, 342; in 323 B.C.: Strabo, X.1.6. Cf. Aischines, 1.43,50. From this grandfather Kallias' brother Phaidros took his name. This indicates that Phaidros was the elder brother and Kallias the younger. Kallias was named for his great grandfather, Kallias of Sphettos, Kirchner, PA 7891; Davies, APF, p. 525.

6 Kirchner, PA 7412; Davies, APF, pp. 525-526. In 329/8 he was elected, along with Lykourgos and other prominent Athenians, as one of the hieropoioi of the Amphiareia at Oropos (IG VII, 4254 =SIG3, 298, lines 29-30). For his military commands, IG II2, 682, lines 3-18; Appendix 1. If his first generalship in Asia and Cyprus was in command of Athenian ships cooperating with Antigonos and Demetrios, this will explain the excision of some 20 letters in line 6, where the names of Antigonos and Demetrios should presumably be restored, cf. Dittenberger's note, SIG3, 409 ad loc., and for the date of the campaign, C. Habicht, AthMitt 72, 1957, p. 162, note 26. 7 Kirchner, PA 13963; Davies, APF, pp. 526-527. For the details of his career, IG II2, 682, lines 21-63; Appendix 1, the only source. As a political figure of the early 3rd century he has been much discussed,


in 296/5 he was elected general c7r '7v trapaaKevrv twice, both before and after the dissolution of the Boule in that year. In the years after Athens' capitulation to Deme- trios Poliorketes, when the city was subject to Demetrios as king of Macedon and occupied by his garrisons on the Mouseion and in Peiraieus, Phaidros apparently held office almost continuously, several times as general E'f r71v x(pav, three times as commander of the foreign mercenaries, once as ambassador to Ptolemy I Soter, and twice as hoplite general. Later, during the years of the nationalist government, Phaidros' public activities were confined to the organization of festivals and athletic events, to various liturgies and public subscriptions, services which drew more heavily upon his personal fortune than upon his political experience or military prowess. Our knowledge of the family, and of the career f Phaidros in particular, is based in large part upon the honorary decree for him (IG II2, 682) to which reference has already been made. This document forms a striking parallel for the new decree in honor of Kallias: a parallel in that both brothers won by their good deeds the highest honors which the Demos could bestow, but striking in that the careers of these two men, exactly contemporary and closely related, should in the event be so different and their politics so divergent. Indeed, a close comparison of the two decrees will show in graphic detail the extent to which the political dislocations of the late 4th and early 3rd centuries had disrupted some of the most substantial families of Athens and polarized their politics.

It was long ago recognized by Tarn8 that the complexion of Phaidros' politics was pro-Macedonian, even if moderate, as he has often been called. Many details of IG II2, 682 serve to bear out this interpretation. There can be no doubt that the decree was promulgated during the period of Macedonian control following Athens' defeat in the Chremonidean War, for the golden crown and the stele were paid for by the single Officer of Administration (o c97r re. 4L SOLK aoE, lines 79-80, 91), the characteristic administrative official of the Macedonian period.9 The date can be determined more precisely because the last recorded event of Phaidros' career is dated by the archon Euboulos III of 256/5 (line 58), in whose year Phaidros' son Thymochares was agonothetes. Moreover, both the decree and its amendment were moved by Lyandros, son of Lysiades of Anaphlystos, who served as treasurer of the Council in Philinos' archonship (254/3) and also proposed a decree in honor of a prytany of that year.10 Since Lyandros specified that Phaidros' honors should be proclaimed at the Great Pana- thenaia (line 77), his decree was probably passed in a year prior to the celebration of that

and the events and chronology of his career have been variously interpreted. See W. S. Ferguson, Klo 5, 1905, p. 161; Ferguson, HA, pp. 133,137,141f.; W. W. Tarn, Ant. Gon., pp. 45f., 422; K. J. Beloch, RivFil 51, 1923, pp. 273-286; W. B. Dinsmoor, Archons, pp. 70f., 77-80; W. Hoffmann, RE XIX, 1938, cols. 1553-1555, s.v. Phaidros (4). For the chronology and interpretation followed here, see below, pp. 65-72.

8 Ant. Gon., pp. 4546; followed by Dinsmoor, Archons, p. 77; Dinsmoor, List, p. 51. 9 Dinsmoor, Archons, pp. 65-66. 10 Agora XV, no. 89=Hesperia 38, 1969, p. 418, no. 1, lines 5-6, 32, and for the date, cf. Meritt,

Hesperia 38, 1969, p. 433.

COMMENTARY ON THE DECREE

quadrennial festival. It follows, then, that the most likely date is 255/4, the year which intervened between the archonship of Euboulos III and the Great Panathenaia in the summer of 254 B.C."1

In the context of these years of most stringent Macedonian domination at Athens, it is readily understandable that the family's pro-Macedonian leanings should receive public acclaim. Phaidros' son Thymochares was not only elected agonothetes of 256/5, but he had previously served as archon of 258/7, at a time when election by lot had been abrogated and the city's highest civic office was in the appointment of the Macedonian king.12 Furthermore, the decree for Phaidros describes with obvious approval the activities of his father Thymochares in the Macedonian cause as general under Kassan- dros' creature, Demetrios of Phaleron (lines 3-19). But the the text goes on to state explicitly that Phaidros himself shared the same political principles with his ancestors: ir1v av3rrv atpemLv EXV roTs 7TrpOOVOLS (lines 19-20); and this is borne out by the subsequent actions of his public career. As hoplite general in the archonships of Kimon and Xenophon (lines 30-52), his policies sufficiently promoted the Macedonian interests so that nine full lines of text, describing Phaidros' actions in those two years, were chiseled from the stone by the vengeful Athenians of 200 B.C. who sought thus to obliterate from the public record all memory of the Antigonid house in their wrath at Philip V.13 However these lacunae may be filled by modern historians and Phaidros' actions be related to contemporary events, his conduct of affairs was clearly construed by later Athenians as favorable to Macedon, or it would still be possible to read of what he did.

With all this the career of Kallias is in sharpest contrast. He was honored by the nationalist government some 15 years earlier than his brother, as we learn from the plural Board of Administration (o cEot TEL S&oLK77UL) which arranged for his crown and paid for the stele (lines 95, 108). Moreover, his decree is redolent with the rhetoric

'1 For passage of the decree in the second year of an Olympiad, prior to the Great Panathenaia, Beloch, Gr. Gesch. IV2, ii, pp. 85-87 (with date in 256/5 or 252/1); Dinsmoor, Archons, pp. 168-169 (with date in 259/8). Cf. IG II2, 677, lines 1-3: [Kal avavewtaa/uevov] Trovo &r$,ov Tr']v Ovrlav Kaa r[a ayvdyaTlara rwv 7a]va0qvaLov ro' rE aTrdaov Kar[EaKevaaev 'a raEl]wS. If Dittenberger's restorations are correct, we may

infer that the Panathenaic festival was interrupted for some years after the Chremonidean War. It is possible that the renewal of the festival and refurbishing of the stadium by Antigonos' friend, Herakleitos of Ath- monon, coincided with the announcement of Phaidros' honors. Both these events would have been eminently appropriate in 254 B.C., the first celebration of the Great Panathenaia after Antigonos' "liberation of Athens" in 01. 131. 1=256/5, Eusebios, Chron. Can. II, pp. 120-121 (ed. Schoene), p. 201 (ed. Karst).

12 For the archonship of Thymochares, IG II2, 700+Hesperia 7, 1938, p. 110, no. 20; Dinsmoor, Archons, pp. 168-169 (there dated 259/8); Pritchett and Meritt, Chronology, p. xx (there dated 257/6); Meritt, Ath. Year, pp. 140-142 (there dated 258/7). For Antigonos' appointment of archons after the Chremonidean War, F. Gr. Hist., 244, Apollodoros F 44: Ka.C #povpa[v eds] Tr Movaelov [To're] dojX- N[at r'] Av'lyo'vov, [Kac TaS] dpXas [avmqip'afla] Kal mTva' ey[t] flovAEv[ELv(?) eb]EFlr0aL.

13 Livy, XXXI.44.4-6: rogationem extemplo tulerunt plebesque scivit ut Philippi statuae et imagines omnes nominaque earum, item maiorum eius virile ac muliebre secus omnium tollerentur delerenturque diesque festi, sacra, sacerdotes, quae ipsius maiorumque eius honoris causa instituta essent, omnia profanarentur;... sacerdotes publicos, quotienscumque pro populo Atheniensi sociisque, exercitibus et classibus eorum precarentur, totiens detestari atque exsecrari Philippum, liberos eius regnumque, terrestres navalesque copias, Macedonum genus omne nomenque. Cf. Ferguson, HA, pp. 276-277.

11


of democracy: Kallias did not shrink from any danger while fighting for the deliverance of the Demos (lines 31-32), and he saw his property confiscated rather than act in any way against the democracy of all Athenians (lines 80-83). Unlike the decree for Phaidros, there is no mention here of Kallias' family and the deeds of his ancestors; there is no reference to their political principles which Phaidros espoused and Kallias rejected. It is to be noted that throughout the 17 years of his career covered by our text, Kallias held no elected nor allotted office in the government of Athens, but he was for all or most of this time a commander of mercenary soldiers in the service of Ptolemy I Soter and Ptolemy II Philadelphos. The decree speaks of the soldiers rtov nfE' av,rTov Teray!Evwv ev vAvSpwl (line 20), with whom Kallias went to the aid of Athens, aKoAovoa

TpaTTCaV TEl TOV f/aarAtEWS HToAq?alov rpos TOV -)opov Evvolat (lines 22-23); and at the time the decree was passced he is described as being stationed by King Ptolemy in Halikarnassos (line 71). As we shall have occasion to see in more detail shortly, many of the services for which Kallias is here honored specifically concern Athens' relations with the king of Egypt; and his role seems often to have been that of diplomatic intermediary interceding with the king on behalf of Athens and her ambassadors.

Lines 5-9: The decree for Kallias is dated to the archonship of Sosistratos in which Athenodoros, son of Gorgippos of Acharnai, was secretary of the Council. The archon Sosistratos has been known heretofore only from two dedications by the agonothetes of his year, one of which preserves the archon's name, while in the other the name is to be restored (IG II2, 3081, 3082). A third inscription (IG II2, 3851) is on the base of an honorary statue of the same agonothetes, Theophanes, son of Dios- kourides of Euonymon; but while t can be assigned to the year of Sosistratos, the archon's name does not appear in the text. In the absence of his secretary's name and deme, Sosistratos has been assigned to various otherwise unoccupied years in the early 3rd century. Attempts have been made to restore his name at the beginning of IG II2, 672 and 670 B, and thus to date his archonship from the context of these documents. He has accordingly been placed in 280/79,14 but has come more recently to reside in 277/6, there being no other claimant whose title to that year was demonstrable.15 The discovery of the secretary, Athenodoros of Acharnai, now permits the year of Sosi- stratos to be fixed precisely. The secretary from Acharnai represents the tribe Oineis (VIII) and must, therefore, occupy the eighth position in a secretary cycle. His year must come before the end of the Chremonidean War since the plural Board of Admini- stration is still in office (lines 95, 108), but it is later than the accession of Ptolemy II Philadelphos (283/2) and the establishment of the Ptolemaia at Alexandria, both of

14 Restored in IG II2, 672 by A. C. Johnson, CP 9, 1914, pp. 258, 430 (with date in 282/1); followed by Meritt, Hesperia 7, 1938, pp. 104, 133 (with date in 280/79); Dinsmoor, List, pp. 48-49, 54; Pritchett and Meritt, Chronology, p. xviii. Restoration of his name in IG II2, 670 B was suggested by Meritt, Ath. Year, p. 233, note 35.

15 Proposed by Beloch, Gr. Gesch., IV2, ii, p. 72 on the basis of his dating of IG II2, 672; followed by Dinsmoor, Archons, pp. 75-76; idem, Hesperia 23, 1954, p. 314; Meritt, Ath. Year, p. 233; E. Manni, Historia 24, 1975, p. 26. But see now Meritt, Historia 26, 1977, p. 174.


which events are mentioned in the text (lines 44- 45, 55-56). Within this period the only possible position for a secretary from Acharnai (VIII) is in 270/69 to which Sosistratos can accordingly be assigned,16 next after Pytharatos (271/0) with his secretary from Kephale (VII).

The decree was passed at the principal assembly of the sixth prytany, and the prescript provides the calendric equation: Posideon 18= Prytany VI 21. This equation is satisfied if Posideon 18 fell on the 166th day of an ordinary year in which Hekatom- baion was a full month of 30 days, and the first five prytanies each had 29 days. That 270/69 should prove to be an ordinary year in the festival calendar is appropriate and was to have been expected in view of the intercalary character of Pytharatos' year (271/0) which immediately preceded. Evidence for the calendar of 271/0 comes from the equation: Metageitnion 9= Prytany II 7= 39th day,17 and this alone would have suggested a typical intercalary year in which the prytanies each had 32 days and the year began with a full month. Such a year of 13 months would also normally have ended with 30 days in the last month; and we should then have expected the following year to begin with 29 days in Hekatombaion in order to preserve the usual alternation of full and hollow months. The equation of our inscription will not allow a month of 29 days at the beginning of 270/69, unless we posit a reversal in the alternation of the months so as to place two full months back to back during the first five months of the year.'8

Two other equations are known, however, from 271/0, and they give evidence of considerable irregularity during the latter part of the year. A total of eight days was intercalated in the festival calendar early in Elaphebolion, the ninth day of that month being itself intercalated four times, presumably in order to postpone the festival of the Dionysia.19 Another equation has been restored by B. D. Meritt as of Prytany XII: [27KtpO0o]pltVOS E"VEL Kat [VEatl 7pOTrEpca, tL&la Kat TrptaKO]aTrE T~7S 7TpVTaVe[1aS-], the same equation which is preserved in IG II2, 495 for the next-to-last day of 303/2. On

16 This year has been variously claimed for other archons: Peithidemos, Dinsmoor, Archons, pp. 30, 81; Dinsmoor, List, pp. 21, 26ff.; Diogeiton, Pritchett and Meritt, Chronology, p. xix; Philippides, Dinsmoor, Hesperia 23, 1954, p. 314; Meritt, Ath. Year, p. 233; Manni, Historia 24, 1975, p. 26. Of these Diogeiton, with a secretary from Keiriadai (X) is no longer eligible to follow Pytharatos, with his secretary from Kephale (VII). The secretaries of Peithidemos and Philippides are unknown, but both must now yield 270/69 to Sosistratos. Philippides, the most recent claimant, is known only from a single dedicatory inscription (IG II2, 2859), and he could be placed equally well in 269/8, which is now no longer occupied since the removal of Philinos from 269/8 to 254/3, Meritt, Hesperia 38, 1969, pp. 432f. IG II2, 672, in which the name of Sosistratos can no longer be restored, is still to be dated in 277/6 although the archon's name for that year is unknown, Meritt, Historia 26, 1977, p. 174.

17 The calendar of 271/0 is known from two inscriptions published by Dinsmoor, Hesperia 23, 1954, pp. 284-316; for the equation, p. 288, lines 3-5. Two other texts have been added by Meritt, Ath. Year, pp. 192- 195, of which the latter, pp. 194-195, should now be dissociated from Pytharatos, cf. Pritchett, ZPE 20, 1976, pp. 185-192.

18 Cf. e.g. the calendar of 306/5: Pritchett, AJP 58, 1937, pp. 329-333; Meritt, Ath. Year, pp. 138-139; idem, Hesperia 33, 1964, p. 9; also the arrangement of months proposed by Meritt for 247/6 and 188/7, Ath. Year, pp. 137, 156. 19 Hesperia 23, 1954, p. 299, lines 2-5, and cf. pp. 308ff.

13


the basis of this equation, Meritt has argued that Skirophorion of these two years was planned as a hollow month (29 days) and subsequently made full by repeating the last day (evr7 Kal vea), in order to make the festival calendar coterminous with the prytany year.20 If this be the case, we may perhaps suppose that the full Hekatombaion of 270/69 was planned when it was thought that Skirophorion of 271/0 would be a hollow month. It may be noted that a similar juxtaposition of full Skirophorion followed by full Hekatombaion probably occurred two years earlier in the summer of 272 B.C., when the ordinary year of Lysitheides (272/1) succeeded the intercalary year of Glaukippos (273/2).21

Line 11: The speaker who made the motion, Euchares, son of Euarchos of Kon- thyle, is known to have served as avaypaCevs r v vo'uov in 304/3. He was at that time responsible for the publication of all the laws enacted by the nomothetai of that year, and as a result of his efficiet conduct of office, Euchares was praised and crowned by the Boule.22 It is natural enough that a man who had participated in the revision of the law code after the democratic restoration of 307/6 should likewise find a congenial climate for political activity in the years of the nationalist government. Euchares' involvement in both these periods is closely parallel to that of Demochares of Leukonoe, with whom he must hae been nearly contemporary in age, since he was honored for public service a full 34 years before the date of his decree for Kallias. Also like Demo- chares, Euchares must have been an effective public speaker, if we may judge from the unusually rhetorical style of the present decree.

Lines 12-18: These and the following lines preserve the most detailed and cir- cumstantial account that has yet come to light of Athens' revolt from Demetrios Poliorketes in 286 B.C.23 We shall turn shortly to consider the proper historical setting

20 For the text, Meritt, Ath. Year, pp. 192-193; for discussion of the same equation in 303/2, idem, Hesperia 33, 1964, pp. 6-7; cf. idem, p E 1968, pp. 77-80; 1973, pp. 237-245; AJP 95, 1974, pp. 268- 279. Pritchett, BCH 88, 1964, p. 465 has strongly emphasized the degree to which this equation for 271/0 relies upon restoration of the text.

21 That Skirophorion of 273/2 was a full month at the end of an intercalary year is indicated by IG II 2, 676, lines 3-6 with the equation: Skirophorion 21= Prytany XII [2]3 = 375th day, W. K. Pritchett and 0. Neugebauer, The Calendars of Athens, Cambridge, Mass. 1947, p. 70. Inscriptions of the year of Lysitheides (272/1) have been studied by Meritt, Hesperia 26, 1957, pp. 54-57. The year was ordinary, and all three equations show exact correspondence between the festival date and the prytany date. The equation of IG II 2, 704: Elaphebolion 26 = Prytany IX 26= 262nd day (see Pritchett and Meritt, Chronology, p. 97, note 29) requires that Elaphebolion be a full month. If the full and hollow months alternated in regular succession, Hekatombaion would likewise have had 30 days at the beginning of the year.

22 IG II2, 487. Cf. Kirchner, PA 6131. For the revision of the laws after the fall of Demetrios of Phaleron, Ferguson, HA, pp. 103-104.

23 These events have been discussed with varying interpretations and chronologies by Ferguson, HA, pp. 144-150 (with date in winter 289/8, dissociated from the archon Diokles); Tarn, Ant. Gon., pp. 92-98, 418-422 (with date in late spring 288, shortly before the archonship of Diokles, there dated 288/7); Beloch, Gr. Gesch. IV2, i, pp. 231-232; IV2, ii, pp. 65-67, 105-106 (with date June-July 288, but before the fall of Demetrios, there placed in late 288). A date in the early summer of 288 has since been adopted by Dinsmoor,


of the new document and the chronology of events which it implies. It is sufficient here to observe the extent to which the new text confirms the evidence provided by other sources for the Athenian uprising. Although Plutarch gave only brief mention to the revolution in his Life of Demetrios (46.1-2; Appendix 3), more detailed information can be pieced together from a passage of Pausanias (I.26.1-2; Appendix 5) and the honorific decree for the mercenary soldier Strombichos (IG II2, 666, 667; Appendix 7, 8). Pausanias reports that the Athenians elected Olympiodoros general. "He led them, old men and young boys alike, against the Macedonians, hoping to succeed in battle more from daring than from strength. When the Macedonians marched out to meet him, he defeated them in battle; they fled to the Mouseion, and he took the place. Athens was thus liberated from the Macedonians." In the decree for Strom- bichos, the revolution is seen from the revolution is seen from the point of view of a captain of mercenaries in Demetrios' service, who at the time of the revolt was lieutenant to a certain Spintharos, commandant of Demetrios' garrison on the Mouseion.24

When the Demos took up arms for freedom and asked even the mercenaries to come over on the side of the city, he complied with the Demos for the sake of freedom and put his arms with the fcity; for he thought that he ought not to oppose the city's best interests, but should rather help to be the author of its deliverance; and he joined with the Demos in besieging the Mouseion (IG II2, 666, lines 9-15). From these two sources there emerges a clear sequence of events. The Athenian

democrats revolted from Demetrios and elected Olympiodoros general, to command whatever forces he could raise against the Macedonian garrison in the city. The insurgents then offered bribes to Strombichos, and he deserted together with a portion of the garrison under his command and fought with the democrats. The remainder of the garrison attempted to crush the revolt, was defeated into crush thte in the strevets of Athens, and forced to seek refuge again in their fort on the Mouseion. Finally, Olympio- doros stormed the Mouseion with the aid of Strombichos and captured the fort itself with the loss of only 13 men, whose graves Pausanias (1.29.13; Appendix 6) later saw in the Kerameikos, and among whom a certain Leokritos (1.26.2) was first to mount the wall and first to enter the fort.

In the new decree, this celebrated episode is described in a series of temporal clauses in the genitive absolute. The speaker is careful to distinguish with unusual

Archons, pp. 57-59; G. Elkeles, Demetrios der Stadtebelagerer (Diss. Breslau 1941), p. 101 and note 23; P. Leveque, Pyrrhos, pp. 158-161; E. Will, Monde hellenistique I, pp. 79-80; C. W. Wehrli, Antigone et Deme- trios, Geneva 1968, pp. 184-185. A date in 287/6 was accepted by Manni, Dem. Pol., p. 69. A. R. Deprado, RivFil, n.s. 31, 1953, pp. 27-42 correctly dated Diokles in 286/5 but placed the revolt during the first 11 days of that archon year. H. Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte, Munich 1960, p. 377 and note 5, adopted a date for the revolt in the summer of 287, simultaneous with Demetrios' fall in Macedonia.

24 The phrase KaTaAEi6eLS ev C arle /-ZETa ?rwvOdcpov (line 8) was construed by Deprado, RivFil, n.s. 31, 1953, p. 29 to mean that Strombichos was a prisoner in Spintharos' charge. But the participle derives from KaraAct7rCo, not from KaraAa,4avivw, and means that he was left behind in command. For the same usage applied to a military command, cf. IG XII 5, 1004, line 2, quoted footnote 37. For recent discussion of the decree, H. Heinen, Untersuchungen, pp. llOff.

15


precision the same order of events. The Demos rose up against those who were "holding down the city" and drove the mercenaries out of the city itself, but they still occupied the fort on the Mouseion to which they then retreated. Our text also makes clear distinction between two separate groups of the enemy who tried to put down the nationalist revolt: rTOV EK Trov aTarrcoW arpaT'curas (lines 13-14), and ir,v EK rTO

7etpaEsWs (line 16). The former refers to the mercenaries under Spintharos' command who remained loyal to Demetrios, while the latter is to be understood as the Macedonian garrison stationed in the Peiraieus. These troops were probably joined later by those who survived the storming of the Mouseion, and their purpose in ravaging the Attic countryside was undoubtedly to prevent Athens from provisioning herself for the siege with which Demetrios would shortly invest the city.

Another clause in the genitive absolute refers to Demetrios' approach to Athens after the first successful stage of the revolt. It is interesting to note that he came not from the direction of Macedonia, but from the Peloponnese. This evidence serves to bear out Plutarch's statement (Demetr. 45.1,3) that Demetrios after his flight from Macedonia went about the cities of Greece as a private man trying to collect his friends and supporters and to secure the loyalty of his garrisons. Although the text speaks generally of the Peloponnese, there need be no doubt that Corinth,25 as the principal Macedonian garrison in that region, would be the natural place for Demetrios to regroup his forces; and he would have marched thence with his army in his vain attempt to quell the Athenian revolt.

Here, as elsewhere among the documents of the nationalist government, the deposed Antigonid king is referred to without the royal title, although throughout the same inscription the title faotAEvs is given to both Ptolemy Soter and Ptolemy Phila- delphos. Ironically, the Athenians themselves are said to have been the first to address Antigonos Monophthalmos and his son Demetrios as kings, apparently after the battle of Salamis in 306 B.C. In the Athenian inscriptions, the title appears first on the last day of Mounichion in 305 and was used thereafter regularly until the revolution of 286.26 During the ascendancy of the nationalist regime, from the revolt of Athens to the end of the Chremonidean War, although the preserved inscriptions are many fewer than for the last years of the 4th century, it is a noticeable fact that Antigonos and Demetrios are nowhere called fatAES.27 All the other kings, on the contrary, both

25 For Corinth as the principal Antigonid fortress in the Peloponnese, see the full discussion of H. Bengtson, Strategie II, pp. 345-362.

26 Plutarch, Demetr. 10.3, first speaks of the Athenians' granting the royal title to Antigonos and Demetrios in connection with the restoration of the democracy in 307/6, but in Demetr. 17.5-18.1 and Diodorus, XX.53.2, they are said to have taken the title after the victory at Salamis. For the earliest epigraphical appearance of the title, IG II2, 471, lines 15-16. It may simply be due to the chance of preservation that the royal title does not appear in earlier inscriptions, but it was evidently a recent innovation in the spring of 305, since IG II2, 1492, line 99, referring to a date just nine days earlier, mentions Antigonos without title; but the same document uses the royal title under date of Skirophorion 21, 305 B.C., line 121. Cf. Ferguson, HA, p. 107, note 4. 27 Cf. IG II2, 666, line 8; Appendix 7; and especially similar to the usage of our text, IG II2, 657, lines 16-18; 28; Appendix 11.


living and dead, are consistently referred to by the royal title.28 It is not here a question that Demetrios was no longer living at the time of our inscription, for Ptolemy Soter had likewise been dead for 13 years before Euchares' decree for Kallias was passed; nor can it be a question that Demetrios was no longer king of Macedon at the time of the revolt here described, since the Athenians had addressed him as king a full decade before he became king of Macedon. The omission of the royal title seems rather to be a sign of deliberate hostility and disrespect on the part of the Athenian nationalists; for a later decree of 252/1,29 passed by the pro-Macedonian government during the reign of Antigonos Gonatas, refers once again to King Demetrios.

Lines 18-23: Our text here introduces an entirely new dimension into the history of the Athenian revolt; for we are now provided with the astonishing information that a force of Ptolemaic mercenaries, acting on Ptolemy's orders, was fighting in Attica on the side of the Athenian nationalists. What is more, a Ptolemaic military base commanded by Kallias had already been established on the island of Andros prior to the revolt of Athens. Such mercenary garrisons came later to be the basic instrument of Ptolemaic hegemony over the islands of the Aegean. By the time of the Chremonidean War similar bases ringed the Cyclades; and evidence of their presence, the names of some of their commanders, and lists of personnel survive in inscriptions from Thera, Keos, Samos, eastern Crete, and later at Methana in the Peloponnese.30 This is the first

28 Lysimachos: IG II2, 657, lines 10, 11, 17, 21, 33, 37; 662 (=Hesperia 26, 1957, p. 29=SEG XVI, 62), lines 7, 9, 10, 13; 663, lines 3, 5, 8, 18. Seleukos Nikator: IG II2, 672, line 39. Ptolemy Soter: IG II2, 650, lines 11-12; above lines 23, 32, 41. Ptolemy Philadelphos: IG II2, 687, lines 16, 22, 33; above lines 44-45, 48, 51, 55, 66, 68, 71-72, 73-74. Spartokos of Bosporos: IG II2, 653, lines 33, 42 (elsewhere in the text the title is not used). Audoleon of Paionia: IG II2, 654, lines 12, 36-37 (but the title is not used in IG II2, 655, lines 8, 10).

29 IG II2, 777, line 9, archon Kallimedes. Cf. the same treatment of Kassandros, who as an enemy of both Antigonos Monophthalmos and Athens was mentioned without title by the pro-Antigonid author of the decree for Phaidros of Sphettos, IG II2, 682, lines 13-14, but Ptolemy Soter is called /3aatAevs, line 28.

30 See generally Bengston, Strategie III, pp. 183-188 and most recently Bagnall, Ptolemaic Possessions, pp. 117-158. The garrison at Thera was evidently established by the time of the Chremonidean War and is well documented in the middle of the 2nd century. Inscriptions of that period preserve the names of many of its officers and men: IG XII 3, 327, 466 and 1390, 467 and 1391; 1296 (=OGIS, 59, 102, 110, 735; cf. SEG I, 343); cf. Pros. Ptol. VI, pp. 107-143 passim. That Patroklos was honored at Thera in connection with his expedition in the Chremonidean War (IG XII 3, 320= OGIS, 44) suggests that the base was already established before the middle of the 3rd century. On Ios a Ptolemaic naval squadron, under the command of Zenon, had already been established in the 280's, at about the time of the base on Andros, IG XII 5, 1004= OGIS, 773. On Keos officers stationed by Ptolemy II are mentioned in IG XII 5, 1061, 1066, the former in connection with Patroklos' expedition. The Ptolemaic base on Samos is first mentioned in IG XII 7, 506, line 4 (= SIG3, 390) and cannot have been acquired before Lysimachos' death at Kouroupedion in 281 B.C., since the island was formerly in his possession, see below, p. 37 and footnote 92. For a list of mercenaries belonging to the garrison or naval base later in the century, see L. Robert, Etudes epigraphiques etphilologiques, Paris 1938, pp. 113ff. The garrison commander Pelops was honored by the city, SEG I, 364; cf. Robert, op. cit., p. 116; Pros. Ptol. VI, 14618; cf., however, the discussion of Bagnall, Ptolemaic Possessions, pp. 80-88. Officers of the garrisons on Crete and at Methana are mentioned in ICret III, pp. 81-83, no. 2, lines 4-8 (=OGIS, 45), no. 3, lines 4-7 (=SEG II, 512), which describe Patroklos as arparvqy0s es Kp'rrav and IG XII 3, 466 (= OGIS, 102), where there is mention of the oikonomos and grammateus of the mercenaries in

17


indication that such a garrison was also based on Andros, and its existence there before the revolt of Athens provides the earliest evidence for the expansion of Ptolemaic political and military power into Aegean waters.

The circumstances leading to the establishment of the base on Andros can better be discussed in the context of the events which precipitated the action of the Athenian nationalists, but it is important to stress the location of Kallias' base of operations. As the northernmost of the Cyclades, Andros is one of the islands most conveniently located for access to the harbors on the east coast of Attica. It was there that a foreign expeditionary force coming to the aid of the democracy would naturally seek to land, since the Macedonian garrison in the Peiraieus placed the port of Athens out of reach. Indeed, Kallias' landing in Attica here described bears striking resemblance to the operations of another Ptolemaic commander, Patroklos, who attempted to support the Athenian side in the Chremonidean War. Patroklos staged his campaign from the island of Keos,31 which is closer to Attica, but further south, opposite Cape Sounion. Andros, on the other hand, although it is somewhat more distant, is more centrally situated with respect to the long reach of the Attic coastline; and the island lies due east of the best natural harbor on the east coast, at Porto Raphti, which later figured likewise in Patroklos' strategy and was defended by his fort on the Koroni peninsula.32

The phraseology of the text leaves no doubt about Kallias' position or about the nature of the forces under his command, for Athenian documents frequently express the relation of mercenary troops to their commanding officer in similar terms. Thus a company of mercenaries wishing to praise the Athenian gen eral Thoukritos introduced the decree: 'Sofev TOlS urparwT'rat[S] rolS TETay/$evoLS VrTrO T]t[O]KpaTrr)v (IG II2, 1286). The soldiers serving under the peripolarchos Smikithion are similarly described: ETa{Ev 'EAevcrtlva8e Kal TovS UrpaTtcLTas TovS /LEO' Eavrov (IG II2, 1193, lines 4-6). In the decree honoring the general Aristophanes, the mercenaries and their commander are carefully distinguished from the Athenians: ro[Ls ev 'EA?VOl]vt reray/.LEVoLS T(W/ roAlTV)V Kal TOS El H T aVaKTU Kal (Xl IVAel KaL To[ZS {EvoLs TO]-S PEra Jrvcoaov TETayLEvoLS (IG II2, 1299, lines 40-42). That Kallias' men were indeed mercenaries is made explicit since the text refers to the wages (oqicwa) and rations (aTroEstpcraas) which he distributed to his thousand picked troops before embarking for Attica. These two elements of remuneration, the day wage paid in currency and the daily allotment of food paid in kind, are often combined to form the salaries of employees in many

Crete, Arsinoe (Methana) in the Peloponnese, and Thera. For a list of Ptolemaic troops at Gortyn, ICret IV, 195; cf. also the honors bestowed on Patroklos at Olous in Crete, ICret I, pp. 247-248, no. 4, lines 36- 37, although there is no mention of the garrison as such.

31 IG XII 5, 1061 shows that Patroklos stationed the Syracusan Hieron on Keos with the title nrcra-rw-n ev ApatvorLF before setting out for his campaign in Attica. Patroklos' expedition across the Aegean has been discussed in detail by M. Launey, REA 47, 1945, pp. 33-45 and Heinen, Untersuchungen, pp. 142-152. For Patroklos, Pros. Ptol. VI, 15063.

32 See E. Vanderpool, J. R. McCredie, and A. Steinberg, Hesperia 31, 1962, pp. 26-61; eidem, 33, 1964, pp. 69-75; McCredie, Hesperia, Suppl. XI, Fortified Military Camps in Attica, 1966, pp. 1-16. For Patroklos' operations in Attica, ibid., pp. 107-115; Heinen, Untersuchungen, pp. 159-167.


classes of work, and the terms employed in our text find frequent parallels among the papyrus documents of Ptolemaic Egypt.33 Moreover, the pay of mercenary soldiers, as officially defined by treaties between their cities and the employing states, is at times specifically quoted in terms of both wages and rations per day. Although the language differs slightly, the principle is well illustrated in a treaty between Attalos I and several Cretan cities where it is stated: rapE 'x[o]vrEs' r-S '/ipas! EKaoTro a6vop SpaXaFv Alytvatav, rcv 8' ye0ov7 v KcaaTrt SpaXidas Svo Kat Kara rcaua XolvtKa Arr[tLK]'v, fAv ILt7 ev TroAqE.tat ;catv, ov ea-rat atrov Aavpave v.34 Similarly Polybios makes use of the same juxtaposition of obwtvov and atroErpla when he describes the pay of the Roman army in the 2nd century as composed of both wages in coin and a stated measure of wheat per day.35

When Kallias and his mercenaries, serving in the pay of Ptolemy I, came to the aid of Athens (lines 22-23), they were acting in accordance with Ptolemy's policy of good will and friendship toward the Athenian democrats. Once again the language of our decree can be interpreted on the basis of closely similar phraseology elsewhere. The Spartan Hippomedon, who served Ptolemy III as general in charge of the Helles- pont and Thrace, received honors from the people of Samothrace because he had gone to the defense of that island and supplied it with armaments and mercenaries: [aKo]- AovOa 7rpaTdTov rTEt TO flacA'wsX alpeat.36 This phrase, which appears almost verbatim in the decree for Kallias, makes it clear that in each case the Ptolemaic commanders were the instruments of royal policy and were no doubt acting on orders from the king.

Lines 23-32: The efforts of the Ptolemaic forces to support the revolution are here described, and the decree records two separate engagements in which Kallias' regiment took part. After Olympiodoros' initial success in storming the Mouseion and driving out the Macedoniannew government garrison,faced the new government faced the critical need to supply the city with food, and above all to harvest the crops in the fields, before Demetrios could reach Attica with the main part of his army and blockade the city. Indeed, Demetrios' troops in the Peiraieus responded at once to this situation (lines 15-16), and resorting to the time-honored tactic of Greek warfare, they began to lay waste the countryside.

33 P. Cair. Zen., 59421, lines 6-7; 59498; 59507, line 5. The payment of Hellenistic mercenaries has been fully discussed by G. T. Griffith, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World, Cambridge 1935, pp. 274- 276; M. Launey, Recherches sur les armees hellenistiques II, Paris 1950, pp. 725-735; cf. the useful remarks of P. Ducrey, BCH 94, 1970, pp. 653-656. 34 BCH 94, 1970, p. 639, lines 21-26. Cf. also the terms of payment in the treaty between Antigonos Doson and Hierapytna, ICret III, pp. 24-27, 1 A (= H. H. Schmitt, Staatsvertrdge 502) with the restoration of lines 30-32 proposed by P. Ducrey and H. van Effenterre, Kpr^r. Xpov. 21, 1969, p. 297. Two papyri of the 1st century B.C. reflect the same method of payment, partly in cash and partly in kind, W. Kunkel, Archiv fur Papyrusforschung 8, 1927, pp. 202-205, nos. 8, 9. Here an Egyptian military pay- master requisitions his monthly payroll partly from the avroAo'yos of the royal granary, and partly from the Tpa7re^iTTrS of the royal bank.

35 Polybios, VI.39.12-13: o'lt'jvtov 8' od pIEv 7reol Aapftavovat rrs 'qpas 8v' od,oAovs, oE SCe TaelapXot SiTAOVV, ot 8' IrrTrels SpaXji77v. airolJLrpovvrai 8 ot /Lev 7TreLof rvpCv ATTtKOV f8L/esLVOV v'o pp77 daLAXaTrca TW. 36 IG XII 8, 156, lines 16-17 (=SIG3, 502= P. M. Fraser, Samothrace 2, I, New York 1960, p. 39).

19


It was, no doubt, against these raids of the Peiraieus garrison that Kallias deployed his men in order to protect the harvest of the grain (line 25).

In a city which, in the recent past, had been starved into surrender after the siege of 295/4, the urgency of gathering the crops in time of war is readily understandable. The strategic importance of the Attic harvest to the defense of Athens is vividly re- flected in other inscriptions in which military officers proudly include among their other feats the fact that they brought in the crops at a critical moment. Thus Kallias' own brother Phaidros reports on his command as hoplite general, in circumstances to which we shall have occasion to return: "And he was responsible for bringing in the grain and the other crops from the countryside" (IG II2, 682, lines 35-36; Appendix

anxiety of the city as a whole for the success of the harvest in these same years of war is still manifest in the unique sacrifice for the crops in the countryside offered by the eponymous archon, Nikias of Otryne, in 266/5: %Hvev ?'q Vyedat Kal aUITrI[pla rT7s go]vAraS Kali rov eSTov T-oV AOrTvaKwv Ka[t rZv K]ap7rrVc r6pv ev TEi X^cpaK (IG II2, 668,

Here again the analogous situation of the Chremonidean War serves to illuminate the events of the earlier revolution, and this suggests the extent to which Kallias' timely su po Ias col ao the support was critical to the success of the natinaalist cause. But still greater interest attaches to his activities, for they bring to mind at once the involvement in these same events of another Ptolemaic officer, a certain Zenon, who had been stationed in command of a squadron of light cruisers.37 The Athenian decree in his honor (Appendix 9) was passed at the time of the revolt, on Hekatombaion 11 of Diokles' archonship; and there is now general agreement that it is the earliest surviving document published by the nationalist government. Although the crucial passage requires restoration, there can be no doubt that Zenon was concerned with supplying grain to the city. His mission has always heretofore been understood to have involved the importation of foreign grain from abroad,38 and the text of IG II2, 650, lines 16-19 has been restored accordingly: orflAgat se [ias Th St KO/ho8aSn dro]v a hrov r ho nor O7TWS a,[v ckr,aAearara Sta]Ko1Lou'raL avvay&Vtyo[6LEVoS r7l rTOv) eSrij]ov uTwr'piat. In the light of the new inscription (lines 25-26), it seems virtually certain that two Ptolemaic commanders, both helping to provide grain for Athens at the same time, took part in

37 IG II2, 650, lines 11-12: [Ka9eaOTIK]aJS VTO TOV oaLAEus '7To HI-oA[?haiov cm rv a]vpaicLKrwv; and cf. his activities at about t this time in the Cyclades, IG XII 5, 1004, lines 2, 4: KparaiOels taTO Braeqvos roV r1csLoap[Xovn. .t. Trv trAowv a v abn paKTouv. Cf. Pros. Ptol. VI, 15043; Zenonws position in relation to other Ptolemaic officers in the Aegean has been studied by I. L. Merker, Historia 19, 1970, pp. 143, 150.

38 Ferguson, HA, pp. 142, 147; Tarn, JHS 31, 1911, p. 253; Tarn, Ant. Gon., pp. 92f., 419f.; H. Volkmann, RE XXIII, 1959, col. 1627, s.v. Ptolemaios I Soter; Bagnall, Ptolemaic Possessions, p. 147.


the same operations. Since Kallias is specifically said to have protected the Attic harvest and not the delivery of imported grain, it would seem preferable to restore the decree for Zenon to read: emrLeAFTraL Se ['rjs rvvKo/LSrLs -ro]v aiTov TV)rt 8jicotl 0nrws a[v aorOaAE'arara Etr]Kolt'7yrat.

If these two passages are read together, our picture of Kallias' role in the Athenian revolt comes into sharper focus. Zenon was in charge of gathering the harvest (e'7TrqE- AE-lrat); Kallias defended the operation (TpoEKacOqro) against attempts by Demetrios' troops from Peiraieus to ravage the crops. It would be natural to suppose that Kallias' troops actually sailed to Attica from Andros on Zenon's cruisers, and the documents even give some indication that Zenon should perhaps be regarded as Kallias' superior officer. The decree for Zenon describes his activities as taking place at the time when the decree was passed. The present tense of the verbs ErtpEAEtrat and [ed]Ko,udoirat allows no other interpretation save that Zenon's honors were voted while the harvest was still being gathered, although presumably the task was nearly complete. Kallias, on the other hand, waited a full 16 years before his native city was moved to honor his services at the time of the liberation. The fact that Zenon, and not Kallias, was praised at once in the first flush of success would suggest his seniority in command.

Euchares in drafting the decree was careful to distinguish by the tense of the participles those events which took place while Demetrios was still on the march, 7rapaytyvopevov EK HEAo7Tovv)cgov (line 17), from those which occurred after he had arrived in Attica, 7Tapayevo'LEvoS (line 27). Kallias and his mercenaries saw action a second time after Demetrios had begun to lay siege to Athens, and in his attempt to give battle to the blockading forces, Kallias was himself wounded (line 30). It may be noted once again that this reference to Demetrios' siege of Athens corresponds closely with Plutarch's account of the same events: "He attacked them in a rage and threw a severe siege about the city" (Demetr. 46.2). Because of his efforts to break the siege, Kallias is praised for his bravery in combat, which gave no regard to his personal safety, but only to the deliverance of the Demos (lines 31-32). The ringing phrase of our text strikes a familiar note which recurs often in the honorific decrees of the nationalist government. Both Strombichos and Zenon were praised in similar terms39 for the parts they played in these same events; and other partisans of the democratic cause against the Macedonian domination received similar citations: Audoleon of Paionia, voUidC ov KEtYvat KO aVV Kt avtr[] r'V rtS TrO'AEWuS croTrqplav (IG II2, 654, lines 20-21); and the comic poet, Philippides of Kephale, AE'ywv Kal vrpar-rwv rd ovp4epovra 'rEt m7s rIoAEWS awrTp'al (IG II2, 657, lines 32-33). The wording of the text is closely comparable to that used in the much later decree honoring Demainetos of Athmonon: otVTE KaKo0rd[0i]av ovsEFLav oTSre K i[v]vvov V?O(OeXOUE EVOS aAA' Kal Ao'yt K [a] lpyu ra avpt1kE'povTa 7rpadrrov ret 7raTrpti (IG II2, 1304, lines 8-10).

Lines 32-40: These lines reveal for the first time something of the diplomatic negotiations as a result of which Demetrios raised the siege of Athens and departed for

39 IG II2, 666, lines 13-14 (Appendix 7); 650, lines 18-19 (Appendix 9).

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Asia. The course of events as outlined in our text will appear at first sight to differ radically from the information which Plutarch had at his disposal. The biographer twice refers to Demetrios' departure for Asia after the Athenian revolt (Demetr. 46.1-2; Pyrrh. 12.4-5; Appendix 3, 4); but these passages are not entirely consistent with each other, and the details are left vague. In both places Plutarch mentions the intervention of Pyrrhos at the request of Athens, but in the former passage he says merely that the Athenians summoned his aid ("Seeing that Demetrios had more strength than they expected, they summoned Pyrrhos to their aid from Macedonia"), and nothing more is said of Pyrrhos' part in the ensuing events. In fact, the impression is clearly conveyed that the philosopher Krates, by the sheer persuasiveness of his personal diplomacy, prevailed upon Demetrios to abandon his siege: "But when Krates the philosopher, a man of great repute and influence, was sent to him by the Demos, Demetrios, persuaded in part by the appeals which the ambassador made in behalf of the Athenians, and in part convinced by what the philosopher showed him to be to his own advantage, raised the siege." Plutarch's account of the same events in Pyrrhos 12.4-5 naturally dwells upon the role of his protagonist. There is, thus, no me etrios' siege or Krates' embassy, but only of Pyrrhos' reception at Athens. It is significant, however, that Pyrrhos is here said to have concluded peace with Demetrios shortly before he sailed for Asia. Although Plutarch says nothing of a formal peace in Demetrios 46.2, the correctness of his passing reference here is now confirmed by the inscription, where the phrase ri)v Eltp7V7V V'iEp T-rS 7roXAECS- rpos ZAIbLY)rptov (line 36) must surely refer to the same treaty.

There are conspicuous differences in the two accounts of the peace now available to us. While Plutarch implies that Pyrrhos made peace with Demetrios unilaterally and states explicitly that Krates negotiated the lifting of the siege of Athens, the decree for Kallias makes no reference whatever to this. It, rather, provides the equally explicit and entirely unexpected statement that a treaty between Athens and Demetrios was negotiated by the intercession of a personal envoy from Ptolemy, to whom Kallias was sent to represent the interests of the Athenian nationalists, doubtless because of his personal and professional connections with Ptolemaic officialdom. In order to reconcile this apparent contradiction in our two sources, it will be necessary to place the liberation of Athens within the framework of its contemporary events; and we may accordingly defer more detailed discussion of the peace, its terms, and its signatories until the historical context of the Athenian revolt has been more fully reconstructed. We may here anticipate that discussion only to observe that the diplomatic situation at Athens was plainly far more complex than the picture which Plutarch draws. In all likelihood both Plutarch and the epigraphical text give only a partial account of the negotiations, since the former concerned himself chiefly with the careers of Demetrios and Pyrrhos, while the latter sought only to record the mission of Kallias.

Shear (1978)-Kallias of Sphettos

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