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Title Items-in-Convocation - Pacem in Terris, 19 February 1965

Date Created 05/02/1965

Record Type Archival Item

Container S-0885-0002: Operational Files of the Secretary-General: U Thant: Speeches, Messages,Statements, and Addresses - not issued as press releases

Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit

De*r Mr,

to ywr Hfltfeer of 21 IfetetMurgra eogy of ^10 Saesataiiy laaassal's a«to«8» to tls«Is f«a»ri*w C^awwenti^ «® 19

We ere grataful for your Interest and tebia copy

Chef

Mr. John K. Biwley,

U N I T E D N A T I O N S

I N F O R M A T I O N S E R V I C E F O R I N D I A21 CURZON ROAD. NEW DELHI

f'^ j cut* ANNUM i OMN)MM» - Tn.«p»o~.

"lv INTEROFFICE MEMORANDUM?;f,$!„ 4 TO : Mr. Herman Ho, Chief, Overseas Briefing, SRD/OPl DATK :2i+ February 1965i 3T? I •JijjwJig ' / . REFERENCE:

|V FROM t Leonard A* Berry, Directors£&ft;, M«w Delhi Information Service^ { t • " ' - ' • • " • • • ;aVt SUBJECT i Secretary-General's "Facem in Terris" Spoecn; Press Comaent

;^, 1, Lengthy extracts from the Secretary-General's address to the "Pacem-., . in Tarris" Convocation were published in the Indian press under prominent*," headlines such as "UN Charter Is Outdated, Thant t>ay8n; "LN Charter Out of#V > Date, says Thant"; "Thant's Call for find to V»orld of Anta^onista"; "b Inant|f^ Calls for'Change in UH Charter."

j.^^ 2, Editorial opinion so far published agrees with the need for Charter"4\l^ ' revision out underlines the difficulty of achieving it.|%K' '^ f 3, Ihe HINDUSTAN TIMES ^23 February) says "a spirit of compromise is••; < called for in. a revision of the Charter, An indication of it would oe an'f_'\ , i ad hoc agreement on the disputed payments, u Thant has fully realised that?-.-• it is not eaey to get Big Powers to circumscribe their veto powers In the[$, Security Council, His appeal is to the smaller Powers to bring their concerted

weight to bear on this task. While the UN's survival may oe ensured by the! General Aeseably's negotiating body, the vital question is whether the UN is: to function effectively at all in the future."

k. The HINDUSTAN STANDAKD (^2 February) in an editorial headed "(DisunitedNations11 commentsi "What ails the UW is something basically more serious thanshortage of funds and threat of bankruptcy, u Thant is not alone in warningthat the world body has reached a state of perpetual crisis, its authorityuncertain and its effective power paralyzed by Big Power differences...."U Thant has suggested a solution, it adds, "which is not quite new in its pleafor a revision of the UN Charter." The Charter is"doubtless outmoded", saysthe paper, and "it is now being found again and again that the principle ofBig Power unanimity is impossible to realize and the Big Power veto blockseffective action." U Thant, it continues, believes that the Uta could oe nadeworkable if there were a fair and equitable distribution of functions betweenthe Security Council and the General' Assembly ..... "but such an amendment willhave to slininate the Big Power veto but apart from the veto-poweredBig Five, even a good many other member states, Jealous of their nationalsovereignty are quite likely to be opposed to submitting themselves to majoritydecisions on strongly disputed issues." Quoting the S-G'a statement that "we arecertainly no where near such an idyllic situation today," it concludes "thismeans the UH, disunited and oferibund as it is, merely registers the frustrationsof th« world situation."1

U N I T E D N A T I O N S IHSEf N A T I O N S U N I E S

5. Tbo IBIflUNE (22 Februaryj in an editorial comments that both the UN•ad tho world are out of Joint..." £sch is both the cause and the effectof the present deplorable BOM which has prompted no less & person thanSecretary-General U Thant to concede that the US Charter is obsolete," Thepaper finds that "the whole approach to peaoe is guided by prejudice. Allthis is a sorry reflection on the political maturity of nations, old and new.But the UK is the world1 s only hope for peace. It should therefore beereryone*fi effort to make it lire and strong. Since much of the responsibilitylies with the Great Powers, a change in their course is indicated. IfChapter VII and SOB* other portions of the Chapter are anachronistic, letthe* be replaced bar mors workable provisions. Desperate situations call fordesperate remedies.* .

6. the PATRIOT (22 February) finds that tae S-C*s desoription of theCharter as an anseoroniai is "entirely apt", fief erring to the changesin the world situation since the Charter was drafted, it comments: "TbeseTest and oasts changes have not bsso admitted insofar as the constitutionof the organisation is concerned and the present confusion that threatensto reduce it to a condition of suspended animation can be traced to therefusal to admit realities and change the character and procedures of & HP,

7. The paper, generally apt to be critical of the USA, blames thatcountry for its attempts "to use the provision of an entirely outdatedbook of rules mechanically to the end that impracticable privilegesand unilaterally interpreted rights bo maintained.11 It contends thatthe US "still claims the ability to destroy as the chief sanction tomain the kind of peace it wants. The rest of the world will not permit this.The present confusion springs from that contradiction and unless it isremoved, the Uti will wither and die."

1i

T-j'TI7ED KA.TT05S T^TPCHMA'TIOJTMBV7 DELHI

Name of Paper_

Date . 2,

NEW YORK, Feb. 20 (Reuter).'N Secretary General, Thant said here today 'thatthe UN Charter is out of date and was part of the

cause of the world body's present constitutional andpolitical crisis."Our approach to peace is of-

ten old-fashioned and more at-tuned to former times than toour present State", he declaredin an address prepared for deli-very to. an international audi-ence at the Pacem in Terris con-vocation here.

U Thant took, particular issuewith the Charter's Chapter which,alone . provides for mandatoryaction by the Security Councilin the case of threats to—andbreaches of—the peace and actsof aggression.

Its provisions, he said, relatedback to the Axis power's aggres-sion—"a kind of situation whichis unlikely to recur in our worldof super powers armed with hyd-rogen bombs amid a vastly in-creased number of smaller inde-pendent States".

In his remarks on the Charter,in what UN officials called amajor policy speech, the Sec-retary-General said changes inalignments since the war( with,old comrades falling out and oldenemies becoming friends, hadrendered the UN's basic docu-ment somewhat out of date.

U Thant said: "it is this an-achronism in the Charter—thekind of anachronism which isinevitable in our rapidly chang-ging world—that is partly res-ponsible for the present consti-tutional and political crisis inthe UN".

The UK today must work to-wards a world 'in which aggres-sive nationalism isv banned as ameans of promoting or protectingnational interests, where fanatic-ism is no longer required to sup.port • a different point of viewand where diversity could be pre-served without prejudice andhatred. .

It is not enough to be activeonly when a dire internationalemergency breaks outp U Thantsaid.

Though the UN's current pro-blems are great and its present

j authority uncertain, he said, itdoes provide a forum in which)the important divisions in the'world could be discussed andgradually reduced.

"We must eventually arrive,in the affairs of the world, ata state of political maturity inwhich it will be considereci' Statesmanlike^ rather than '.'weak,, foreven a great country to alter itscourse. . . in deference to theWill of the majority", he said.

"I hasten to add that we arecertainly nowhere near to such

an idyllic situation today.The convocation was called to

examine the practical politicalaspects of Pacem in Terris en-cyclical of the late Pope JohnXXIII. Some 2,200 statesmen andscholars are participating jn thefour-day meeting, due to endtonight.

The Pained British historian,Prof. Arnold Toynbee, declaredthat civilization has reached apoint when the very continuityof the human race depends onthe formation of a world Gov-ernment.

"It is the mutual interest of [of the nations to subordinate itheir national sovereignty toworld authorities", he said. "Thisis the only condition on whichthe nations can survive in anatomic age"

' >•

TJNTTED HATIOBS ISFOBKA-HIOS SERVICEi'BW DELHI

Maine of Paper

Date . a .

i(DIS) UNITED NATIONS: 'WHAT'Bail's the -U.N. is

,**. something basically more-serious than shortage of funds

and. threat .of bankruptcy. UThant is not. alone in , warn-ing 'that the wprld-bddy .hasreached a state of perpetualcrisis, its authority .uncertainand its effective power '-ofpeacekeeping r paralyzed byBig Power differences in the

^Security Council, while thehundred-odd members of theGeneral Assembly maintainonly the show of "a glorifieddebating society." All' this istrue enough and readily ad-mitted, yet it is not easy tofind a remedy practicable asalso acceptable to the, hundredor so member-States includ- ,ing the super-powers: and the|blocs they control or lead.The , mood. of , dissatisfactionwith\ ,the . U.N^ is widespread,but'the desire of :th'e member-States to make the U.N. truly

:. effective is -hardly'evident ex-, cept in ',' .words. Historiansseem -inclined, to make gloomyforecasts;; taking a clue -fromcyclical.. theories they pointout that the TLN.. has' alreadycovered "the' life-span of theLeague of Nations arid, so, it

/ could, not be expected to lastlong. Prof. Toynbee haspinned his faith on the for-mation of a world-goyerii-ment as the last best chanceof mankind's 'survival.Whether this faith, will at any [time be shared by Dr.Soekarno • or JVEao Tse-tung ora dozen other champions ofnational sovereignty is* a 64-thousand dollar quest^ongj

Uy Thant has suggested asolution which is not quitnne>|r in its plea for a revisionof >the U.N. Charter. ThisCharter framed by the victo-rious Allies is dp_ubtless_^oui,-moded. The Security CouncilasTTihe sole executive autho-rity for the ' U.N.'s peace-keeping functions can act only•when its Big Five members ;are unanimous. They couldand did act unanimously asallies during" the -war againstthe,Axis Powers. But nowthe - situation is totally

'.-cjianged; in the words of UThant, "changes in align-ments since the war, with oldcomrades falling out and oldenemies becoming friends, hadTendered the U.N.'s basicdocument somewhat out otdate." It is now being founda^ain and again that thetjfinciple of Big Power un-animity is impossible to rea-lize and the Big Power vetoKecks effective action.

U Thant believes that theU.N. could be made workableif there were a fair and equi-table distribution of functionsbetween the Security Counciland the General Assembly pya suitable amendment of th'eCharter. But such an amend-ment will have to eliminatethe Big Power veto and pro-vide for majority decisions Sobe effective and binding onall member-States. This nodoubt is a perfect democraticsolution, but apart from theveto-powered Big Five, e\*ena good many other member-States, jealous' of .theirnational sovereignty, arequite likely to be'' opposed' tosubmitting' themselves : to

1 majority decisions on. strong-ly disputed issues., U Thanthimself admits that "we arecertainly nowhere near such

idyllic situation today,!'frhich means ".the U.N., dis-lited and moribund as it is,

aerely registers the frustra-ns of the . world situation!^!

UNITED NATIONS IBFOHMiTIO?: SERVICEDELHI

Name of Paper

Date

I;

iiyp^SSai ':'>o. •/,.''"-;,•) ' .-'.-.fif ' •• '•-i')i,,vi- '•( ,.'i'-J.' ' fv • ' • ' • • • rA.Svis.rr ^,.;,.--:;':;fe?-' ,:-- - '-..;•- "y:v,WMle.a^negp^fating body of';ther0N:;;Generl||Assembly is;4p seek' an agreement by -June15 on the1 disputied UN: peace-;keeping costsMh .;the Suez' and

..in- .the- Congo, U Thant has,called, for a revisiph of theCharter as a permanent solu-tion... ..The'UN cannot function;for. long on ,the .present^ basis,of financing its peace-keepingoperations : by voluntary conrtributions. ;Past proposals-', for;:a; revision of the Charter hadcentred mainly on an equit-able .' representation of theUN's expanded, member ship; inthe Security Council and. otherUN bodies. But'-the issue 'nowis, to redefine . the • SecufityCouncil's powers vis-a-vis the-'General Assembly in the mat-ter of initiating peace-keepingoperation. In other words, the1950 "Uniting_jf oi_.Eeace"

'resolution which sought to by-pass the veto in the SecurityCouncil by referring a threatto peace directly.to the Gene-ral Assembly for action has tofind general acceptance as aCharter amendment. If -theSoviet and French, objectionto this .resolution is not -resplv-ed, future UN peace-keepingmoves might: be complicatedby the Security Council aridthe General Assembly remain-ing at cross 'purposes. U Thanthas also stressed that theSecurity, Councils power toauthorize UN forces tp\ operateunder ;the a'dyice' Lof a military fstaff .committee: must coine up

•.-'in any. revision of-the Charter.Though; • this com'mittee' .has

. rievfir p'eeri: employed, -the/issue -

.;cpuld; crop .up:'when a perma-•njent;'--UN-..-force.: -.cpiri.es-,'-- into

: being.; ;\S,eyera'l~.';Stite'&-" have'.'offered' -to'''earmarksa'ppntiri-:gent of., their. : forces.. for • UN'Service, to" eas'e the ;UNJs -diffi-"culties;;iii- manning and1 financ-jng; ,itsV peace-keeping opera-tiorisl If -the .Security, Cpuncili irefe : to 'insist, oh. controlling: uch :a UN forced through :,a

•: lilitary committee, it; would>e an pbli^ue reassertion of it^retp.rights which, is the fun-iarriental issue in -the 'UN's,

:ptesent.crisis;_^J.j' : - • : . - '

/A spirit of compromise is/called for in a revision of the^Charter. An indication of itwould be an ad hoc agreementon the disputed payments. U iThant :.has fully realized thatit is hot easy to get the BigPowers to circumscribe theirveto powers in the SecurityCouncil. His appeal is to thesmaller Powers to bring their

i concerted weight. to bear on1 this task. While the UN's sur-

vival'- may be ensured by the; General'Assembly's negotiat-ing ;bodyj. the vital question iswhether the UN is to'functioneffectively at all in the future.

TJITITED TIA.TI053 nTPOFJtiTIOH SERVICEHEW DELHI

Name of Paper ike. w IJ

Date 11.

(12) The Hindustan Times/Monday, February 32, 1965

for end to

":••. '• "New York, Feb. 21 (AP)—UN Secretary-Genera]• Thaht yesterday blamed the world's problems on an "old-

-fashioned" gap between words .of peace and''deeds (al-- ready reported in brifef). . .__ . ' . "':'•".' "Although we have abjured war

as an instrument of policy," hesaid, "all nations have not yetabjured the state of mind that hasso often led to war.'"

He appealed for a break withthe past—"a world of antagonism,,domination and discord"—in agiant step forward to a world ofco-operation, equity and har-mony.

U> Thant spoke on the final dayof a four-day international con-vocation on .peace. More than2,000 scholars and statesmen fromall over the world attended thesessions, in a New York hotel

The meeting, sponsored by theCentre for the Study of Democra-tic Institutions, was inspired bythe "pacem in terris" encyclicalof the late Pope John XXIII.

U Thant said the world hadboth the means and the desire tosecure peace and justice for all,but still found itself in the "darkvalley of discord and enmity."

What must be eliminated, U (Thant said, is a nationalistic urge 'to dominate and extend spheresof influence and the use of forceto further political or other ends.

"Such attitudes," he said, "in-evitably breed in other nationsthe fears, resentments and suspi-cions, which historically also havecreated the atmosphere of tensionin which wars break out.

"Although we speak loudly forequal rights and against discrimi-nation, there are still many na-tions who are not prepared to ac-cept the practical consequences ofthese ideals, while an even greaternumber still suffer from discrimi-nation or lack of equal oppor-tunity.

Great society"It is this failure of everyday,

practical behaviour to keep pacewith professed ideals and aims,which makes the promise of ourinfinitely promising world amockery for so many of its In-habitants."

Earlier, Mr Abba Eban, DeputyPrime Minister of Israel, calledfor a one-week summit conferenceof world leaders to discuss "notthe problems of one nation, butthe human nation."

Among them, he said, were thepopulation explosion, hunger, illi-teracy, sharing of technologicaland scientific advances, resourceconservation and the future of in-ternational organizations.

He urged the writing of a "blue-print of the great society" ininternational terms.

Dr Yevgeny! Xhukov, directorof the Institute of History of theSoviet Academy of Sciences, saidthe convocation was "yet anotherproof that the American peopledesire peace."

A total ban on wars, includingrevolutions and wars of nationalliberation, as suggested by otherspeakers, should be, he said, "ab-surd." This, he said, was because"it is impossible to reverse his-tory."

He alluded to the American re-volution in making his point.

Senator J. William Fulbright,Chairman of the Senate ForeignRelations Committee, chided theSoviet official, saying that warsof liberation were no longerfought with muskets.

Mr Xavier Deniau, a member ofthe French National Assembly'scommittee on foreign affairs, saidthe greatest lesson of the latePope's peace encyclical was "co-existence on a practical scale."

He called for abandonment of asearch for agreement on ideo-

logies and urged efforts "on apractical level" to co-exist.

U Thant said the world waswitnessing the "beginning of thegreat debate over the future ofthe UN."

At issue, he said, was whetherpeace and security would be leftsolely to the big Powers in theSecurity Council, making theGeneral Assembly a "glorified de-bating society."

The other choice, he said, wasa "fair, equitable and clearly de-fined" distribution of SecurityCouncil and General Assemblyfunctions.

He said the understanding, assist-ance and co-operation of all na-tions, large and small, was essen-tial in decisions involving inter-national peace and security.

How the debate was resolved,he said, would profoundly affectthe growth of the UN in theyears to come.

"They can only be resolved by,a will to compromise and accom-[modate, in the overriding interestof maintaining peace," he said.

He also said: "The smallerPowers are playing, and mustplay, an essential role as thespokesmen of moderation andcommon interest in this pro-cess."

U Thant found fault with pro-visions in Chapter Seven of theUN Charter on action againstthreats to peace and acts of ag-gression.

Chapter Seven empowers theSecurity Council to get forcesfrom Governments and use themwith the advice of a military staffcommittee to maintain or restorepeace. It has never been em-ployed.

The Security Council actedunder other Charter provisions insetting up UN forces in the Congoand the Assembly acted under aspecial anti-veto resolution in set-ting up the force in the MiddleEast. Both the Soviet Union andFrance say both actiohs were ille-

The Soviet Union refuses topay Assembly assessments foreither operation, and France re-fuses to pay those for the Congo.That has brought on a critical dis-pute with the United States ovo<whether they should ' lose theirAssembly votes for their refusalto pay.

However, XI Thant said, ChapterSeven was "old-fashioned andmore attuned to former times thanto our present state." He said itwas framed out of fear of "re-emergence of the six Powers asa threat to international peace."

"This state of mind," he dec-i lared, "explains the concept be-|hind big-Power unanimity intaking preventive or enforcementmeasures against aggression, po-tential and real.

"This mood was responsible forthe formation of the military staffcommittee and for the ideas be-hind its composition and func-tions."

However, the course of historytook a new turn.... old comrades-in-arms found themselves in op-posite camps, and the UnitedNations could not function in theway it was intended to function,U Thant added.

There was one discordant inci-dent on the sidelines—the arrestof a scheduled panel participant,as he joined a line picketing out-side for a negotiated settlementin Vietnam.

Otherwise, a general aura ofconfidence, mingled with urgency,marked the concluding sessions.

During the final deliberations,scores of pickets marched outsidethe hotel, carrying signs urgingthe United States to agree to ne-gotiate the conflict in Vietnam.

Nineteen pickets were arrestedwhen they refused to leave asidewall, including the Rev. A. J.Muste, 80, a pacifist.

See also page 8

If' UNITED NATIONS INFORMATION SERVICENEW DELHI

Name of Paper //JL

Date

Moment of TruthThe UN is faced with its

moment of truth. The Gene-ral Assembly has recessed till

_• September 1 to avert a show-" down on voting rights. Ironi-f cally enough, the decision has* had to be taken by a vote afteri' the Albanian motion demand-j ing that the Assembly should

continue its normal procedureand that its tacit agreement toavoid a vote should itself beput to a vote. It is easy todecry the- Albanian move as

1 Peking-inspired. But Afro-Asian delegates who had beenprotesting against the idea ofa long recession have beenconstrained to string alongwith it rather than face a

i split in the UN. Their protest,essentially, was that the UNshould not be allowed to dieof creeping paralysis. In theeleven weeks since the Gene-ral Assembly met it has beendriven to merely marking'time because of the U.S. in-sistence on invoking Article19 of the Charter which statesthat a member two years inarrear with its dues can bepenalized by loss of votingrights. Russia, France and [some other countries have re- ;pudiated any obligation to paythe UN ad hoc assessments forits peace-keeping operations!in the Suez and in the Congoon the ground that the 1950Uniting for Peace" resolution

under which the General As-sembly had assumed this fiscal iauthority is an infraction ofthe Charter. It is a political tissue calling for a political |settlement. The strength ofthe Russian argument seemed ito be recognized in the subse-quent appeals for voluntarycontributions to the UN mis-sions in Yemen and in Cyprus.

The U.S. decision, in the faceof the Albanian move, to de-fer invoking Article 19 is sig-nificant. Mr Adlai Stevensonhas said it is because the votewas on a procedural and not asubstantive matter. There is,nevertheless, the implicationthat the U.S. cannot view abreak-up of the UN with;equanimity. The General As-1sembly has not bought time by,its recess, for any of the ex- iplosive issues confronting theworld could necessitate theUN's intervention before Sep-tember. The Security Coun-cil, like the General As-sembly, remains paralysedby the question of votingrights. A way out of thisimpasse had been indicat-ed by the Russian and Frenchwillingness to make paymentsk

to a voluntary fund to enablethe UN to get out of the red.It offers still the best means o:

I a settlement if the UN isI be saved.

TrriSD 1TATTOJTE niFOBMTION SERVICEIBW DELHI

Fame of Paper_

Date

--:--*f- '/ • •

(UN Charter out

'Change vital for world peace9

NEW YORK, Feb 20 (Reuler) —U ,Thanl, UN Secretary-General,said here today the UN Charter is out of date and is part of the cause ofthe world\ body's present constilutio na] and political Crisis.

"Our.|- approach to peace is often 'old-fashioned andmore attuned to former times "than to our present state,"he declared in an address prepared for delivery to aninternational audience at the Pacem in ,Teri-is convoca-tion.. here. does provide a forum in which the1 LPThant took particular important divisions in the worldissue', with " . ' • the Charter's™^6 Mscussed and gradua113'Chapter VII, which alone "We must eventually arrive, Hi'nrvwidf*! for manrlaforv ar- the affairs 61 the world, at a stateprovides \_ tor manaatoiy ac of lifcical maturity in which it

tion/.by the Security, Council Will be considered statesmanlike.in the case Of threats to — rather than weak, for even a great •

> > ' ' " country, t o alter i t s course... - I n—hrv>ar>TiPc nf ' ' t>ip np"rp country, o ater s course... -noreacnes 01— trie peace deference to tne wlll of the maj0i..and acts of aggression. ity," he said.Its 'Provisions, "he said, ^related "I hasten to add that we art

hack to the ':Axis Powers' aggres- certainly nowhere near to such ansion. "A kind ol situation which idyllic situation today."is unlikely to recur in ' pur world The convocation was called toof super-Powers armed with 'hydro- examine the practical political as-gen bombs amid a vastly tocreasfed pects of Pacam in Terris Encyclicalnumber of .smaller independent of the late Popei John XXIII.States." • ' . ' • ' - . : , • Some 2,200 statesmen and scholars1

In' his' remarks on the Charter, are participating in the four-dayin what UN' officials called a major meeting, due to end tonight.policy speech;, .the Secretary-Qene-ral said, 'changes;. ;, in • alignmentssince" :'the war. with old1 .comradesfalling; but and . old., -enemies, tier.coming', friends, had ' rendered' theUN's 'basic document- somewhat outof date. . . . . ' • . V .-. . : '• •• ' . '

tr',Thant 'saidj • "It; is .this .aria--chrbnism in .the••.. Charter—tih'e kindof anachronism, which is inevitableiii- our; rapidly, changing;; w<6iid—/that is '..partly.1', responsible '.''for tnepresent :• constitutional,. and. Apolitical;crisis in the United .Nations." ,,. .The' UN : .today.-.must work to-;wards a ''world in-/i which aggressivenationalism: is :banned as-^a meansof prompting .or protecting '••.nationalinterest's/ \Vhe^e'i^ariatipisia :'"''ls : fao

r;. ie((ifiired,"Vt6 vstipjibrt'; areht^poiri't :';of ^.yieYt1 jan^ :|W,h?'re. diver-sity ! ' : ' ' '

, . . . . .fe.'; iiifernational

emergenciy ^.breaks' vbut,'- ttiey Sebrer:tary-Gene.ral -said. . ; ', ..... , : • ' ; ' ; ' ' - : • - - • , : .

Though, .the, 'UN's;. currenti/probTlems ..are' y,-.igreat SHd/i its \( present

;':iuihbrity;:viin'certaini ".'he,. 'SaM;-; -.It

TWTTKD TTATTOFS INFORMATION SERVICEDELHI

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ANACHRONI;U THANTS

description of the U. N. Charter as anMany funda-

mental changes have taken place not onlyin the relationships beitween the Govern-ments of $ie world on which the UN wasfounded, but since the world body beganto function a large number of new factorshave also taken shape and become deci-sive influences. The UN theoreticallyworks on the wholly invalid assumptionthat a principle of hierarchy governs therelationships between a large number ofpowers in the world. This may have beentrue of the first decade after the end ofthe Second World War. The Five GreatPowers formula on which the SecurityCouncil functions is nothing more than asuperstition today. The emergence ofthe USA and the USSR as two "SuperPowers" with "over-kill" capacities, farfrom stabilising the hierarchical orderamong nations has helped to make totalwar impossible and thereby released anumber of their satellites from the com-pulsions of the "balance of terror".

Concurrently, the evolution into inde-pendent national status of a very largenumber of till then colonially governedpeoples has qualitatively changed theforeign policies of all Governments and

, given the UN new capacities and responsi-,bilities. These...ya§t_ and basic changeshave not been admitted insofar as thecoristitutfdn 5f the organization is concern-ed and thepresent£pjjfusjojiftatthreatensto reduce_ttitp^s.^CGR^.itltyti of suspended,~,,,^.. ,_,...___ ..- ^

.,and procedures ofjflie UN.

The controversy' Over the peace-keep-ing dues springs from attempts by theUSA to .use the provision of an entirelyoutdated book of rules mechanically tothe end that impracticable privileges andunilaterally interpreted rights be main-tained: Peace-keeping hereafter cannotbe the privilege of a minority of militarily

: strong governments.. 2 _.'_

The involvement of countries likeIndia, which is among the least armed ofcountries, in the business of peace-keepingproves that, progressively the policing ofthe world will pass into the hands of thosewho cannot damage peace. They will•naturally not agree to serve for all timeas mere mercenaries of peace. Their de-mand thait they should become partici-pants at all levels of any decision thatconcerns the maintenance of peace, willbecome irresistible.

The Soviet Union, always more realis-tic in international affairs than the USA,has accepted this position. Not so Ame-rica. The ability to destroy is still claim-ed by it as the chief sanction to make thekind of peace it wants. The rest of theworld will not permit this. The presentconfusion springs from that contradictionand unless it is removed the UN willwither and die.

TTr.TTTTsrn F.A.TIOITSNEW DELHI

Name of Paper_

Date

SA q

±1.1. 15T

REVISION INTUNE WITHTIMES NEEDED

NEW YORK, February 20.T T THANT, U. N. Secretary-General, said

here today that the U.N. Charter "is outof date 'and is part of the cause of the worldbody's present constitutional and political

• • *•crisis.'

"Our approach to peace is often old-fashionedand more attuned to former times than to ourpresent state," he declared in an address preparedfor delivery to an international audience at the

1 pacem in terris convocation here.

U Thant took particular issue with the Charter'sChapter 7, which alone provides for mandatory action,by the Security Council in the case of threats to — andbreaches of — the peace and acts of aggression.

' Its provisions, he said,related ' back to the .AxisPowers' aggression, "a kindof situation which is unlikelyto recur! in our world ofsuper. - powers armed withhydrogen bombs amid a vast-ly increased number of smal-ler ^independent States." i

In his remarks-on the Charter,in what UiN; 'officials called amajor policy speech, U • Thantsaid-, changes in .alignments sincethe *ar, with.:, old.; comrades fall-ing::/ptit arid .old .enemies becom-ing: friends, had Tendered theDvNiJs-Sasic .document'- somewhat'o u t ;of;'date; . , , - . . . .

.'The/U/N; today must work to-wards : a world in which aggres-sive nationalism is .banned as ameans of promoting or protecting,national interests, where fanati- !cism is no. longer required, tosupport a different point of view -and where diversify could bepreserved without prejudice andhatred. It is not enough to beactive only when a dire inter-

national emergency breaks out,he said.

Though the tLN.'s current pro-blems are great and its presentauthority uncertain, he said, itdoes provide a forum in /whichthe important divisions iii theworld could be discussed andgradually reduced.

"We must eventually arrive, inthe aSairs of the world, at astate of political maturity inwhich it will be considered states-manlike, rather than weak, foreven a great country to alter itscourse.... in deference to the willof the majority.

"I hasten to add that we arecertainly nowhere near to suchan idyllic situation today."

The convocation was called toexamine the practical politicalaspects of pacem in terris ency-clical of the late Pope John 23.Some 2,200 statesmen and scho-lars are participating in the four-day meeting, ending tonight.

Divisions in the world, on eco-nomic, racial and ideologicalgrounds, must be faced and dis-cussed with reason and determi-nation, U Thant said.

The disagreements of the great-est Powers must not be allowedto disrupt and stultify the U.N.The crisis over peace-keeping ar-rears was depressing, U Thantsaid, for the damage done to theeffectiveness and dignity of theU.N., but heartening for the loyaland unceasing efforts of mem-ber-States to preserve their or-ganisation by finding a solution.

GREAT DEBATEThey were witnessing now the

start of the great debate, whe-ther the Big 'Powers in unisonin the Security Council shouldtake exclusive responsibility formaintaining the peace while theGeneral Assembly functioned as"a glorified debating society inpolitical matters," or whether anattempt should be made to se-cure a fair, equitable and clearlydefined distribution of functionsof these two principal organs inthe light of changing circumst-ances.

The manner in which these is-sues were resolved would pro-foundly affect the organisedgrowth of the U.N. "They canonly be resolved by a will tocompromise and accommodate inthe overriding interest of main-taining peace."

"The smaller Powers are play-ing, and must play, an essentialrole as the spokesmen of moder-ation and common interest inthis process," U Thaiit said.—-Reuter. . . ' . . . .'

tTATTOlT? TI5FOHMATIOH SERVICENEW DELHI

•;"ame of Paper

Date

Out Of DateU. N. is very much out

of joint, and so is therOEld Each Is both the cause

the effect of the present.jplorable mess which hasirompted no less a person than

retary-General U Thantto concede that the U. N.Charter is obsolete. It isadmittedly responsible for theworld body's current crisis.Largely dictated by the anxie-ty to end the Axis Powers' ag-gression, the 'Charter was sign-ed in June 1945 by representa-tives of 50 States to establishan organisation which wouldsave succeeding generationsfrom the scourge of war, es-tablish security and justice,and promote human welfare.These objectives have beenachieved only in part Thetwo decades that have pas-sed since have radically chang-ed the world situation. Oldcomrades have fallen out, oldenemies have become closefriends, new alignments havrf.been formed and a large num-ber of small states have comeinto existence. These develop-ments have upset the old ba-lance of power. Self-interesthas been very (much at work,often defeating the very pur-pose of the U. N. Somehow,the organisation has survivedone crisis after another. Butit appears now to have reachedthe dead end. Where do we gofrom here? This question yetremains unanswered. The cur-rent year's session of the Gene-ral Assembly has petered out,as never before. The longrecess until September 1 is an-other desperate attempt toavert a major showdown whichmight endanger its very exist-ence after a long period of pa-ralysis. The U.N.. in the wordsof Mr. Anthony Eden (nowLord Avon) "offers a bridgebetween opposing powergroups". The bridge has some-How been rendered unservice-able and is in bad disrepair.The world body, as Dr. RalphEunche conceived it, "keeps thenations talking, and the longerthey talk the better it is, be-cause the longer is war putoff". The present crucial stagemakes even such table talkvery risky and at times in-advisable. Hence the frequentadjournments. The only partof the U. N. programme that

has worked without a majorhitch is the non-controversialone dealing with humanitarianactivity. In an age of infinitelydestructive weapons, the U.N.is expected to act in common

.interest, but in effect it does/not. The whole approach toXpeace is guided by prejudice.I All this is a sorry reflection on,'- the political maturity of na-

tions, old and new. But theU.N. is the world's only hopefor peace. It should thereforebe everyone's effort to make itlive and strong. Since much ofthe responsibility lies withthe Great Powers, a changein their course is indicated.If Chapter VII and some otherportions of the Charter are an-achronistic, let them be replac-ed by more workable provi-s'ons. Desperate situations "for desperate remedies.

2?.iy

If,TNITSD NATIONS IBFOHJIATION SEKVTC:?

EEW DELHI

Name of Paper_

Date

4 k«~ML4tw\<xA/\

3.2 , 2.

U Galls For ChangeIn U.N. Charter

NEW YORK,. jFeb 2'l.—U Thant; U.N. Secretary-General,, said here yesterday that the U.N. Charter wasout of date and was part of the cause of the world body'spresent constitutional and political1 crisis, reports Reuter.

:"Our approach to . peace 'is world;-— Uwt is partly responsibleoften old-Iashioned , and more .for .the present constitutional andattuned , w. termer .tirries than : to .politicaJ 'crisis in the U.N."our presen1. state," he aeclared-iri" „;' • '• •• -an address prepared for delivery • .T he U.Ni;. today must workto an international '.convocation towards a world in whicn ,aggres-cm oeact ' islve nationalism is banned as a

U Thanr referred' particularly means 'of oromoting or protectingto chapter '7 of the charter which- national ^interests, where fanatic- ,alone provided ; for mandatory - ism. is ho longer required to sup-action bv the Security Council in port/'a1 Different point of view andthe .case of threats to—and where .-diversity could be preserv-breaehes of — the peace and acts ed without prejudice and hatred.

It was not enough to be activeonly' when a dire international

of aggression.Its prov.sions. he said, related . ,_

back to the1 Axis Powers' aggres- .ernerKencv .breaks ^ out. the Sec.situation which * ""* nsioii, "a kdnd. of

is unlikely to recur'.in our worldof .super-powers ' armed with

retary-General said."Though the U.N.'s current prob-

lems are great and its presenthydrogen bombs- amid a vastly authority uncertain, it does pro-increased, number 'of smaller .in- vide, a forum in which the im-deperident States". iportar.t divisions in the world

In 'h i s remarks on the charter, could be' discussed and graduallyin what' U.N. officials called a . reducedmaior policy speech, . the Set- "'We must eventually arrive, inretarv-General said : changes in the ' affairs of the world, at aalignments ' since the .war. with state of political maturity inold comrades- tailing out and old .which it will be considered states-enemies becoming friends. had manlike. ' rather than weak, for:rendered the U.N.'s basic docu- even • a great country to alterme-nt somewhat out of date.

U Thant said: "It is -this'anachronism in the ^.chaTter—thekind of anachronism which is in-

its. course . . in deference to thewill of the majority"." he said.

"I hasten to add that we arecertainly , .nowhere near to such

evitabla ip our -rapidly changing an idyllic? situation today."

UNITED NATIONS niFOHMATION SERVICENEW DELHI

Name of Paper_

Date &L3.

v . . - ' f " i K t : - = i w * - ' - a..•', 1^*i.-'-vi''rt'!Vtiy«!S«:-t>rfv;t'iJ

The U.N. General Assembly has recessed untU September without transacting any business.

From L*Orient, dated February 21st, 1965

U THANT; "TO BESOLVE THE UN CRISIS EVERYBODY WILL HAVE TO ACCEPT THE COMPROMISE"

United Nations, Feb. 20th, (AFP) - The anachronism of certain provisions of theUnited Nations Charter is in large measure responsible for the UN crisis, statedU Thant, Secretary-General of the International Organization, in a speech deliveredat the Pacem in Terris Convocation on peace problems.

"We are witnessing today a great debate" stated Mr. Thant. The question is, explainedthe Secretary-General, whether the big powers should continue to assume, within theframework of the Security Council, the full responsibility for keeping the peace orwhether efforts will be made, in the light of the increased number of member states,to achieve a more equitable distribution of duties between the Security Council andthe General Assembly."

These important questions, added the Secretary-General of the United Nations, can besolved only if everybody is willing to accept a compromise in the "superior interestsof maintaining peace". In this respect small countries "must play an important partas spokesmen for moderation".

To achieve a world order

Mr. Thant went on to state that the United Nations provide the ideal forum "to discussand to reduce progressively" all racial, ideological, and economic differences of theworld even if the UN is today facing great difficulties and "its present authorityappears uncertain". If such differences were allowed to remain, said he, "they wouldunleash the most sinister forces of intolerance, fear, resentment and racial hatredthat the world has ever known".

In conclusion, the Secretary-General of the United Nations stated "we must try toachieve a world order from which aggressive nationalism and expansionism, as instrumentsat the service of national interests, would be banned, from which fanaticism as asupporting element to any dispute will have vanished and in which diversity will bepreserved without the necessity of a recourse to prejudice or hatred,"

We have seen how the great world religions, after going through lamentable periods ofintolerance and violence have learned to live with one another without loosing theirinfluence or spiritual independence. This was achieved thanks to mutual respect andan understanding of their common spiritual and moral ideals.

LE PIUS FORT WAGE El LA PLUS FORTE VENTE DES;;:MURN/|iiUX^ DO; LEVANTGoorgw NACCACHt

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SECRETARY-GENERAL'S SPEECH TO THE

" PACEM IN TERRIS " CONVOCATION

There are times, and this is one of them, when the world, in the

absence of some tremendous and immediate threat, seems to wallow

helplessly in a morass of dispute and discord. In such times it is easy

to lose our sense of urgent necessity of strengthening and developing further

an international order capable of -withstanding and containing the crises

and conflicts of the future. And it is in times like these that spiritual

leadership and inspiration are more necessary than ever.

In the great encyclical letter "Pacem in Terris", Pope John XXIII

appealed to men to "spare no labour in order to ensure that world events

follow a reasonable and human course". The encyclical, as I pointed out

when it was first published in 1963, is very much in harmony with the

spirit and objectives of the United Nations Charter. It emphasizes the

dignity and worth of the human person, the rights of man and his

corresponding duties, "the principle that all States by nature are equal

in dignity", the imperative need for disarmament, the importance of

economic development of the under-developed countries; these are only

illustrative of many principles which are to be found also in the Charter

and to which the encyclical gives such eloquent expression. In its

specific reference to the United Nations it appeals to all peoples to

interest themselves in the development of the Organization, to make it

"ever more equal to the magnitude and nobility of its task."

This recognition by His Holiness Pope John XXIII of the importance

of the role of the United Nations in the modern world was re-iterated by

/His Holiness Pope Paul VI

- 2 -

His Holiness Pope Paul VI when I had the honour of "being received in

audience by him on 11 July 1963* His Holiness then observed that The

Holy See considers the United Nations to be "an instrument of brotherhood

between nations, which The Holy See has always desired and promoted, and

hence a brotherhood intended to favour progress and peace among men". His

Holiness went on to say: "We therefore derive consolation frcm your visit,

and we avail ourselves of the occasion to renew the expression of our

esteem and of our hopes for the fundamental programme of the United Nations,

especially in regard to the elimination of war, the assistance of

developing peoples, and of thos e in need of defence and promotion, the lawful

liberties of individuals and social groups, and the safeguarding of the

rights and dignity of the human person. To these sentiments, then, we add

our good wishes for the true prosperity of the great Organization of the

United Nations, and for the happy success of its activities."

In the two years which have elapsed since the publication of the

encyclical "Pacem in Terris", the need for human solidarity and understanding

has, if anything, increased. Our situation is a paradoxical one. We have,

at last, both the means and the general desire to secure peace and justice

for all. We know all too well the price we shall surely pay for failing

to secure that peace and justice. We are not basically disagreed, whatever

our ideological differences, about the kind of world we wish to have. The

United Nations Charter, already accepted by 115 nations, describes it; the

encyclical describes it; and it is also described in many great works of

literature, scholarship and prophecy which are the common heritage of all

mankind; .

What element, then, is lacking, so that, with all our skill and all

our knowledge, we still find ourselves in the dark valley of discord and

/enmity?

- 3 -

enmity? What Is it that inhibits us from going forward together to

enjoy the fruits of human endeavour and to reap the harvest of human

experience? Why is it that, for all our professed ideals, our hopes and

our skill, peace on earth is still a distant objective, seen only dimly

through the storms and turmoils of our present difficulties?

All great moves forward in the hidory of mankind have required changes

of existing attitudes and states of mind, so that real life can catch up

with the creative ideas that underlie our evolution. We are now trying

to make the step forward from a world of antagonism , domination and discord

to a world of cooperation, equity and harmony. This is a large step and

an important "break with the past. It is not to he expected, therefore,

that men will easily and immediately accept it - and adapt themselves

to it. In the preamble to the UNESCO constitution it is said that "Since

wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences

of peace must be constructed." This sentence may well provide one key to our

present difficulties. It is an aspect of our problems to which the

encyclical, Pacem in Terris, is especially relevant.

Thus, although we have abjured war as an instrument of policy, all

nations have not yet abjured the state of mind that has so often led to

war - the nationalistic urge to dominate and extend, by various means,

their spheres of influence, and the conviction of the unquestionable

superiority of their own particular traditions, forms and ways of life.

Nor has it been possible effectively to eliminate the use of force, whether

openly or covertly, as a means of furthering political or other ends.

Such attitudes inevitably breed in other nations the fears, resentments and

suspicions which historically have also created the atmosphere of tension

/in which

- k -

in which "wars break out. Again, although we speak loudly for equal rights and

against discrimination , there are still many nations and groups throughout

the world who are not prepared to accept the practical consequences of these

ideals, while an even greater number still suffer from discrimination or lack

of equal opportunity. It is this failure of everyday, practical "behaviour to

keep pace with professed ideals and aims which makes the promise of our

infinitely promising world a mockery for so many of its inhabitants.

We have accepted the idea of the United Nations as a representative

instrument for promoting and maintaining international order. Th±s is an

important step away from the old and narrowly nationalistic attitudes. We

are, however, still a long way from showing that confidence in each other

and in the great instrument itself, which alone can make it work for us and

give practical reality to the ideals to which all nations have subscribed

in the Charter. The fact is that, though our desire for peace is undeniable,

our approach to peace is often old-fashioned and more attuned to former times

than to our present state. Even the United Nations Charter itself provides

a good example of this. Chapter VII, for instance, on action with respect

to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression, plainly

stems from the experience of the aggressions of the Axis powers in the

thirties, a kind of situation which is unlikely to recur in our world of

super powers armed with hydrogen bombs amid a vastly increased number of

smaller independent states. To be candid, some provisions of the Charter, like

Chapter VII, were framed with an eye on the potential re-emergence of the

Axis powers as a threat to' international peace and Security. Memories of

the War and the ruthlessness of its perpetrators were still very fresh in

the minds of the Founding Fathers of the United Nations when they met in San

/Francisco.

- 5 -

Francisco. This state of mind explains the concept "behind Big Power

unanimity in taking preventive or enforcement measures against aggression,

potential and real. This mood was responsible for the formation of the

Military Staff Committee and for the ideas "behind its composition and functions.

However, the course of history took a new turn. Alignments changed;

old enemies "became new friends; old comrades in arms found themselves in opposite

camps, and the United Nations could not function in the way it was intended to

function. The provisions of the Charter relating to action with respect to

threats to peace and acts of aggression were subjected to various interpretations.

I must say in all frankness that in these circumstances the Charter provisions are

somewhat out of date. It is this anachronism in the Charter - the kind of

anachronism which is inevitable in our rapidly changing world - that is partly

responsible for the present constitutional and political crisis in the United Nations.

We have to work towards a world order in which aggressive nationalism or

expansionism are banished as a means of promoting or protecting national interests,

•where fanaticism is no longer necessary to support a different point of view and

where diversity can be preserved without resort to prejudice and hatred. We have

seen how the great religions of the world, after lamentable periods of bigotry and

violence, have become accommodated to each other, without losing their influence

or spiritual independence, by a mutual respect for, and understanding of, the

spiritual and moral aims which are common to them all. We must try, both

earnestly and urgently, to extend that process of accommodation to the political,

ideological, economic and racial alignments of the world. All of our high aims,

our vaunted technology, our skill and our real desire to cooperate and to help

one another will be of no avail if this adaptation to new circumstances, this

general accommodation, this real change of heart, does not come about.

The realignment of political power in the world,

/is a process

-6-

is a process whose changing outlines frame the political enigma

of our times. The forces likely to be released by this process,

benign and otherwise, can however, be foreseen and cannot be ignored,

They can, and must, be channelled and directed by a positive effort

by all nations working together in the United Nations, if we are

to grasp our destiny and mould our future rather than be swept away

into a new and appalling age of strife and hatred. It is not

enough to be active only when a dire international emergency breaks

about our heads. We need to make a constant effort, year in and

year out, to strengthen by practice the theory of a peaceful and

co-operative world.

Beneath the present political realignments, the world is in

fact divided in a number of ways. It is divided economicallyj

it is divided racially; and it is divided ideologically, although

this latter division may prove to be less basic than the first two.

These divisions must be faced and discussed with reason and

determination. We ignore them at our peril, for if they are

allowed to persist and grow larger they will unleash, as they

already show signs of doing, darker forces of bigotry, fear, resentment

and racial hatred than the world has ever seen. ¥e cannot agree to

live in such a nightmare, still less to bequeath it to our children.

Though its current problems are great and its present authority

uncertain, the United Nations does provide a forum in which these

divisions can be discussed and gradually reduced within the framework

of the common interest in peace and justice, and with the safeguards

that only an organisation representative of all peoples, all interests

-7-' .

and all motivations can provide. The United Nations has also,

on numerous occasions} furnished a machinery through •which

countries can co-operate to deal with threatening situations

and to keep the peace.

As the respect for it grows, the organisation should also

serve as a centre for the harmonizing of national policies

within the -wider interest. We must eventually arrive, in the

affairs of the world, at a state of political maturity in which

it will be considered statesmanlike, rather than weak, for

even a great country to alter its course of action or to change

its national policy in the common interest or in deference to

the will of the majority. I hasten to add that we are certainly

nowhere near to such an idyllic situation today.

These, to my mind, are the compelling reasons why the United

Nations must be preserved and strengthened and why the disagreements

of the greatest powers, however justified they may be, must not be

allowed to disrupt and stultify the organisation. We have seen,

in the crisis over arrears in payments to the United Nations budget,

an Episode that is both depressing and heartening - depressing for

the damage done to the effectiveness and dignity of the United Nations

heartening for the loyal and unceasing efforts of the member nations

to preserve :their organisation by finding a solution. There is no

doubt that the relationship between, and the role of, the Security

Council and the General Assembly are issues of great importance.

These issues will surely continue to occupy the minds of most of us,

since they are basic to the great debate now going on. As I have

said earlier, the writers of the Charter envisioned complete agreement

-8-

among the five permanent members of the Security Council who would

be collectively responsible for keeping the peace by supplying arms

and men, in certain contemplated situations. These situations,

however, did not come about. History took a new turn; the Security

Council could not act in the manner it was intended to act, and the

General Assembly assumed, or had to assume, certain functions not

originally contemplated in the Charter.

¥e are now witnessing the beginning of the great debate -

whether the Big Powers in unison, through the agency of the Security

Council, should take exclusive responsibility for maintaining

international peace and security while the General Assembly functions

as a glorified debating society in political matters, or whether

an attempt should be made to secure a fair, equitable, and clearly

defined distribution of functions of the two principal organs,

in the light of the changing circumstances, and, particularly,

bearing in mind the increase in the membership of the Organization,

from 50 in 19 5 to 114 in 1965. Account will have to be taken

of the fact that in the General Assembly are represented, in addition

to the big powers, all the other States, the smaller powers, whose

understanding, assistance and co-operation are nevertheless essential

in regard to decisions involving issues of international peace and

security. These issues are serious, and the manner in which they are

resolved will affect profoundly the organic growth of the Organization

in the years to come. They can only be resolved by a will to compromise

and accommodate, in the over-riding interest of maintaining peace.

The smaller powers are playing, and must play, an essential role as

the spokesmen of moderation and common interest in this process and,

-9-

if a solution is found; much, credit will be due to their

steadfastness and determination.

Governmentsf however well and sincerely they may co-operate

in the United nations, cannot by themselves face the great and

shifting problems of our age in isolation. The peoples they

represent must also give life and reality to the aims and ideals

of the Charter, towards which we strive. Here again, we now

have the means to achieve a great objective, an enlightened world

public opinion. One of the revolutions of our age, the revolution

in communications of all kinds, has made a well-informed world

public opinion technically possible for the first time in history.

Our problem is to ensure a beneficial use of these means of

communication. This is a challenge to leaders both temporal

and spiritual, to intelligent and creative men and women everywhere.

Without real knowledge and understanding and without a determination

to learn from the past, to rid ourselves of outmoded prejudices

and attitudes and to face the future together with both hope

and wisdom, we shall not succeed in making our aims and ideals

'a working reality. The encyclical "Pacem. in Terris" gives us an

inspiring lead towards that change of heart which our great aims

so urgently require.

ot.

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5 February 1965

Secretary-General's Speech to

"Pacem in Terris" Convocation

There are times, and this is one of them, when the world, in the

absence of some tremendous and immediate threat, seemSto -wallow helplessly

in a morass of dispute and discord. In such times it is easy to lose our

sense of the urgent necessity of building an international order capable

of withstanding and containing the crises and conflicts of the future.

And it is in times like these that spiritual leadership and inspiration

are more necessary than ever.

In the great encyclical letter "Pacem in Terris", Pope John XXIII

appealed to men to "spare no labour in order to ensure that world events

follow a reasonable and human course". The encyclical is, as I pointed

out when it was first published in April 1963, very much in harmony with

the spirit and the objectives of the United Nations Charter. In its

specific reference to the United Nations it appeals to all peoples to

interest themselves in the development of the organisation, to make it

"ever more equal to the magnitude and nobility of its tasks".

In the two years which have elapsed since the encyclical's publication,

the need for human solidarity and understanding has, if anything, increased.

Our situation is a frustrating and ironical one. Vie have, at last, both

the means and the general desire to secure peace and justice for all. We

know all too well the price we shall surely pay for failing to secure that

peace and justice. We are not basically disagreed, whatever our ideological

differences, about the kind of world we wish to have. The United Nations

-2-

Charter, /rat if led by 115 nations, describes itj the encyclical describes

it; and it is also described in many great works of literature, scholarship

and prophecy which are the common heritage of all mankind.

¥hat element, then, is lacking, so that, with all our skill and all

our knowledge, we still find out selves in the dark valley of discord and

enmity? Vfliat is it that inhibits us from going forward together to enjoy

the fruits of human endeavour and to reap the harvest of human experience?

Why is it that, for all our professed ideals, our hopes and our skill,

peace on earth is still a distant objective, seen only dimly through the

storms and turmoils of our present difficulties?

All great moves forward in the history of mankind have required

changes of existing attitudes and states of mind, so that real life can

catch up with the creative ideas that underlie our evolution. ¥e are now

trying to make the step forward from a world of antagonism, domination and

discord to a world of cooperation, equity and harmony. This is a large

step and an important break with the past. It is not to be expected,a,

therefore, that men will easily and immediately accept it - and adfcpt

themselves to it. In the preamble to the UNESCO constitution it is said

that "Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that

the defences of peace must be constructed." This sentence may well provide

one key to our present difficulties. It is an aspect of our problems to

which the encyclical, Pacem in Terris, is especially relevant.

Thus, although we have abjured war as an instrument of policy, all

nations have not yet abjured the state of mind that has so often led to

war - the nationalistic urge to dominate and extend, by various means,

their spheres of influence, and the conviction of the unquestionable

superiority of their own particular traditions, forms and ways of life.

—3—

Such attitudes inevitably breed in other nations the fears, resentments

and suspicions which historically have also created the atmosphere of

tension in which wars break out. Again, although we speak loudly for

equal rights and against discrimination, there are still many nations

and groups throughout the world who are not prepared to accept the

practical consequences of these ideals, while an even greater number still

suffer from discrimination or lack of equal opportunity. It is this

failure of everyday, practical behaviour to keep pace with professed ideals

and aims which makes the promise of our infinitely promising world a

mockery for so many of its inhabitants.

¥e have accepted the idea of the United Nations as a representative

instrument for maintaining international order. This is an important step

away from the old nationalistic attitudes. Me are, however, still a longA**£"

way from showing that confidence in each other and in the,instrument itself,

which alone can make it work for us and give practical reality to the ideals

to which all nations have subscribed in the Charter. The fact is that,

though our desire for peace is undeniable, our approach to peace is often

old-fashioned and more attuned to former times than to our present state.

Even the United Nations Charter itself provides a good example of this.

Chapter VII, for instance, on action with respect to the peace, breaches

of the peace and acts of aggression, plainly stems from the experience of

the aggressions of the ftxis powers in the thirties, a kind of situation

which is unlikely to recur in our world of super powers armed with hydrogen.

bombs.amid a vastly increased number of smaller independent states./ It is

this kind oS anachronism in the Charter - the kind of anachronism which is

inevitable in our rapidly changing world - that is partly responsible for

the present constitutional and political crisis in the United Nations.

-4-

We have to work towardja world order in which aggressive nationalism

or ideological extremism is not the best way of protecting legitimate

national interests, where fanaticism is no longer necessary to preserve

a different point of view and where diversity can be preserved without

resort to prejudice and hatred. We have seen how the great religions of

the world, after a lamentable period of bigotry and violence, have become

accommodated to each other, without losing their influence or spiritual

independence, by a mutual respect for, and understanding of, the spiritual

and moral aims which are common to them all. Me must try, both earnestly

and urgently, to extend that process of accommodation to the political,

ideological, economic and racial alignments of the world. All of our

high aims, our vaunted technology, our skill and our real desire to _

cooperate and to help one another will be of no avail if this, general

accommodation, this real change of heart, does not come about.

The realignment of political power in the world, which has been a

dominating feature of the last %*»years, is a process whose final forms^

cannot be foreseen and whose changing outlines frame the political enigma

of our times. The forces likely to be. released by this process, benign and

otherwise, can, however, be foreseen and cannot be ignored. They can, and

must, be channelled and directed by a positive effort of all nations working

together in the United Nations, if we are to grasp our destiny rather than

be swept away into a new and appalling age of strife and hatred. It is not

enough-to be active only when a dire international emergency breaks about

our heads. Me need to make a constant effort, year in and year out, to

accustom ourselves to the practice as well as the theory of a peaceful and

cooperative world.

-5-

Beneath the present political realignments, the world jls in fact

fundamentally divided in a number of ways. It is divided economically;

it is divided racially; and it is divided ideologically, although this

latter division may prove to be less basic than the first two. These

divisions must be faced and discussed with reason and determination. We

ignore them at our peril, for if they are allowed to persist and grow larger

they will unleash, as they already show signs of doing, darker forces of

bigotry, fear, resentment and racial hatred than the world has ever seen.

¥e cannot agree to live in such a nightmare, still less to bequeath it to

our children.

Though its current problems are great and its present authority

uncertain, the United Nations does provide a forum in which these divisions

can be discussed and gradually reduced within the framework of the common

interest in psace and justice, and with the safeguards that only an organi-

sation representative of all peoples, all interests and all motivations can

In emergencies, the United Nations has, on numerous occasions,

also provided a mechanism through which countries can cooperate to deal

with threatening situations and to keep the peace.

The organisation should also provide, as the respect for it grows, a

centre for the harmonizing of national policies within the wider interest.

We must eventually arrive, in the affairs of the world, at a state of

political maturity in which it vn.ll be considered statesmanlike, rather

than weak , for even a great country to alter its course of action or to

change its national policy in the common interest or in deference to the

will of the majority. I hasten to add that we are certainly nowhere near

to such an idyllic situation today.

-6-

These, to my mind, are the compelling reasons why the United Nations

must be preserved and strengthened and why the disagreements of the greatest

powers, however justified they may be, must not be allowed to disrupt and

stultify the organisation. ¥e have seen in the crisis over arrears in

payments to the United Nations budget.an episode that is both depressing

and heartening - depressing for the damage done to the effectiveness and

dignity of the United Nations - heartening for the loyal and unceasing

efforts of the member nations to preserve their organisation by finding a

solution. There is no doubt that the relationship between, and the role

of, the Security Council and the General Assembly are issues of great

importance, eopooially to trho gpcat powei'B'. They are basic issues which

can only be resolved by a will to compromise and accommodate in the over-

riding interest of maintaining peace. The smaller powers are playing,

and must play, an essential role as the spokesmen of moderation and common

interest in this process and, if a solution is found, much credit will be

due to their steadfastness and determination. That wo otill lack, after

H-.Viri TTn;M-nr3 Mr^-M nnnn -[rr,f\r nVinnl fl Tin ^ M-IQ 1 "| rifl^C to IrafJOr" 1F_d fltnrfe OCmCFI ill

GArcr the 'uoi-LJ, idLl'mi" than a roaoon for dofoaticn and hopolooonooo.

Governments, however well and sincerely they may cooperate in the

United Nations, cannot face the great and shifting problems of our age in

isolation. The peoples they represent must also give life and reality to

the aims and ideals of the Charter, toward^which we strive. Their attitudes

must not lag behind the efforts of their leaders. Here again, we now have

the means to achieve a great objective, an enlightened world public opinion.

One of the revolutions of our age, the revolution in communications of all

kinds, has made a well-informed world public opinion technically possible

for the first time in history. ~ '""

-7-

, 1- Our problem is to ensure a beneficial use of these means of communi-

cation. This is a challenge to leaders both temporal and. spiritual, to

intelligent and creative men and women everywhere. Without real knowledge

and understanding and without a determination to learn from the past, to

rid ourselves of outmoded prejudices and attitudes and to face the future

together with both hope and wisdom, we shall not succeed in making our

aims and ideals a working reality. The encyclical "Pacem in Terris" gives

us an inspiring lead toward that change of heart which our great aims

so urgently require.

5 February 1965

Speech to

"Pacem in Tepris"

are times, and this is one of them, when the world, in the

absence of some tremendous and iuaaediate threat, seems to wallow helplessly

in a morass of dispute and discord. In such times it is easy to lose our

sense of the urgent necessity of building an international order capable

of withstanding and containing the crises and conflicts of the future,

tod it is in times like these that spiritual leadership and inspiration

are more necessary than ever.

In thfe great encyclical letter "Pacem in Terris", Pope John XXIII

appealed to men to "spare no labour in order to ensure that world events

follow a reasonable and human course". The encyclical is, as I pointed

out when it was first published in April 1963, very much in harmony with

the spirit and the objectives of the United Hations Charter, In its

specific reference to the United Nations it appeals to all peoples to

interest themselves in the development of the organisation, to make it

"ever more equal to the magnitude and nobility of its tasks".

In the two years which have elapsed since the encyclical's publication,

the need for human solidarity and understanding has, if anything, increased.

Our situation is a frustrating and ironical one. We have, at last, both

the means and the general desire to secure peace and justice for all. We

know all too well the price we shall surely pay for failing to secure that

peace and justice. We are not basically disagreed, whatever our ideological

differences, about the kind of world we wish to have. The United Nations

-a-

Charfeer, ratified by 115 nations, describes itj the encyclical describes

it; and it is also described in many great works of literature, scholarship

and prophecy which are the common heritage of all mankind.

What element, then, is lacking, so that, with all our skill and all

our knowledge, we still find outselves in the dark valley of discord andx

enmity? What is it that inhibits us from going forward together to enjoy

the fraits of human endeavour and to reap the harvest of human experience?

TBhy is it that, for all our professed ideals, our hopes and our skiH,

peace on earth is still a distant objective, seen only dimly through the

storms and turmoils of our present difficulties?

All great moves forward in the history of mankind have required

changes of existing attitudes and states of mind, so that real life can

eateh up with the creative ideas that underlie our evolution. Me are now

trying to make the step forward from a world of antagonism, domination and

discord to a world of cooperation, equity and harmony. This is a large

step and an important break Tidth the past. It is not to be expected,

therefore, that men will easily and immediately accept it ~ and ad<*pt

themselves to it. In the preamble to the UKSSCO constitution it is said

that "Since Tsars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that

the defences of peace must be constructed." this sentence may well provide

one key to our present difficulties. It is an aspect of our problems to

which the encyclical, Paeem in ferris, is especially relevant.

Thus, although we have abjured -war as an instrument of policy, all

nations have not yet abjured the state of mind that has so often led to

war •* the nationalistic urge to dominate and extend, by various means,

their spheres of influence, and the conviction of the unquestionable

superiority of their own particular traditions, forms and ways of life.

-3*-

Sueh attitudes inevitably breed in other nations the fears, resentments

and suspicions -which historically have also created the atmosphere of

tension in which Tsars break out. Again, although we speak loudly for

equal rights and against discrimination, there are still many nations

and groups throughout the world who are not prepared to accept the

practical consequences of these ideals, while an even greater number still

suffer from discrimination or lack of equal opportunity. It is this

failure of everyday, practical behaviour to keep pace with professed ideals

and aims which makes the promise of our infinitely promising world a

mockery for so many of its inhabitants.

We have accepted the idea of the United Nations as a representative

instrument for maintaining international order. This is an important step

away from the old nationalistic attitudes. We are, however, still a long

way from showing that confidence in each other and in the instrument itself,

which alone can make it work for us and give practical reality to the ideals

to which all nations have subscribed in the Charter. The fact is that,

though our desire for peace is undeniable, our approach to psace is often

old-fashioned and more attuned to former times than to our present state.

Even the United Sations Charter itself provides a good example of this.

Chapter VEH,1 f°*" instance, on action with respect to the peace, breaches

of the peace and acts of aggression, plainly stems from the experience of

the aggressions of the axis powers in the thirties, a kind of situation

which'is unlikely to recur in our world of super powers armed with hydrogen

bombs. aMd a vastly increased nusiber of smaller independent states. It is

this kind of anachronism in the Charter - the kind of anachronism which is

inevitable "in our rapidly changing world - that is partly responsible for

the present constitutional and political crisis in the Qnited Nations.

We have to -Work toward a world order in vMch aggressive nationalism/.

or ideological extremism is not the best -way of protecting legitimate

national interests, where fanaticism is no longer necessary to preserve

a different point of view and where diversity can be preserved without

resort to prejudice and hatred. ¥e have seen how the great religions of

the world, after a lamentable period of bigotry and violence, have become

accommodated to each other, v&thout losing their influence or spiritual

independence, by a mutual respect for, and understanding ofs the spiritual

and moral aims which are common to them all. We mst try, both earnestly

and urgently, to extend that process of accommodation to the political,

ideological* economic and racial alignments of the world. All of our

high aims, our vaunted technology, our skill and our real desire to

cooperate and to help one another will be of no avail if this general

aeeofflisodation, this real change of heart, does not come about.

The realignment of political power in the world, vfaich has been a

dominating feature of the last tea years, is a process whose final forms

cannot be foreseen and whose changing outlines frame the political enigma

of our times, the forces likely to be released by this process, benign and

otherwise, ean, however, be foreseen and cannot be ignored. They can, and

must, be channelled and directed by a positive effort of all nations working

together is the United Nations, if we are to grasp our destiny rather than

fee swept away into a new and appalling age of strife and hatred. It is not

enough to fee active only when a dir© international emergency breaks about

our heads. We need to make a constant effort, year in and year out, to

accustom ourselves to the practice as well as the theory of a peaceful and

cooperative world.

**'§••*

Beneath the present political realignments, the world ia in fact

fundamentally divided in a number of ways. It Is divided economically;

it is divided racially! and it is divided ideologically, although this

latter division may prove to be less basic than the first two. These

divisions aust be faced and discussed with reason and determination. ¥©

ignore thea at our peril, for if they are allowed to persist and grow larger

they will unleash, as they already show signs of doing, darker forces off ,.

bigotry, fear, resentment and racial hatred than the world has ever seen.

We cannot agree to live in such a nightmare, still less to bequeath it to

our children.

though its current problems are great and its present authority

uncertain,, the United Hations does provide a forum in which these divisions

can be discussed and gradually reduced vdthin the framework of the eomon

interest in peace and justice, and with the safeguards that only an organi-

sation representative of all peoples, all interests and all motivations can£>-rr &e :^ s-afifjlsy-. In emergencies, the United Nations has, on numerous occasions,

also provided a mechanism through which countries can cooperate to deal

mth threatening situations and to keep the peace.

The organisation should also provide, as the respect for it grows, a

centre for the harmonising of national policies within the wider interest.

We must eventually arrive, in the affairs of the world, at a state of

political maturity in which it will be considered statessoanlike, rather

than week, for even a great country to alter its course of action or to

change its national poHey in the common interest or in deference to the

tudLll of the majority. I hasten to add that x re are certainly nowhere near

to such an idyllic situation today.

These, to isy mind, are the compelling reasons why the United Nations

mast be preserved and strengthened and why the disagreements of the greatest

powers, however justified they may be, aust not be allowed to disrupt and

stultify the organisation. ¥e have seen in the crisis over arrears in

payments to the United Nations budget an episode that is both depressing

and heartening - depressing for the damage done to the effectiveness and

dignity of the United Nations - heartening for the loyal and unceasing

efforts of the member nations to preserve their organisation by finding a

solution, there is no doubt that the relationship between, and the role

of, the Security Council and the General Assembly are issued of great

importance, especially to the great powers. They are basic issues which

can on3 be resolved by & mil to compromise and accommodate in the over-

riding interest of maintaining peace. The smaller powers are playing,

and must play, an essential role as the spokesmen of moderation and common

interest in this process and, if a solution is found, much credit will be

due to their steadfastness and determination. That we still lack, after: ' . ")'

twenty years, the basis of confidence and accommodation necessary to make

the United Nations work should be a challenge to leaders and statesmen all

over the world, rather than a reason for defeatism and hopelessness.

Governments, however well and sincerely they may cooperate in the

United Eations, cannot face the great, and shifting problems of our age in

isolation. The peoples they represent must also give life and reality to

the aims and ideals of the Charter, toward which we strive. Their attitudes

must not lag behind the efforts of their leaders. Here again, we now have

the means'to achieve a great objective, an enlightened v orld public opinion.

One of the revolutions of our age, the revolution in conMunications of all

kinds, has made a well-informed world public opinion technically possible

; • - _ ^ . .::vfor the first time in history*

problem is to ensure a beneficial use of these means of eonmmni-

eation1. This is a challenge to leaders both temporal and spiritual to

intelligent and creative men and women everywhere. Without real knowledge

and -understanding and without a determination to learn from the past, to

rid ourselves of outmoded prejudices and attitudes and to face the future

together with both hope and wisdom* we shall not succeed in making our

aims and ideals a working reality. The encyclical "Pacem in Terris" gives

us an inspiring lead toward that change of heart which our great aims

so urgently require.

>f\~v**»