Performance of the Australian Securities and …...placing too much reliance on brokers to assess...
Transcript of Performance of the Australian Securities and …...placing too much reliance on brokers to assess...
Chapter 5
ASIC's role and credit providers
5.1 Before July 2010, the states and territories had primary responsibility for
regulating consumer credit. ASIC, however, did have some involvement. Since
March 2002, under the ASIC Act, the regulator has had a consumer protection role for
credit facilities, which included household and investment and small business credit.
ASIC took over this responsibility from the ACCC as part of the reform of business
and investment regulation under the Corporate Law Economic Reform Program.
This Commonwealth level regulatory function for credit in the marketplace was
limited in scope with ASIC's jurisdiction under part 2 of the ASIC Act confined to
broad standards of conduct covering unconscionable conduct and misleading or
deceptive conduct.1 ASIC's licensing powers did not extend to brokers who only
advised on credit products. At that time, as credit was not considered a 'financial
product' for the purposes of the Corporations Act, brokers were not required to have
an Australian financial services (AFS) licence.
5.2 In July 2010, ASIC's responsibilities expanded considerably under the
National Consumer Credit Protection Act 2009 (National Credit Act) which imposed
licensing requirements, general conduct obligations and responsible lending
obligations on credit providers and persons providing credit assistance.
5.3 In this chapter, the committee's main focus is on ASIC's performance and its
regulatory role before the National Credit Act came into force. It is concerned with
allegations of imprudent lending involving unconscionable conduct, misleading and
deceptive conduct, including possible cases of fraud, that occurred after March 2002
but before the new legislation came into effect.
Early indications of irresponsible lending practices
5.4 The period from the late 1990s through to the first half of the 2000s was
marked by considerable product innovation in the Australian mortgage market.
Reflecting on that period, the Assistant Governor (Financial Markets) of the Reserve
Bank of Australia (RBA) explained that lenders sought to cater for a wider range of
potential borrowers and found new ways to assess their borrowing capacity. He noted:
Lenders introduced home-equity loans, redraw facilities and reverse
mortgages, all of which allowed households to borrow against the equity
they have built up in their homes. Lenders also introduced interest-only
1 See for example, Consumer Credit Legal Centre (NSW) Inc, A report to ASIC on the finance
and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, p. 39; ASIC, Protecting wealth in the family home:
An examination of refinancing in response to mortgage stress, March 2008, p. 4; and ASIC,
Submission 45.1, p. 6.
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loans and shared equity loans, which made it easier for households,
particularly first home buyers, to purchase their home.
Loan products that better meet the needs of certain types of borrowers, such
as those with irregular income streams or those who do not meet the
standard lending criteria, were also introduced. Low doc loans, for which
borrowers self-certify their income in the application process, accounted for
about 10 per cent of newly approved housing loans in 2006 compared with
less than ½ per cent in 2000.2
5.5 According to the Assistant Governor, while the overwhelming effect of these
changes had been to widen the range of households who could access finance, some of
the innovation had resulted in 'an easing in lending standards and an increase in risk
for both borrowers and lenders'.3
5.6 The Consumer Credit Legal Centre (NSW) Inc (CCLC) also noted the
emergence of 'non-conforming lending' in the home loan market during the early
2000s. It stated that 'while some lenders specifically targeted and priced their products
for marginal borrowers, the trend soon spread into the mainstream, with most
mainstream lenders including the major banks offering low doc loans'.4
Growing use of mortgage brokers
5.7 This period also witnessed growth in the use of financial brokers as
intermediaries between borrowers and lenders, which meant that an increasing number
of Australians approached mortgage brokers rather than a lender to arrange loans.
For example, a 2003 survey by the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority
(APRA) on broker initiated loans recorded that 56 institutions indicated that they had
used brokers to originate loans (14 banks, 34 credit unions, and eight building
societies), which represented approximately 25 per cent of all authorised deposit-
taking institutions (ADIs). The survey also predicted a continuation of this trend in the
market with 25 institutions indicating at the time that they planned to use brokers for
the first time in the next 12 months.5
5.8 Based on its results, the survey noted that only a minority of institutions were
placing too much reliance on brokers to assess loans and inadequately tracking and
2 Dr Guy Debelle, 'The State of the Mortgage Market', Address to the Mortgage Innovation
Conference, Sydney, 30 March 2010, p. 6.
3 Dr Guy Debelle, 'The State of the Mortgage Market', p. 5.
4 Consumer Credit Legal Centre (NSW) Inc, Submission 194, p. 13.
5 Anoulack Chanthivong, Anthony D. F. Coleman and Neil Esho, Report on Broker-originated
Lending, Results of a survey of authorised deposit-taking intuitions, undertaken by the
Australian Prudential Regulation Authority, January 2003, pp. 4, 5. The survey recorded that
the total dollar value of broker-originated housing loans was $76.3 billion, which represented
roughly 23% of all housing loans made by ADIs. Broker-introduced housing loans accounted
for 23% of banking industry housing loans, 2% of credit union housing loans, and 35% of
building society housing loans.
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assessing broker-introduced loans. Even so, it cautioned that independent loan review
was necessary to ensure an ADI's credit standards were 'being applied to assess and
approve loans'. It advised that an independent review should be 'a fundamental
element of risk management'.6
5.9 The survey also covered broker remuneration. It found that over half of the
institutions (53 per cent) based the broker's remuneration solely on the volume of
business generated. According to the survey reviewers, this provided brokers with an
incentive to generate loan volume without appropriate regard for risk. Again, the
reviewers observed that with such an incentive structure it was critical for ADIs
to have procedures in place to ensure their own credit assessment standards were
applied rigorously to broker-introduced loans.7 Looking back over this period, the
CCLC stated that:
Brokers carried none of the default risk worn by lenders and had a strong
financial incentive (in the form of commissions) to get as many and as big a
loans as possible accepted by the financial institutions and other lenders.
The presence of the 3rd party in the transaction also allowed the lender
(keen to grab or retain market share) to distance themselves from the
transaction and to either genuinely miss, or effectively turn a blind eye, to
irregularities in loan applications.8
5.10 As noted previously, ASIC assumed Commonwealth-level responsibility for
consumer protection in the credit market in 2002 at a time when the use of mortgage
brokers was on the rise and lending practices were easing.
Early warning signs
5.11 During the early 2000s, community advocates and caseworkers began
to express concerns about the growing incidence of complaints involving brokers.
Their experiences led them to conclude that the industry was lightly and unevenly
unregulated and contained some high-risk players and unfair practices.9 In response to
the increasing number of complaints involving brokers, ASIC, on the recommendation
of its Consumer Advisory Panel, commissioned the CCLC to examine and report on
the mortgage and finance broker industry.
Increasing concerns about broker conduct
5.12 Consistent with the findings of the 2003 APRA survey, the CCLC also
registered some troubling trends about this poorly regulated sector of the industry.
6 Chanthivong et al, Report on Broker-originated Lending, p. 7.
7 Chanthivong et al, Report on Broker-originated Lending, p. 9.
8 Consumer Credit Legal Centre (NSW) Inc, Submission 194, p. 13.
9 Consumer Credit Legal Centre (NSW) Inc, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage
broker industry, March 2003, www.asic.gov.au, p. 5.
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Its report identified a number of features that hindered the development and
maintenance of professional standards for broker conduct, including:
minimal or no entry requirements for participants in the industry;
the use of commissions as the dominant method of remuneration for brokers;
a shift in distribution channels used by lenders from branch networks to
brokers, with lenders competing against each other to gain access to broker
client bases, through increasing the commission they were prepared to pay to
brokers;
a consequent shift in the preparation of loan applications from lenders to
brokers, with some brokers prepared to provide inaccurate information about
the financial circumstances of their clients, in order to ensure that loan
applications met the acceptance criteria of the lender;
difficulties for lenders seeking to discipline brokers, due to the capacity of
brokers to switch the lender to whom they directed client applications for
finance;
a lack of accountability of brokers for poor advice due to the inability of
consumers to access alternative dispute resolution forums; and
some brokers not properly promoting the interests of their consumer clients.10
5.13 The report recognised that consumers were relatively inexperienced when
using brokers and, given the confusing range of loans and providers, could become
dependent on brokers for advice. Importantly, the report noted that some brokers were
'prepared to exploit that dependency' and that a number of fringe players in the broker
industry systematically adopted unfair practices, and pursued 'their own financial
interests over those of their clients'.11
It cited cases involving disputes about the
quality of advice provided by brokers which included:
brokers recommending interest only loans in inappropriate circumstances—
case studies indicated that some brokers were making widespread use of
'interest only' loans;12
brokers misrepresenting the savings available from changing a home loan;
brokers arranging for borrowers to declare, incorrectly, that a loan was for
investment rather than personal use (with the result that the consumer lost
statutory protections provided under the Uniform Consumer Credit Code
(UCCC));
10 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, pp. 6–7.
11 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, pp. 8, 11.
12 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, p. 30.
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brokers charging excessive fees, or fees in circumstances where the broker
was aware that there was little prospect of the borrower being approved for
a loan;
borrowers being placed into a loan where they could only afford the
repayments with substantial hardship (81 per cent of the caseworkers
surveyed by the CCLC who dealt with broker complaints indicated that they
often saw problems of this type); and
brokers arranging finance for an amount less than that requested by the
customer (particularly where the funds were required to complete a property
purchase).13
5.14 The report noted that these practices resulted in 'higher costs to consumers,
an increased risk of default by the borrower, and exposure of their home where this
was used as security for the debt'.14
It also suggested that most consumers would be
unaware that by signing a declaration that the loan was for investment purposes, and
therefore outside the UCCC regime, they made it significantly easier for the lender
to take possession of any security, such as their home, in the event of default'.15
The report drew particular attention to a most troubling practice:
A significant and, from a regulatory viewpoint, disturbing trend in the
broker industry is the incidence of fraudulent mortgage applications. The
shift in responsibility for the preparation of the loan application from
persons such as bank employees to brokers has seen a shift in the interests
of that person, from applying proper risk assessment techniques to earning
commissions through having the loan approved. Increased reliance on
brokers therefore creates an increased risk of this type of mortgage fraud.
At the soft end, mortgage fraud can involve the broker misrepresenting the
consumer's personal or financial information in order for the lender to
finance a marginal application for credit. Because brokers have ongoing
contact with a credit provider, they become familiar with its lending criteria
and can manipulate the content of applications to ensure the loan will be
approved. There are a number of ways in which the broker can camouflage
the borrower's circumstances, such as not disclosing all liabilities, reducing
the number of dependants, or inflating the value of assets.16
5.15 The report recognised the urgent need for the implementation of interim
measures to protect consumers and improve standards of conduct in the broker
industry, which included:
increased and visible enforcement action by regulatory agencies;
13 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, p. 29.
14 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, p. 29.
15 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, p. 34.
16 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, pp. 34–35.
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the introduction of improved codes of conduct by industry bodies together
with greater monitoring and enforcement of their obligations;
improved access to industry-based dispute resolution procedures such as the
Mortgage Industry Ombudsman Scheme, and ASIC approval (pursuant to
Policy Statement 139) of the operation of such schemes, in order to provide
greater transparency in the operation and decision-making practices of these
schemes; and
state and territory governments encouraging a greater degree of supervision of
brokers by lenders…17
5.16 A 2003 APRA discussion paper also highlighted the increased use of brokers
and recognised that some ADIs were relying on broker valuations and income
checking when providing a loan. Instead of verifying the information, certain ADIs
were placing greater weight on the security underlying the loan than the ability of the
borrower to repay the loan.18
The paper referred to a particular problem with low doc
loans19
where the potential borrower did 'not provide income details', and the lender
did not 'verify the borrower's self-declared income levels and/or self-declared
servicing ability'.20
5.17 Clearly, by the close of 2003 some persistent and undeniable alarms were
warning of dubious lending practices and the potential for them to spread, especially
with brokers receiving commissioned-based remuneration and with the increasing
availability of low doc loans.
5.18 Commentary on, and concerns about, the role and conduct of brokers
continued for the next few years. According to the RBA's September 2004 Financial
Stability Review, brokers typically received upfront commissions from lenders for
each loan they originated. It observed that most lenders also paid brokers ongoing or
trailing commission over the life of the loan, which were generally 'small relative to
upfront commissions'. The Review noted that this created some incentive for
borrowers to periodically refinance with a different lender.21
17 CCLC, A report to ASIC on the finance and mortgage broker industry, March 2003, p. 66.
18 APRA, Proposed Changes to the Risk-Weighting of Residential Mortgage lending, Discussion
paper, November 2003, p. 2.
19 A loan that requires less financial documentation than that required for other loans. Primarily
for borrowers who do not meet the standard loan application criteria, such as the self-employed
and other borrowers whose income could not be readily verified.
20 APRA, Proposed Changes to the Risk-Weighting of Residential Mortgage lending, p. 4.
21 Reserve Bank of Australia, Financial Stability Review, September 2004, pp. 39–40.
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5.19 In 2007, the RBA reported that mortgage brokers in Australia had been under
discussion for some time. It explained:
In part, this reflects concerns that a small number of brokers may have been
associated with predatory lending practices and that their remuneration
structures—predominantly high upfront and low trailing commissions—
might have adverse consequences for both borrowers and lenders.22
5.20 In September 2007, the House of Representatives Standing Committee on
Economics, Finance and Public Administration tabled a report on home loan lending.
Although the report noted the positive results stemming from changes in the housing
lending market, it also referred to negative aspects, including instances where lending
had been inappropriate. The report cited the concerns of the Credit Ombudsman
Service, which had identified:
…a disturbing trend among some lenders, normally fringe lenders, to
refinance home loans in circumstances where the borrower has no capacity
to repay the loan. These lenders rely solely on the value of the security, not
the borrower's ability to meet the repayments. The borrower is invariably in
default of their existing loan and is at risk of losing their home.23
5.21 The House of Representatives' committee recommended that the
Commonwealth take responsibility for regulating credit including mortgages.
5.22 By 2008, widespread support for reform was mounting.24
In March 2008,
the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) agreed in principle to the
Commonwealth taking over the role of regulating mortgage credit and advice
to protect consumers. The states' agreement to refer constitutional powers to the
Commonwealth paved the way for the introduction of the Consumer Credit Protection
Reform Package.
Committee comment
5.23 Prior to 2008, ASIC had been aware of emerging problems in the mortgage
brokering industry, including predatory lending and the potential for it to grow. As the
years passed, the trend continued but the push for reform was not sufficiently strong
until 2008 when agitation for legislative change gathered the necessary force
to compel reform. Before the committee considers the effectiveness of the reforms,
it examines ASIC response to the problem of predatory lending as it crept into
mainstream lending after 2002.
22 Reserve Bank of Australia, Financial Stability Review, September 2004, p. 40.
23 See House of Representatives Standing Committee on Economics, Finance and Public
Administration. Home loan lending, Inquiry into home loan lending practices and the processes
used to deal with people in financial difficulty, September 2007, Parliamentary Paper
No. 191/2007, p. 24.
24 Productivity Commission, Review of Australia's Consumer Policy Framework, Vol. 1, No. 45,
30 April 2008, p. 28.
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ASIC's response to lending practices
5.24 In the following section, the committee looks closely at the nature of this
predatory lending, the effects it had on individual consumers, and why, despite the
warnings, such practices were allowed to continue. While the committee
acknowledges ASIC's limited regulatory function over the provision of credit during
this period, its focus nonetheless is on the measures that ASIC could or should have
taken to arrest the trend in predatory lending and to protect the interests of retail
borrowers.
Previous inquiry
5.25 The committee has previously inquired into poor lending practices as part of
its broader 2012 inquiry into the post-GFC banking sector. It took evidence from
people claiming that they had been the victims of predatory lending. Ms Denise
Brailey, who headed up the Banking and Finance Consumers Support Association
(BFCSA), asserted that fraud and maladministration, especially related to low doc
loans was prevalent. The allegations were serious and went to matters such as the
falsification of application loans.25
5.26 During that inquiry, ASIC informed the committee that it had taken
enforcement action regarding low doc loans over a number of years and that it had 'not
identified widespread evidence of systemic misconduct in the banking sector along the
lines described by Ms Brailey'. At the time, the committee expressed its concern about
the obvious discrepancies between ASIC's account and Ms Brailey's claims of
predatory lending and fraud. It believed that the matter warranted further investigation
and that, upon receipt of allegations that presented an arguable case of wrongdoing,
ASIC should undertake its own investigations to establish whether a prima facie case
of fraud existed.26
5.27 Following this suggestion, ASIC wrote to Ms Brailey requesting the
documentation she had referred to that would support her allegations of misconduct.
ASIC obtained and reviewed the documents provided by Ms Brailey but considered
that the material did not provide evidence of any breach of the law by lenders.27
According to ASIC, additional information posted on the BFCSA's website did not
provide evidence of breaches of the laws administered by ASIC 'or indicate that any
of the credit providers were aware of, encouraged, or inserted misleading information
in application forms'.28
This current inquiry into the performance of ASIC provided
25 Senate Economics References Committee, The post-GFC banking sector, November 2012,
Parliamentary Paper No. 448/2012, p. 102.
26 Senate Economics References Committee, The post-GFC banking sector, pp. 105 and 107–108.
27 ASIC, Submission 45.1, pp. 28–29.
28 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 29.
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another opportunity for people who have suffered loss because of poor lending
practices to recount their personal experiences.
Submissions
5.28 The committee received well over 160 submissions from people expressing
concerns about the conduct of brokers and lending institutions. Most provided their
own account of being caught up in poor lending practices and as a consequence losing
their family home, life savings, credit rating and in many cases their health.
A significant number of those who wrote to the committee were approaching
retirement or had retired. Their experiences align with those cited in the CCLC 2003
report and are consistent with the findings of APRA and the RBA around that time.
5.29 According to the BFCSA, older retirees and pensioners have been the
favoured target of white collar crime in Australia over the past two decades.29
In respect of irresponsible lending, evidence before the committee supports this
contention. For example, one couple, aged 71 and 64 years, had a loan of $900,000
approved. They asked how was it possible for the bank to approve such an amount for
'a 30-year term to people of our advanced age when we were Centrelink recipients
earning $23,000 per annum combined'.30
Another couple in their late 60s received a
loan of $360,000.31
These examples were not isolated cases of a person or retired
couple receiving an annual income of below $35,000 obtaining a considerable loan
over a 30-year term.32
One son noted that his father, on the pension of less than
$30,000 a year and, in his opinion, losing his faculties, was 'granted a loan of
$300,000 to invest in the stock market'.33
Another retired couple on the aged pension
obtained a loan in 2007 of some $415,000 on a property and $209,000 on their home.
They also received a $165,000 buffer loan 'to provide some portion of the deposits,
and then provide a bit of capital to assist the loans'. In 2009, they got another loan
from a different bank to refinance another property. They explained:
We are now aged 75 and 68 and face the very real prospect of losing our
home as we have no income apart from the pension. We have sold our
shares, a car, spent our invested money and, where we were in a fairly
sound financial position with assets over $1.5m we now have about
$250,000 in equity and this is declining and we have no prospect of any
improvement in our situation and find ourselves in an overwhelmingly
frightening position.34
29 Banking and Finance Consumers Support Association Inc, Submission 156, p. 5.
30 Ms Ann Marie Delamere, Submission 3, p. 1.
31 Name withheld, Submission 27.
32 See also Submissions 19, 25, 27, 103, 178 and 265.
33 Mr and Mrs Graeme and Nat Powell, Submission 8, p. 1.
34 Name withheld, Submission 55, p. 1.
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5.30 Another couple informed the committee that:
…we are about to lose our family home and everything we have worked
towards for over 40 years to secure a self-funded, comfortable retirement.
Instead, we are broken mentally and physically and are now looking at a
life of dependence on the old aged pension and an unnecessary drain on the
public purse (the very thing we have worked our whole lives to avoid!).35
5.31 In their words:
We thought and trusted our 'Professional' Financial Planner, the Broker and
the Lender on the understanding that they operated under strict legislation
and Codes of Practice in 'a very stable Australian Banking System' as it was
explained to us at the time. This misplaced trust has destroyed our lives.36
5.32 The loan offers were directed at people who could borrow on the equity in
their home or other assets. According to one couple who were 'spruiked into buying
investment properties for their retirement':
…we were 58 years old, we were asset rich and income poor after 40 years
of hard work, we owned our factory premises our business and business
equipment, savings and we had a small loan on our house. The banks said
we could afford these low doc loans…These loans were never affordable,
our income was exaggerated, our assets were overstated, our rental income
was overstated. At 58 we got 30 year loans, we would have to work until
we were 90 years of age, there has to be something wrong. We used our
savings, everything we earned, buffer loans, selling our vehicles and
equipment and after 7 years of stress we cannot pay anymore, it was a
transferral of our wealth to the banks. This has happened all because we
placed our trust in the banks, and ASIC protects the banks.37
5.33 While consumers have a responsibility to attend to their own interests,
a number of submissions spoke of unconscionable or misleading and deceptive
conduct on the part of brokers and lenders. Welcome Australia Limited told the
committee of the deliberate targeting of asset rich–income poor 'Australians with
the intention of reaping financial gain that would invariably and knowingly lead to the
loss of the victim's home'. It referred to campaigns directed at retirees, many of whom
were living solely on the pension, enticing them to mortgage their homes 'while
offering them the world'. According to Welcome Australia:
The majority of these retirees have no idea as to the true picture of what is
actually taking place, for once they sign that contract the money begins to
flow, to the bankers, the financial institutions and the property speculators,
35 Submission 67 (Confidential).
36 Submission 67 (Confidential).
37 Name withheld, Submission 93, p. 1.
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while the investor/retiree begins to witness the dissolution of their asset,
their family home.38
5.34 Retired couples were not the only targets. One submitter stated that he was
55 years old and had recently lost his job; even though the submitter indicated in
writing that he was unemployed, he was successful in obtaining a $480,000 loan.39
Another was a newly widowed 56-year-old woman who was not working, receiving a
widow allowance and in poor health due to the stress and grief of losing a partner,
when she refinanced her mortgage with a major bank. She later discovered that her
income was recorded incorrectly in the loan application form and stated that, had she
been earning that amount, she 'would never have had a need for a mortgage'. Arguing
that the bank had taken advantage of, and defrauded, her, she wrote:
Now aged 64, no longer a home owner for the first time in 34 years, robbed
of a chunk of my rightful equity, not enough now to buy anything outright
unless miles away from family friends…40
5.35 A third case, but again only one of many, was a single mother who was
studying and working part-time. She had been fortunate to have received an
inheritance which had allowed her to buy her own home and to feel 'fairly secure'.
She then explained:
I was naive about investments and finances and believed what people with
experience told me. I was told by a broker that I should invest in property,
which I did with a low doc loan. I now clearly realise that I was never in a
position to be able to pay back a loan as I did not have the income. I now
have massive loans, no savings and have mortgaged my house. Life is now
a struggle month to month to pay the loans.41
5.36 A person on a disability pension, now forced to rent out her home and live at
her daughter's house, was among the many who wrote to the committee.42
In some
other instances, the banks approved unaffordable loans to people 'who could hardly
read and write' or who had a poor command of the English language.43
Disclosure
5.37 Many of the people who wrote to the committee were clearly hard working
Australians who over their lives had built up a nest egg so that they could support
themselves comfortably in their retirement. As one couple remarked:
38 Welcome Australia, Submission 230, p. 3.
39 Name withheld, Submission 46, p. 1.
40 Name withheld, Submission 158, p. 3.
41 Ms Kirsty Torrens, Submission 180, p. 4.
42 Name withheld, Submission 16.
43 Submissions 52 (Confidential) and 183.
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We have both worked all our lives in good jobs, paid our bills and our taxes
and raised our family, and had finally taken time out to relax when we were
approached with this bank scam. However, we were completely sucked in
by the scam and particularly when we were told the bank was the
Commonwealth which we had always associated with being a good
Australian citizen.44
5.38 Many asked the same question—how could they find themselves in such a
predicament? As one submitter put it:
How did I [end] up with $530K debt when I had no income when Low
Document Loan was approved to me…I will be facing a Bankruptcy as my
house is only worth $430K.45
5.39 For some, there was a definite sense that the banks had betrayed them.
One submitter, who referred to herself as 'a loyal customer of 35 years', did not
suspect that the bank would take advantage of long standing customers.46
5.40 Another common complaint involved the failure to inform the borrower about
the loan documents; important details of the loan structure; and how the loan
arrangements would or could affect the borrower's circumstances.47
A most disturbing
element, however, involved information contained in the loan application forms being
deliberately fabricated after the applicant had signed the documents or in some cases
signatures themselves being forged. Indeed, most of the people who wrote to the
committee about being the victims of predatory lending also referred to forged loan
application forms and the failure of the respective lending institution to verify the
information.48
Falsified information included: inflated income details; over-valued and
over-stated assets; fake Australian Business Numbers (ABNs); embellished
employment details; and false income tax details. For example, one couple listed the
anomalies in their application:
Our actual total income has been changed and in fact overstated by almost
$200,000, contrary to documented proof that was provided at the time, in
the form of tax returns and other official documentation.
No dependants included. In fact we have 2 children both at home, one at
school.
44 Name withheld, Submission 29, p. 1.
45 Ms Hifumi Robbie, Submission 15, p. 1.
46 Name withheld, Submission 158, p. 3.
47 Submissions 15 and 52.
48 Many submissions used their own experiences which taken together provided some sense of the
nature and extent of the practice. For example, see Submissions 3, 5, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,
19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 32, 39, 48, 51, 52, 58, 64, 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 93, 101, 104, 105,
131, 158, 171, 177, 183, 185, 195, 207, 218, 220, 221, 317, 320, 322, 351, 353, 378, 380, 381,
382 and 401.
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The actual value of our assets has been changed and in fact overstated,
contrary to documented proof that was provided at the time.
The actual cost of our expenses has been changed and in fact understated,
contrary to documented proof that was provided at the time.
The actual cost of our expenses has been changed and in fact understated,
contrary to documented proof that was provided at the time, in the form of
official documentation.49
5.41 According to this couple, after they had signed and submitted the original
documents to the bank, changes were made to the loan application form by person or
persons unknown to them and without their authority, permission or knowledge.50
A 73-year-old self-funded retiree and a permanent carer to his son provided another
example that typified the range and extent of falsification of a loan application form:
My income was altered from about $34,000 p.a. to $75,000 p.a.
My 1999 Toyota worth about $6000 was valued at $25,000.
My employment record was false. I had retired in 1995 and since then was
never self-employed as a tutor as claimed falsely in the [loan application
form].
My superannuation and $325,000 in non-existent shares were fabricated.
I have never had an accountant or ABN as claimed.
A Family Trust was fabricated and I have never been a sole trader.
My home was overvalued by $100,000.
I had signed a different declaration. I never signed the affordability
statement/self-employment forms claimed to be held on file.51
5.42 Again the submitter told the committee that the bank had 'never checked
details with me to prove that I could service the loan'.52
Another couple told the
committee that they were 'absolutely shocked' to find that their details had been
'grossly falsified' and incomes 'hugely inflated'. They believed that the alterations were
made by the bank after they had signed the forms. They explained further:
We never had contact with the bank as this was done through a broker, if
the lender had made just one phone call to us to check that these details
were correct the loan would not have been approved and we wouldn't be in
this position.53
49 Name withheld, Submission 14, pp. 1–2.
50 Name withheld, Submission 14, p. 2.
51 Name withheld, Submission 60, p. 1.
52 Name withheld, Submission 60, p. 2.
53 Name withheld, Submission 27, p. 1. See also, Submissions 28, 36, 52, 66, 67 and 72.
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5.43 For some, this practice was 'incomprehensible' and that no 'sane person would
have continued with these loans had they been aware of the level of tampering
required to get them approved'.54
One such submitter, who was receiving WorkCover
payments, told the committee that her employment details had been altered but that
the bank did not 'bother to collect any taxation returns to verify the income'.55
Another
submitter informed the committee that the bank had never contacted his father's
accountant to ascertain his financial position. He asked a question posed by so many
others:
Would it not be a financial provider's responsibility to perform at least the
most basic due diligence before providing a large loan to anyone, let alone
an 80 year old man?56
5.44 One couple remarked that while the bank never phoned them or made
inquiries into their ability to repay the loan, it did go 'to great lengths to get a
valuation' on their property.57
Another could not understand why banks could
undertake credit checks but not check income.58
5.45 The committee suspects that there are many other people who, too
embarrassed or disheartened by their experiences, have not come forward to reveal
their own stories of improper lending practices. Indeed, the CCLC told the committee
that it used to see such cases with 'alarming regularity'.59
5.46 Many of the people who contacted the committee spoke of their sense of deep
shame in succumbing to predatory lending. They felt humiliated and defeated by the
whole business, which commonly had dragged on for years, draining their energy,
damaging their personal relations as well as their physical and mental health.
One submitter spoke of the indignity in finding herself in such desperate straits:
I am ashamed of the position I am in because of bank approved low doc
loans, there is fraud and forgery on our low doc loans, these loans ought to
have been rejected, they were never affordable from the beginning, the
depression, the stress, the fighting with my family, all our life savings gone,
because of low doc loans.60
54 Submissions 68 and 69.
55 Name withheld, Submission 66, p. 1.
56 Submission 52 (Confidential). See also Submissions 67, 75 and 101.
57 Name withheld, Submission 29, p. 1.
58 Name withheld, Submission 72, p. 1. See also Mr Edmund Schmidt and Ms Cynthia Lawrence,
Submission 265.
59 Mrs Karen Cox, Coordinator, CCLC, Proof Committee Hansard, 20 February 2014, p. 42.
60 Name withheld, Submission 226, p. 3.
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5.47 A 64-year-old pensioner who at first declined to accept an offer of a loan but
subsequently was persuaded to borrow a much larger amount than initially requested
summed up his situation:
I am the victim of a Low Doc Loan which has sucked my life away and
placed me on the brink of suicide. The poverty, sadness, despair and
hopelessness which have been caused by my attempting to keep up
repayments on a Low Doc loan which should never have been granted are
real, cruel and horrible.61
5.48 Another stated that, on reflection, he was encouraged to think beyond his
circumstances. He realised that a more prudent decision, which he started with, 'was to
purchase an affordable property but was convinced otherwise by an offer presented as
a 'sensible and tax effective way to increase my superannuation'.62
5.49 People spoke of having to live on the breadline just to try to repay the money
after having worked all their lives; paid their bills and taxes; and raised their family.63
The fear of losing their home was particularly alarming. One couple in their late 50s
stated they 'should be planning retirement not worrying constantly if we will have
a roof on our heads next week or next month'.64
One submitter, the sole carer of his
son, feared that there would be no financial support or home for him.65
5.50 Many borrowers who wrote to the committee also felt let down by ASIC.
They believed that the system was unjust and consumer protection non-existent.66
One submitter noted:
I am left thinking that a consumer purchasing a domestic refrigerator has
more consumer protection than a bank customer negotiating a loan over an
asset that's taken a lifetime to acquire.67
5.51 Another, who also argued that the Australian government appointed ASIC
to protect consumer interests against misconduct by the financial institutions, stated
that ASIC seems to be 'in bed with the banks'.68
In numerous cases, borrowers argued
they had mounted a strong case of maladministration in lending but that when they
contacted ASIC for assistance, it failed to act on their complaint in any effective
way.69
Mr Timothy Chapleo voiced a common view:
61 Name withheld, Submission 344, p. 1.
62 Name withheld, Submission 46, p. 1.
63 See for example, Submission 29.
64 Name withheld, Submission 21, p. 2. See also Submission 27.
65 Name withheld, Submission 60, p. 2.
66 Name withheld, Submission 43, p. 1.
67 Name withheld, Submission 39, p. 1.
68 Mr Spencer Murray, Submission 23, p. 1.
69 See for example, Submission 71.
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If they cannot be of any real value in policing rogue business and large
organisations such as financial lenders and enforcing corrective measures
then what value are they in a role that should see them being able to have
some real ability to protect members of our society from unfair and bad
elements in business.70
5.52 The few cases cited so far only hint at the extent of the problem and the
number of people who believe that they have been the victims of predatory lending.
In many cases these people were desperate to stem the losses and salvage whatever
they could from the financial mess they found themselves in and in particular to save
or regain their family home. Their trust in the banking system has been shattered and
their confidence in ASIC as an effective regulator destroyed.
Loan application forms—anomalies and discrepancies
5.53 The committee has recounted the stories of many borrowers who found
themselves in dire circumstances because of irresponsible lending practices.
In account after account, submitters expressed their shock at discovering that their
forms had 'been manipulated to suit the purpose of the loan'.71
5.54 The stories of altered loan application forms are hard to believe. The reported
extent of these manufactured application forms raises many questions about why the
practice was allowed to continue seemingly unchecked for so many years. As noted
earlier, a 2003 ASIC-commissioned report referred to this matter as did both APRA in
2003 and the RBA in 2004. Yet the practice continued for several more years until
finally the states agreed to refer powers to the Commonwealth and new credit laws
were passed.
5.55 Many who obtained their loan through a broker indicated that the lender did
not contact the borrower to check the details in the loan application form or take
measures to verify the accuracy of the information. They claim that had the lender
done so, it would not have approved the loan.72
Some were convinced that the banks
were required by law to ensure the affordability of the loan: that it was the bank's
responsibility to confirm that the information contained in the loan application form
was accurate.73
One submitter stated that the bank 'did not protect us by
communicating with us or checking any of the paperwork as a prudent lender would
be expected to do...'74
70 Mr Timothy Chapleo, Submission 7, p. 1.
71 Name withheld, Submission 12, p. 2. See also Financial Ombudsman Service, Determination:
Case number 323234, 17 December 2013, p. 3.
72 Submissions 27, 28 and 29.
73 Submissions 36 and 68.
74 Name withheld, Submission 72.
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5.56 In this regard, it should be noted that the 2003 Code of Banking Practice
states clearly that before a bank offers or gives a credit facility, or increases an
existing credit facility, it would 'exercise the care and skill of a diligent and prudent
banker' in selecting and applying credit assessment methods and in forming an
opinion about the borrower's ability to repay it.75
Loan calculator
5.57 It would appear that in most, but not all, cases before the committee, it was
the broker who altered or inserted incorrect information in the loan application form.
Many of the borrowers argued that the broker did not act on their behalf but was in
effect the agent of the bank. In their view, the lender paid the broker, who often had
access to the lender's computer systems, and 'was instructed by the lender on how
to get various loans across the line and operated under the lender's systems and
instructions'.76
Ms Brailey cited the use of a service calculator as evidence that brokers
were indeed agents of the banks. She stated:
I want to highlight that everything is predicated on a service calculator…
All 11,000 brokers have a screen in front of them. They must put the base
income in the top corner. At the bottom, it spits out a figure. The broker is
then taught by the business development managers at bank level. They
come out to your office and teach you how to use it. They ask the broker to
write that figure on the loan application form in their own handwriting. So
he or she writes $180,000, when the figure was $50,000. That, in a nutshell,
is how that fudged figure emerges.
The service calculator is a tool—it is a weapon.77
5.58 ASIC argued, however, that ultimately the person who entered the incorrect
information or tampered with the loan application form was the one responsible for
the act:
If an individual, whether a finance broker or a borrower, falsifies
information in order to make a loan fit a calculator, it is the individual who
has engaged in misconduct, not the person who has made the calculator
available.78
5.59 That is, the lender was not held responsible for the misuse of the calculator by
the broker, even though the lender may have supplied the calculator and provided
advice and instruction on its use.
5.60 While the courts have tended to accept that brokers were not agents of the
banks, the lending institutions do not come out of this period blameless. The banks
75 Australian Bankers' Association, Code of Banking Practice 2003, subsection 25.1.
76 Submission 67 (Confidential).
77 Proof Committee Hansard, 20 February 2014, p. 46.
78 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 29.
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and other lending institutions must have been aware of the dubious practices
employed by some of the brokers arranging loans but chose to ignore them. Moreover,
in some cases, the lending institutions clearly failed not only to exercise the skill and
care of a diligent and prudent banker but were negligent even complicit in deceiving
their customers. It should be noted that in its 2009 report on financial services and
products, the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services
expressed some doubt about the degree to which banks acted 'ethically, appropriately,
morally and prudently in their decisions to grant loans to some Storm customers'.79
Committee view
5.61 It would seem that on the face of the evidence, some lenders, irrespective of
the loan application form, should not have approved certain loans: they were
unaffordable and likely to fail. In other cases, again irrespective of the loan
application form, the borrower should have taken care before signing the actual loan
contract to make sure that the repayments were sustainable and would not jeopardise
the assets securing the loan.
5.62 Even so, the fact that this practice of manipulating information and faking
signatures was allowed to continue for so long reflects badly on the brokers, the
lenders and the regulator. It highlights the vulnerability of unwary and trusting
borrowers, who were taken advantage of by unprincipled and self-interested brokers
and lenders.
ASIC's role and limitations
5.63 Many submitters were of the view that the regulator did little to prevent
predatory lending. ASIC informed the committee, however, that it made 'strategic use
of the jurisdiction it did have'. It took court action; provided guidance to industry in
areas where practice was poor; developed resources, tools and information for
consumers of credit; and undertook surveillance activities where it saw problems in
the industry. Moreover, ASIC endeavoured to understand the causes and effects.80
For example, ASIC took the following action with regard to deceptive and misleading
conduct:
2004—accepted an enforceable undertaking from mortgage broker Structured
Solutions;
2006—took civil and criminal action against mortgage broker Tonadale Pty
Ltd and Kelvin Sheers;
2006—obtained orders against mortgage brokers Sample & Partners Pty Ltd;
and
79 Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services, Inquiry into financial
products and services in Australia, November 2009, Parliamentary Paper No. 321/2009, p. 35.
80 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 7.
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2009—took action against Whyte Corporation Pty Ltd.81
5.64 As well as citing these few cases, ASIC drew attention to the difficulty of
bringing the lender to account for the misconduct of the broker. It noted that ASIC
intervened in the Tonto Home Loans Australia Pty Ltd matter to argue that, 'in the
circumstances, the brokers should be considered agents of the lender and that the
actions of the lender were unconscionable'. The courts did not accept ASIC's
submissions. ASIC explained:
The Supreme Court of New South Wales Court of Appeal ultimately held
that the broker was not the agent of the lender and, as a result, that the
lender's conduct was not unconscionable, but that the relevant contracts
were unjust under state legislation.82
5.65 ASIC informed the committee that:
The courts have found that, barring special circumstances, a mortgage
broker is the agent of the borrower, and not the lender. This poses
significant challenges for establishing unconscionable conduct where a
broker is involved in the transaction, because:
the broker's actions are attributed to the borrower. For instance, if the
broker has manipulated the loan application, unbeknownst to the
borrower and the lender, the action is taken to be that of the borrower,
and not the lender; and
the knowledge of a broker cannot necessarily be imputed to a lender.
In these circumstances, as the lender typically deals with the broker
and may not have any direct contact with the borrower, it is difficult
to establish that the lender has sufficient knowledge of the borrower's
circumstances for the lender's conduct to be unconscionable.83
5.66 It appeared to ASIC that dishonest or fraudulent conduct had been 'more
commonly found in relation to mortgage and finance brokers rather than lenders'.84
The committee was told, however, that even where bank offers were alleged to have
fabricated the loan forms, ASIC was reluctant to take action.85
In specific reference to
the provision on unconscionable conduct in the ASIC Act, ASIC explained that as the
provision covers a broad range of situations, the courts have 'generally applied it
to address the most extreme classes of conduct in all cases'. It explained further:
…the prohibition therefore does not provide a nuanced remedy that
addresses the complexities of a transaction where problems may arise
81 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 6.
82 See ASIC, 'ASIC intervenes in low doc loan proceedings', Media Release, no. 09-39AD,
6 March 2009.
83 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 6.
84 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 26.
85 Ms Rosie Cornell, Submission 285.
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because of the different interests of a consumer, a provider of an investment
product, a lender and any finance broker.86
5.67 ASIC noted further that borrowers who elected to pursue matters in court
faced the same barriers as ASIC in establishing that a lender's conduct was
unconscionable.87
Additional difficulties borrowers could face when taking action
against the broker were also recognised by ASIC:
Although a borrower may have a remedy against a finance broker for
unconscionable conduct, the ability to obtain such a remedy, and value
thereof, may be reduced in circumstances where the borrower is in financial
hardship, due to an inability to repay the loan, and may be facing separate
enforcement or legal action in relation to their home.88
5.68 Thus, under the laws that existed before 2010, the people who were deceived
by their brokers and abandoned by their lenders, had little prospect of success in
the courts even though a lay person would clearly have understood the conduct of the
broker or lender as unconscionable.
Fraud
5.69 As mentioned earlier, most complaints centred on the loan application form
and the inaction by ASIC to deal with what the complainant considered was blatant
fraud. In responding to alleged fraud occurring before the commencement of the
National Credit Act, ASIC advised that the relevant state and territory police forces
were the 'more appropriate authorities to investigate'. It noted that state and territory
police had investigated some matters.89
ASIC stated further that it appeared that
dishonest or fraudulent conduct had been 'more commonly found in relation to
mortgage and finance brokers rather than lenders'.90
Guidance, education and warning notices
5.70 ASIC also informed the committee that it offered guidance for consumers
through financial literacy material available on its website on managing credit and
loans and debt. It also worked with industry, consumer groups and the external dispute
resolutions schemes to improve practices. ASIC cited its work in fostering:
the development of a code of practice applicable to brokers and non-bank
lenders; and
86 ASIC, answer to question on notice, no. 12 (received 21 May 2014), p. 4.
87 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 26.
88 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 6.
89 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 26.
90 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 26.
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enhancements to the codes of practice of both the banking industry and
mutual sector.91
5.71 As noted earlier, however, the banks already had a Code of Banking Practice
requiring them to 'exercise the care and skill of a diligent and prudent banker'.92
Committee view
5.72 ASIC had available to it persuasive and less formal measures to stop
unscrupulous practices. In this regard, the committee believes that ASIC did not take
the opportunity to intervene in a far more direct and public way. It did not send a
strong message regarding its concerns about irresponsible lending practices to lenders.
Nor did ASIC do enough to alert Australian consumers to the risks associated with
low doc loans, their vulnerability to irresponsible or even fraudulent activity, and of
the need to protect their own interests. Such early and decisive publicity may have
educated the community about ASIC's limited ability to protect their interests and
minimised the damage.
Individual complaints and ASIC's responsibility
5.73 The CCLC argued that the role of a large national regulator is 'to respond to
systemic and serious breaches of law within the industry that it regulates'. According
to the CCLC, the expectation that ASIC would investigate and take action in
complaints prior to the new credit laws was 'unreasonable':
ASIC cannot be expected to resolve each individual consumer dispute, nor
would it be in the public interest. ASIC should carefully consider how to
respond to all potential breaches of the law, but should not necessarily
undertake a formal investigation of every individual complaint that comes
to its attention.93
5.74 Furthermore, the CCLC highlighted that even in the face of 'extensive poor
conduct' in lending in Australia, the laws then were limited and cases 'very difficult
to win'.94
It stated:
…prosecuting a case in relation to the conduct of an individual entity under
the ASIC Act (without the credit laws) is a resource intensive exercise and
will not necessarily result in the players being banned from the industry
now. It will certainly not turn back time, nor enable consumers to keep
assets they could not afford in the first place, or to retain assets used for
security when the funds have been expended for the consumer's benefit.95
91 ASIC, Submission 45.1, p. 8.
92 See paragraph 5.56.
93 CCLC, Submission 194, p. 16.
94 Mrs Karen Cox, Coordinator, CCLC, Proof Committee Hansard, 20 February 2014, p. 43.
95 CCLC, Submission 194, p. 15.
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5.75 According to the CCLC, 'expending resources investigating conduct that has
already been identified as a problem and has been the subject of major law reform is
also clearly of limited value'.96
5.76 The committee understands that ASIC's role between 2002 and 2010 when the
new credit laws came into force was limited. The fact remains, however, and is a
potent lesson for the regulator, that despite all the warning signs, ASIC remained in
the background while borrowers found themselves exposed to unscrupulous lending
practices and at risk of losing their homes and life savings.
Conclusion
5.77 The committee understands that ASIC receives a large number of complaints
and reports of alleged wrongdoing and that it cannot possibly deal with such a large
volume of individual complaints. But it also believes that individual complaints can
provide early markers of a broader problem that ASIC should monitor and address.
In this particular case of irresponsible lending, each single complaint was
symptomatic of a more widespread and growing problem.
5.78 The one compelling lesson to be learnt from the many cases of predatory
lending that occurred between 2002 and 2010 is that ASIC must be more proactive
and more assertive in stepping forward and exposing poor practices as soon as they
surface. The committee concludes that ASIC should have done more to:
alert the public to the dangers of irresponsible lending and of the practices of
some brokers that put their clients' interests at risk;
inform consumers about the need to protect their interests when entering into
a loan: to make sure that it was affordable and warn them of the pitfalls of
particular loans such as low doc loans;
educate the public about the importance of requesting and reading key
documents and the dangers of signing incomplete documents;
identify that a systemic problem was emerging or already entrenched in the
industry that needed decisive action to prevent further consumer harm;
take a stand against and investigate fraudulent activity such as the allegations
of doctored loan documents including forged signatures and fabricated
information, and of possible unconscionable conduct (enticing vulnerable
people to take out unaffordable loans);
engage the banks in serious conversation about their duty to 'exercise the care
and skill of a diligent and prudent banker', as stated in subsection 25.1 of the
Code of Banking Practice, and urge them to adhere to this undertaking;
96 CCLC, Submission 194, p. 16.
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join forces with ASIC-approved external dispute resolution schemes to
combat the misuse of loan service calculators and loan application forms, and
any behaviour in the credit industry that went to unconscionable conduct; and
improve the way it conversed with borrowers who were seeking the
regulator's assistance.
5.79 Some recommendations that would have flowed naturally from the evidence
presented in this chapter have been made redundant by recent reforms. There are
others, however, that remain relevant but are developed and appear in later chapters.
Noting ASIC's existing work on financial literacy, the committee, for the moment,
makes the following recommendation.
Recommendation 1
5.80 The committee recommends that ASIC develop a multi-pronged
campaign to educate retail customers about the care they need to take when
entering into a financial transaction and where they can find affordable and
independent advice or assistance when they find themselves in difficulties
because of that transaction.
New credit laws
5.81 Due to the national credit reforms implemented in 2010, many of the
unscrupulous practices identified in this chapter should now be unlawful and people
involved in the provision of credit, including intermediaries such as brokers, subject to
tighter regulation. In the following chapter, the committee considers the new credit
laws and their effectiveness in protecting consumers from irresponsible lending
practices.
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