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Transcript of Robin Hood Gardens a Housing Ideal
Robin Hood Gardens: A Housing Ideal?
An Investigation into Smithsons’ idea of community and place
Muhammad Tayyab Faheem MA Architecture
Architecture and Built Environment
MA ARCHITECTURE
ESSAY Critical Issue: AARC 706
Robin Hood Gardens: A Housing Ideal?
An Investigation into Smithsons’ idea of community and place
Tayyab Faheem
W1451964 January, 2014
Course Leader: Davide Deriu
The importance of Robin Hood Gardens as a formative project in the history of architecture
cannot be under-estimated. It is imperative that Robin Hood Gardens is saved from a non-
reversible fate. We should develop schemes for the future longevity of Robin Hood Gardens,
and I would be among the first to lend my assistance to make sure that Robin Hood Gardens
survives for our future generations.
… Zaha Hadid
It has heroic scale with beautiful human proportions and has a magical quality. It practically hugs
the ground, yet it has also a majestic sense of scale, reminiscent of a Nash terrace.
… Richard Rogers
I believe Robin Hood Gardens to be the most significant building completed by my parents….
They were particularly proud of the complexity that arises from the disposition of different flat
types, the massing, composition and proportion of the blocks.
…Simon Smithson, son of Alison and Peter Smithson
Robin Hood Gardens is the only proper concrete manifestation of their concepts and is thus of
extreme importance, not only historically speaking, but also for the present, as the concept of
‘design for the community’ still holds its fascination for architects and housing reformers.
…Professor Stefan Muthesius, University of East Anglia
Robin Hood Gardens is the most striking example of that period when architects struggled to
humanize the organization of the high density social housing estate.
…Peter St John, Caruso St John
Robin Hood Gardens is a highly significant example of post-war public housing and, signifies the
progressive state of architectural design and public expectation at a time of change and social
advance. Like Victorian architecture and Pre-Raphaelite paintings, which were laughed at for
many years, it will come to be appreciated for what it is
…Neil Jackson, Professor of Architecture at the Liverpool School
Quotes taken from the Twentieth Century Society (September2008)--http://www.c20society.org.uk/casework/robin-hood-gardens/ Accessed Dec 2013
List of Content
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: Birth of a New Era: Post war Britain 3
1.1: The festival of Britain 5
1.2: The Smithsons + team X 8
1.3: Independent Group, Soho House and the New Brutalism 10
Chapter 2: Streets in the Air 12
2.1: Golden Lane proposal 12
2.2: Robin Hood Gardens: The Vision 15
Chapter 3: What Went Wrong? 19
3.1: Problems after completion 19
3.2: Demolition or Renovation 21
Conclusion 23
List of illustrations 25
Bibliography 26
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An Investigation into Smithson’s idea of community and place
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Introduction:
What is happening to Smithsons’ Robin Hood Gardens estate as part of Blackwall Reach
regeneration scheme is happening countrywide as local authorities demolish council housing
estates built as post war British architecture. It is not especially about Robin Hood garden
scheme, Post war architecture has always been viewed in two different ways. Firstly there are
those who support the demolition, who consider it as a “carbuncle”, blaming Robin Hood
Gardens directly responsible for the crime and social decay that plagued life on the estate. They
blamed its architecture for isolating residents, creating dead spaces for antisocial behavior to
flourish, being inflexible and unable to adapt to modern living requirements. For these
detractors, demolishing the estate would be an act of social justice, and a chance to build a
brighter future. Then there are others, less audible ones, who criticize the Council's decision to
evict a thousand families before being able to re-house them, and to then leave perfectly sound
flats empty for years. "In the context of the continual housing crisis in London, bringing the
social estates down is a deliberate social crime that aims at clearing the area of its lowest-
income inhabitants and paves the way for unbridled property speculation." (Sebregondi, 2011)
Smithsons are often regarded as greatest post war British architects. Their writings and their
work had a key role to establish a new style in architecture the in postwar Britain. At the same
time they are criticized because of their over confidence and self-orientation. They have been
often tagged as writers and theorist than successful architects because of less amount of their
built work. But their works shows the transformation and evolution of their thoughts and
establishment of new style. In this essay therefore, I will first investigate the situation of post-
war Britain which transformed the whole society. Then the events like is “The festival of Britain”
and their affiliation with different architecture and arts group. Through these studies will try to
investigate the philosophical background of Robin Hood Garden design.
Robin Hood Garden is the only example of built large scale housing by Smithsons. The design of
the state had a significant ideological background which they built in almost twenty years
through their writing and publications. It is therefore my aim to investigate the evolution of their
design ideologies. What factors and events contributed towards their thinking and ideas about
housing? How did they implement their thoughts and philosophy? And regardless of their claim
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of sense of place and neighborhood life what factors contributed towards the disregard for well
thought and well-designed public spaces? And why did architecture historians and some
architects consider it as an unsuccessful project?
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An Investigation into Smithson’s idea of community and place
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Chapter 1: Birth of a new Era: Post war Britain
Before discussing anything about Robin Hood Gardens and Smithsons’ inclination towards
modern architecture, it is necessary to understand the circumstances and events that influenced
not only the Smithsons but other architects too, towards their ideologies of architecture,
especially their thinking towards housing estates.
After the blitz and more specifically after Second World War Britain faced a huge task to rebuild
the nation that was effected physically and physiologically (Fig 1). Almost for ten years
architecture and construction remained stopped in London. During this time periods architects
witnessed the impact of the war on society and it reflected in their work in later years. But it
also pushed the society to show acceptance for new ideas in architecture. At that time the
purpose was not only to build the architecture but with it how to form the society and bring it
out of the depression and post traumatic effects of war. The difficulties of war were
accompanied by the beginning of demolition, the return of evacuated families, and the changing
trend of migration to the towns. And all of it meant that huge number of families and a few
number of houses (Fig 2). On the other hand, despite the initial trauma of war the post war
period became one of the most prosperous era of British history. For next three decades the
economic growth changed the whole living standards of British nation. These prosperous years
brought revolutionary shift in the expectations and aspirations towards social housing and the
types of the estate that were being constructed. As Parker Morris wrote in his report, “An
increasing proportion of people are coming to expect their home to do more than fulfil the basic
requirement. It must be something of which they can be proud, and in which they must be able
to express the fullness of their lives. There is, therefore an increasingly prevalent atmosphere in
which improvements in housing standards will be welcomed and indeed demanded, and in
which stress will be laid upon quality rather than mere adequacy.” (Morris, 1961)
Eventually after war there was an ideal environment for architects, planners and councils to re-
think the mistakes of pre-war era with a totally new design ideology. And in 1951 the architects,
engineers and other professionals got an opportunity to show the nation whole new vision of
future, the festival of Britain.
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Figure 1: A Heinkel III bomber over the Thames, taken from another German bomber, 7th September 1940
Figure 2: Photo of Coventry, after the air raid of 14 November 1940. People walk through the ruins of their city.
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1.1: The festival of Britain:
The event which effected the most on the British trend of architecture after World War Two was
the festival of Britain, held on south bank of Thames in summer of 1951 (Fig 3). The idea was not
only to celebrate the nation's recovery after war but also to celebrate the one hundred years of
British achievement and aim was to give meaning and intent to country’s rather simplistic policy.
However, the festival gave rise to two different architectural thoughts. Many young people
inspired by the example of festival to train as architects. Others consider it to be laughably
narrow-minded approach and an example to be strongly rejected. Prompted the opposition
against self-satisfaction attitude which the festival popularized. And the strongest of the voice
came from the Alison and peter Smithson.
The festival was to show the definition of being modern to the public which wanted
rehabilitation and security after the war. ”The South Bank was transformed completely and the
design of the whole town was consistent in a way that was to eliminate class separation. Load-
bearing brickwork, low-pitched roofs, wood-framed picture windows fitted with plate glass,
Small-bore central heating and exotic indoor plants, the so-called Contemporary Style or that
which was variously called People’s Detailing: all became the festival style”. (Frampton, 2011)
Although, new structures were built on the site to house exhibitions exploring Britain's
landscape and British character. Architecturally, the festival was complex of different
architecture styles. The whole festival design tone was vaguely Swedish in its affinities, even the
three prominent buildings on the Festival site the Royal Festival Hall, the Skylon and the Dome
of Discovery had different origins (Fig 4).The focal point of the exhibition was the dome of
discovery, designed by Ralph Tubbs. The Skylon was the vertical feature to act as a landmark for
the festival. Only the Royal Festival Hall is still there, which is the best British civic monument of
second half of the twentieth century but also had been under great controversies. The other
two were also unique, but they had the reflection of Russian Constructivist legacy.
Peter and Alison Smithson vociferously ridiculed the architectural idea associated with the
festival. Characterizing themselves as a new generations, they rejected the works of their
forebears, who had been promoting the historic style. They set out a manifesto for the future,
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an architecture that rejected the historicism, an architecture for their own time. For them,
experiments of the festival architecture were and escape from the real problem and
opportunities of urbanization. This reaction against the architecture of the festival led them
toward a way that would eventually know as “New Brutalism”.
My point of this discussion is not to criticize the Festival. I just want to get and understanding
that how this festival molded the Smithsons’ thought and ideologies of their work style. Apart
from criticizing the festival structure, I think it’s important to understand the time staged and
the effected people for whom it was put on. It helped the people to see their war-ravaged
nation with a different perspective. It gave the British nation an experience of new thinking and
new architecture style. It evoked the emotion of pride and excitement and brought hope of a
better future to come.
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Figure 4: The Royal Festival Hall, Dome of Discovery and the Skylon: Festival of Britain 1951
Figure 3: The Dome of Discovery and the Skylon: Festival of Britain 1951
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1.2: Team X and the Smithsons:
At the 9th meeting of CIAM in 1953 the Smithsons formed a new group with known as Team X.
The aim was to discuss and exchange ideas about planning and housing in order to give a new
ideology other than Charter of Athens. Moving away from le Corbusier traditional teachings and
utopian functionalism, towards sense of belonging and community interaction. Here they
presented CIAM Grille along with their text ‘Urban Re-identification’ (Fig 5). Which prompt them
to extend their research into a different way of looking at housing such as Golden lane Proposal
and Robin Hood Gardens. Their understanding of complex relationship within various scales of
urban habitation was hugely influenced by the photographs of Nigel Henderson which were
mostly taken in Bethnal Green.
On this meeting they made their first statement on their urban vision and this view is evident in
their early unbuilt work. Their work represented a radical shift of emphasis in which importance
was given to identity and human association rather than the functional organization which the
Charter the Athens had presented. The Street-in-the-air reference was also used for the first
time in this paper that dominated their proposals which the made for the housing projects. They
re-identify the categories of Dwelling, work, recreation and circulation according to the level of
perceived association: The house, The Street, The district and the city (Fig 6). The hierarchy was
intended to create a better communal life, exactly opposite to the type of community that le
Corbusier’s recently completed unite de habitation in Marseille.
Smithsons argued, “With increased density and ease of movement on all four levels, the social
cohesion can only be achieved”. (Smithson, 1982) Their ideas of neighbourliness and community
interaction became influential for post-war housing estates. And their social cohesion attitude
was developed with the interaction with Nigel Henderson, who also supplied the images for
their CIAM 1953 grille. These attitude and specially their proposal for Golden Lane, formed their
ideas of new style which they implemented in Robin Hood Garden Scheme.
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Figure 6: Hierarchy of Association: Urban Re-Identification, 1953
Figure 5: The Grille: Re identification of the city into house, street, District and City
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1.3: Independent Group, Soho House and the New Brutalism
In early 1950’s the Smithsons also became associated with another group known as
Independent Group. Where the relationship and association with Nigel Henderson and Reyner
Banham significantly influenced their housing design philosophy (Fig 7). During the same time, in
1951 when they won the competition of secondary school in Hunstanton, seen as a classic
example of modern architecture, which immediately label under the banner of New Brutalism.
Although it was designed before their small house design in Soho, for whom Alison Smithson
first time publically claimed the term New Brutalism. The Smithsons and other critics proclaimed
the school design also as a New Brutalist design when it was first published.
“Peter Smithson wrote: ‘It was decided to have no finishes at all internally- the building to be a
combination of shelter and environment. Bare concrete, brickwork and wood… our intention to
have the structure exposed entirely” (Smithson, 1954). But it’s quite not clear that why they did
so. The structure’s aesthetics are quite light weight and influence of the Mies Van Der Rohe is so
apparent. Even the use of the material also do not conjure up the common image of the
Brutalist Architecture (Fig 8). Regardless of Hunstanton’s being Brutalist or not, It was with
Independent Group that the Smithsons coined the term New Brutalism, where, Reyner Banham
became its greatest advocate.
The idea to leave the material, services and structure left “as found” became the identity of New
Brutalism. “They believed that in this state the spaces should be created to create the much-
needed ‘identity’ that society required. During the settings of photographs taken for the CIAM
grille, Smithson had close insights into the social pattern and complex relationship in the
community. There, they discovered their ‘as found aesthetics’” (Alloway, 1990). The observation
of role of the ‘neighbours’ and working with Nigel Henderson and his street sense, inspired them
to their idea of association and community. Combine with the idea of neighbourliness, these all
were the main force of Smithson’s concept of Streets decks in the air. They envisaged that
through the implementation of these ideas they could be able to create their view of modern
utopian community. Which they first applied to Golden Lane proposal and finally to their
constructed housing, Robin Hood Gardens.
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Figure 7: The Original members of independent group. 1956
Figure 8: Hunstanton School building, Peter Smithson & Alison Smithson, 1949-1954
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Chapter 2: Streets in the Air
2.1: Golden Lane Proposal:
For golden lane housing, the plan intended to bring together high densities of people in a way
that created “an infinitely richer and more satisfactory way of living in cities. They emphasized
social role of the street to design such a community. They tried to humanize the modern theory
of tall buildings, saying that above six stories in any building, the sense of being on street
disappeared. Building higher meant losing the connection with street but also from
neighborhood which creates the sense of alienation (Fig 9). It was the idea of street, not the
physical one they felt to maintain in order to build a strong community. The street was sought to
be a place not a corridor or balcony. Elevated decks thought to be social place having their own
identity where neighbour could chat, children could play and residents could live (Fig 10).
“Our aim is to create a try Street-in-the-air, each ‘street’ having a large number of people
dependent on it for access, and in addition some streets are to be thoroughfares—that is,
leading to places—so that they will each acquire special characteristics—be identified in fact.
Each part of each street-in-the-air will have sufficient people accessed from it for it to become a
social entity and be within reach of a much larger number at the same level”. (Smithson, 2001)
Enhancing pedestrian circulation would create community and bring a kind of humanity back to
some of the more bombastic and monumental CIAM modernist housing projects. Separating the
pedestrian decks from typical ground street was also the response to growing use of the
automobile. Although the Golden Lane Project was much inspired by the Le Corbusier’s Unite
d’Habitation and its internal street, the more astonishing part of the Golden Lane Project was
the de-emphasis of the building as a discreet unit of urban fabric, and instead the creation of a
network of continuous buildings arranged in sort of a cellular pattern. Such a network would
respond to local needs and topography of sites, and would become as another layer of urbanism
upon the existing city fabric. This unique organization, clustered and continuous approach, was
a rejection of the modernist grid and height. All units had the front doors at the deck level and
main accommodation was above or below level. An essential thing was for the most of the
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dwellings to have yard-garden. This was totally visible from the deck, bringing the normal house
outdoor activities.
“Where street is purely residential, the individual house and garden will provide the same lively
pattern as a true street or square, nothing is lost and elevation is gained” (Smithsons, 1970). The
yard garden were to provide also an additional benefit and could be used as a workshop space.
The work they presented at the CIAM IX was absolutely in their mind during the design of the
golden lane competition. The translation of CIAM grille into the Golden lane scheme was clear.
The house is the family unit, The Street is the access deck, and the District are particular
branches whilst the city is the overall composition. So the Smithsons were clearly successful to
reach the goal that they set themselves. Reyner Banham, perhaps the strongest advocate of the
golden lane, talks about it in his article The New Brutalism: “(Golden Lane) is notable for its
determination to create visual image by non-formal means, emphasising visual circulation,
identifiable units of habitation, and fully validating the presence of human beings as part of the
total image—the perspective had photographs of people pasted on the drawings, so that the
human presence almost overwhelmed the architecture” (Banham, 1955)
They did not win the competition, they were not even runner up. Chamberlin, Powel and Bon
design entry won the competition. Even then the Smithson continued the publicity of their
design on different forums and within architectural press. Eventually their design became one of
the most highly influential design for other housing estates. But they waited fifteen years before
finally getting the chance to implement their ideas at Robin Hood Garden estate. Despite over
fifteen years had passed, they remain firmly stick to their ideas and learnings.
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Figure 9: Photomontage of proposed decks on actual size. P.S, 1952
Figure 10: Photomontage of street deck at Golden Lane by PS, 1953
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2.2: Robin Hood Gardens: The Vision
“Our intention has always been to turn architecture towards particularity… of space, person,
and activity: the form to raise from these” (Johnson, 1970)
They conceived the estate consisting of two unconnected slab blocks, each running north-south
along the busy roads. Both the blocks were almost twins in look and design, only difference was
the height and length. The western slab was the longer of the two and was seven storeys high
while the eastern slab was shorter but taller, at ten storeys in height. All the upper floors had
duplex apartments whereas on the ground floor there were only single storey flats for elderly
tenants. In all, there were 214 flats designed for two to six people. Looking into the design of
units, in both blocks, the bedrooms faced on to the inner/‘garden’ side in order to benefit from
its calmness and peacefulness
“Protection” was the theme behind the design of Robin Hood Gardens according to Peter
Smithson. To achieve a calm center, the pressures of the external world are held off by the
buildings and outworks. “We felt under obligation to provide best possible quality irrespective of
what people expect. We regarded it as a demonstration for more enjoyable living in the old
industrial part of the city. In the late 40’s and early 50’s when we first start thinking about
housing, the lack of identity and lack of any pattern of association was there, we use ‘Object as
found’ as a design methodology” (Johnson, 1970). This is why their foremost general objective
was to knit around the surrounding by the insertion of new building. The site Blackwall Reach,
was bounded north, east and west by busy roads, and to the south, by the Aspen Way. In fact it
was a large traffic island with landscape at the centre, around which residents live in two
concrete blocks (Fig 11).
The overall concept was both reaction against and informed by Le Corbusier's Unite
d'Habitation, in which traditional streetscapes should be swept aside to create new
accommodation blocks sitting in parkland. The housing was a true representation of the
Smithsons' ideals of community, a place for social interaction with visual and physical interactive
connections. Which they have been working and writing on since last two decades. Frequency of
walking within neighborhoods was created with more unplanned interactions with neighbors,
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which could in turn contribute to relationship formation and development. No doubt People
who perceived their neighborhood environment to be safe and interesting have been shown to
rate their sense of community more highly. They challenged the sense of confinement and tried
to create a better living environment by accepting the limitations of this site. They opted for the
former solution. In doing so, they were able in creating a genuinely peaceful green space in the
center of a heavily noised and traffic loaded urban context. This area of green mound was at the
heart the whole project. They wanted to create an oasis of calm to the extent that the both
sides residential blocks were conceived to act as sound barriers against the traffic noise from
Cotton Street and the Blackwall Tunnel approach.
The site planning was considered the result of an expanded “As Found” approach, a careful
understanding of existing patterns, connecting road, the few remaining shops in neighbourhood.
Also response to the existing surrounding features of the site such as the East India Dock basin,
the church of All Saints, views towards Thames River and the old power plant on the south bank.
The As Found idea of ‘picking up, turning over and putting with…’ literally giving back in the way
they re-used the leftovers of the demolished buildings for the creation of two concrete blocks in
the central green space of the estate. Re-using the old, the leftovers, revitalising the existing and
abandoned, it runs like a thread through the Smithsons’ work and thinking. “It is polemically
there in the various early competition schemes for Golden Lane, Coventry Cathedral and
Sheffield University; with the projects for the Economist, their country escape in Upper Lawn
and slightly later the dormitory building for St Hilda’s a much more conscious approach seems to
have set in, working with ambiguities and reciprocities of the existing and the new rather than
one of clear-cut opposition in a purist, modernist way”. (Heuvel, 2012)
Robin Hood Gardens was example of the Smithsons’ social intentions is integrated through the
concept of “streets in the sky” (Fig 12). Built with panels of pre-cast concrete, there are one and
two story apartments in both buildings having the view towards the urban garden between
them. One building had seven stories and other had ten, the idea was to bring southern light
inwards. They used remnants from construction in order to make the center hill in the garden.
The idea was to improve people’s lives through design, for this reason, the communal space for
residents was the most essential place for them because in would serve more than one purpose.
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As the psychologist D. McMillan said that “Feeling ties with a place and fellow residents has also
been linked to a range of community level outcomes that influence well-being including fear of
crime and improved community problem coping skills” (D. McMillan, 1986). Street was the
place that Smithson felt outdated since the use of cars, street were no more a place being for a
resident to identify with their environment. The design ideology they developed during the
CIAM grille and after that were always described the importance of street for community life. So
the Smithsons tried to mimic that street culture at upper levels. g. After every two floors there
was a wide concrete balcony jutting off towards the center, overlooking the garden. The
balconies are wide enough for multiple people to walk and for children to play. They were
proposed by them as a new neighborhood street for these housing units, which provide
residents with direct walking access to activities in order to give the community a strong sense
of identity. Because walkable environments also facilitate opportunities for residents to meet,
interact and engage in their neighborhood, which can foster sense of community conversely.
The estate was designed with transportation networks forming the main structure; connections
and routes, both vehicular and pedestrian. pedestrian friendly environments help create a sense
of community, “A feeling that members have of belonging and being important to each other
and a shared faith that members’ needs will be met by the commitment to be together”. (D.
McMillan, 1986)
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Figure 11: Robin Hood Gardens Layout Plan. A.P Smithson: Building block organized along the edges of the site
Figure 12: Robin Hood Gardens: Street-in-the-Air
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Chapter 3: What Went Wrong?
3.1: Problems after completion
When interviewed about the estate, Peter Smithson had this to say about the residents: "The
week it opened, people would shit in the lifts, which is an act of social aggression." (Golds, 2013)
Only a year after Robin Hood Gardens was completed, in 1973, the American critic, Anthony
Pangaro, visited the estate and was amazed to discover that it was already attracting vandalism.
‘In the Robin Hood Gardens model, neither the streets nor the dwellings accommodate activities
useful for supervision or socialisation. The wide access galleries are primarily circulation spaces
and are only incidentally available in a neighbourhood exchange. The outdoor areas adjacent to
the dwelling units miss their chance to serve as front porches or stoops because they allow no
definition of private territory or any sense of public ownership. ‘The dwelling units are all but
disconnected from the “street” (imagine the difference if there were only a kitchen window on
it, and a real stoop), and turn away from the link to the rest of the estate.’ (Pangaro, 1973)
The lifts were regularly vandalised. Pangaro’s experience was informative as it oppose the
general conception that the estate’s decline was the consequence of long-term neglect, very
poor maintenance. Rather, the problems were inherent from the very beginning. In particular
Pangaro focused on the failure of street decks and their arrangement which were designed to
give residents a sense of personal space and enclosure. The high level access streets were not
forward thinking approach at Robin Hood Gardens, the surprise being that they continued with
them despite the hard core evidence that witnessed in the preceding years about their failings.
The American author Jane Jacobs, in her book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities
highlighted the social flaws associated with the thinking of the Smithsons. Although she did not
directly talked about Robin Hood Gardens but her warnings got more support in the writings of
Oscar Newman’s book Defensible Space. Oscar Newman highlighted how architectural and
urban design can become catalyst for negative behavior, with the research making links
between increased number of crime and high-rise developments. He concluded that, “Family
disintegration and social instability, were no longer being regarded simply as characteristic of
low income groups but were now being correlated to particular building types." (Newman,
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1966). The book drew attention to ways in which design could encourage inhabitants
themselves to enhance their own security He argued that a place occupied a large group of
people, people do not feel sense of control and responsibility that generate antisocial behavior.
Territoriality, Natural Surveillance, Image and Setting, were the four factors that according to
Newman could create a defensible space.
'Defensible Space' concluded that antisocial circumstances were the result of residents largely
feeling they had no control or responsibility in communal areas occupied by so many people. For
my opinion that for some post-war housing estates, the antisocial behaviour and crime were not
social factors, in fact they were closely tied to very poor design. And it was very hard to correct
these design faults because so many of its features cannot be modified without demolishing the
building or some of its parts specially in case of Robin Hood Gardens. As Charles Jencks also said
“The estate was particularly singled out as the embodiment of the bankruptcy of the Brutalist
concrete dream in one of the most influential works of architectural criticism of the late-
Seventies”. (Jencks, 1991)
In an interview to John McKean Peter Smithson said “We made a big mistake at Robin Hood,”
Peter Smithson slowly said to me in 1977. “First, one of the most easily enterable spaces is
totally under-overlooked, and gets a terrific amount of vandalism. But the one big mistake, that I
still don’t know how to solve, is the notional street deck thing. One should be able to get from
level to level almost without knowing, feeling you’ve got there. But you end up with fire stairs,
which people pee in, you know.” (McKean, 2011). They always tried to defend their design and
never admitted that the failure of the state was because of design, they always blamed the
social condition and people behaviour.
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3.2: Demolition or Renovation:
Thirty-five years after its completion the London Borough of Tower Hamlets, was faced with
stark options for its future. Both blocks were in poor condition, although the main concrete
structure was still in good condition but there were significant defect in external envelop and
roof coverings. The estate needed to be intensively refurbished or it needed to be demolished
and new accommodation built on the site. Neither was a cheap option and neither could be
done without moving residents out while their homes were either refurbished or entirely done
away with.
If the renovation option was nevertheless to be pursued then it was worth looking at what was
being done at Sheffield’s Park Hill. The renovation was possible because its architecture
provided the flexible framework of a concrete grid with the capacity for changes in plans and
location of services, lifts and stairs. In case of Robin Hood Gardens the modification of its façade
in order to achieve that kind of transformation was more difficult but still not impossible. Even
one of the most significant – and generally laudatory – publications on the Smithsons’ work
concluded that for all ‘the intellectual sophistication of the intentions,’ Robin Hood Gardens was
in part ‘meretricious’ and ‘failed as a place of human habitation”. (Webster, 1997)
In 2008 the English Heritage declined the listing of Robin Hood Gardens. This decision ignited a
quick and resolute response from their admirers. Number of architects started a campaigned
against this decision including their son and the leading architects as Zaha Hadid and Richard
Rogers. Lord Rogers bravely claimed that the Smithsons ‘were two of the greatest architects of
the second half of the twentieth century’ and Robin Hood Gardens was as good, If not better,
than any other modern building in Britain. The New proposal has been approved for
construction and many architects believe that it is not only of far less architectural significance
but also stand the possibility of being of a far poorer quality (Fig 13).
In support of Robin Hood Garden, the Twentieth Century Society chairman Alan Powers wrote,
“It has been stated that the idea was no longer a new one at the time of design and construction
of Robin Hood Gardens, and that it was not effective in its purpose. This is a narrow view of the
matter. The single issue of street decks should be seen in the context of the Smithsons’ wider
concern with pedestrian circulation over a longer period, starting with their competition scheme
for Golden Lane Flats in 1952” (Croft, 2008)
Robin Hood Gardens: A Housing Ideal?
An Investigation into Smithson’s idea of community and place
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However, a number of arguments were raised by those wanting Robin Hood Gardens’ listing,
ranging from the claims that it was innovative and its street decks important to more general
statements that it deserved protection by dint of being the product of an important
architectural practice. And because Alison Smithson, the co-architect was a woman meant that
special consideration should be given to preserving her output. And despite all of the problems
and faults, it represents an intellectual and ideological importance and exemplifies the
realisation of an idea into reality which is a rare architectural ability.
Figure 13: Redevelopment proposal of Robin Hood Garden-http://www.london.gov.uk/priorities/housing-land/land-assets/blackwall-reach
Robin Hood Gardens: A Housing Ideal?
An Investigation into Smithson’s idea of community and place
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Conclusions:
In the 1960s, local authorities looked at Victorian terraces in east London and declared them
slums. They terraces had become architecturally unfashionable and socially dead and they
needed to be demolished because they didn't create an environment where people could live
happily. It was decided that they had to be demolished and replaced. After 30 years of the
completion of that replacement is has been said again that these are socially dead, can’t give
people proper social life and it needs to be replaced. Same had been said about Trellick Tower
and Park Hill Estate and these were also once under huge criticism but now after the
refurbishment and listing they are hugely desirable places to live.
From the beginning, Robin Hood Gardens has been at the center of a debate concerning its
success. Initially, structural issues raised the cost of the building. Once lived in, critics blamed
crime within the buildings on their design, but there have been many issues contributing to the
less than ideal conditions of Robin Hood Gardens today. A serious denial in upkeep has made
the apartments less desirable places to live, and developers are eager to demolish the buildings
in order to expand their own visions of the future.
Whether the ideology of the Smithsons has or has not been fulfilled, is a never ending debate.
Surely, Their concept of building a community and bring people together was not just an idea
but it was the need of the time. The building was vandalized and neglected by its unhappy
residents. The deprivation of the people who lived in them was another fact too. But it is quite
clear that both the Smithsons and the residents were responsible of the failure of this housing
ideal. No doubt the building fabric is reflection of historic movement, a bold and controversial
style. It was an example of welfare state, an attempt of post-war urban re-identification.
Robin Hood Gardens embodies Alison and Peter Smithson’s vision for a new form of social
housing. With both successes and failures within its concrete walls, their radical vision will
always exist within Robin Hood Gardens. It is a physical representation of ideas that started
from Team X and ‘the parallel of life and art’ and translated into a concept which first
implemented on golden Lane proposal and finally came into reality in the form of Robin Hood
Gardens. It is an undeniably important piece of Great Britain’s architectural history and a
Robin Hood Gardens: A Housing Ideal?
An Investigation into Smithson’s idea of community and place
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monument of British modernism which encompasses the wealth of all these ideas. Robin Hood
Gardens is unparalleled example of New Brutalist architecture, even when viewing it adjacent to
Balforn tower. Both the building represent the ideology of their own architects and offer very
different stance on the post-war architecture and looks incomplete without each other.
Although it is currently in a poor condition but demolishing the estate and building it from
scratch is not the best option, especially in current era of economic and energy crises when a
viable option of refurbishment exist and many leading architects are in favor of this too. With
current ideologies of more environmental and sustainable approaches to development, the
council should also think away to build the housing from scratch and think to use the existing
structure in an innovative way.
While Trellick tower, Balforn tower, Park hill Estate and many other building of the same era
have been listed, Robin Hood Garden also deserves the same respect. Legacy of the Smithsons,
financial and environmental benefits, historic significance, and the majority of residents who are
in favor of its refurbishment are the argument in its favor of conservation. The Demolition is not
started yet, and an opportunity of preserving it still exists as the decision in 2009 was to
consider it for listing for next 5 years. There is still time and opportunity to come up with a more
constructive approach rather than demolishing a national architectural heritage.
Robin Hood Gardens: A Housing Ideal?
An Investigation into Smithson’s idea of community and place
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List of illustrations:
Figure 1: A Heinkel III bomber over the Thames, taken from another German bomber, 7th September
1940 .................................................................................................................................................................4
Figure 2: Photo of Coventry, after the air raid of 14 November 1940. People walk through the ruins of
their city. ..........................................................................................................................................................4
Figure 3: The Dome of Discovery and the Skylon: Festival of Britain 1951 .....................................................7
Figure 4: The Royal Festival Hall, Dome of Discovery and the Skylon: Festival of Britain 1951 ......................7
Figure 5: The Grille: Re identification of the city into house, street, District and City ....................................9
Figure 6: Hierarchy of Association: Urban Re-Identification, 1953 .................................................................9
Figure 7: The Original members of independent group. 1956 ......................................................................11
Figure 8: Hunstanton School building, Peter Smithson & Alison Smithson, 1949-1954 ...............................11
Figure 9: Photomontage of proposed decks on actual size. P.S, 1952 ..........................................................14
Figure 10: Photomontage of street deck at Golden Lane by PS, 1953 ..........................................................14
Figure 11: Robin Hood Gardens Layout Plan. A.P Smithson: Building block organized along the edges of the
site .................................................................................................................................................................18
Figure 12: Robin Hood Gardens: Street-in-the-Air ........................................................................................18
Figure 13: Redevelopment proposal of Robin Hood Garden-http://www.london.gov.uk/priorities/housing-
land/land-assets/blackwall-reach ..................................................................................................................22
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