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On the origin and evolution of the contrast between
tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids in
Romance
Ioana Chitoran José Ignacio HualdeDartmouth College University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
USA
PaPI 2005 Barcelona
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 2
Cross-Romance typology of glide-vowel variability
Goals• Understanding the presence or absence of variability in the
production of vocalic sequences (iV, jV) in Romance languages.
• The comparative study of variability provides an insight into the historical evolution of a phonological system.
HypothesisVariability is related to:
• The presence of the glide [j] from other historical sources• The effects of prosodic structure on the realization of
linguistic units
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 3
Latin iV sequences Catalan,
Portuguese
French Spanish Romanian(Italian)
‘short-sighted’
bjela] [biela] ‘rod’
[medjan] ‘median’ [italjana] [italjana] ‘Italian’f.
diphthong sequence
(jV) (iV)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 4
Historical diphthongsLatin /’ptra/
French Spanish Romanian Portuguese p[jrre d p[ja]trp[]dra
• Standard French: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with historical diphthongsExceptions: after complex onsets (l[j]er vs. pl[i].er); across a morpheme boundary (tr[wa] ‘three’ vs. tr[u.a] ‘he dug’)
• Castilian Spanish: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with diphthongsExceptions: across a morpheme boundary (boqu[i-a]ncho) (Navarro Tomás 1977; Hualde 1997); paradigmatic effects (l[i.á]mos ‘we tie’ cf. l[í.a]s ‘you tie’; sometimes in word-initial position; Aguilar 1999; Colina 1999; Hualde & Prieto 2002; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 5
• Romanian: iV maintained, contrast with historical diphthongs jV (Chitoran 2001; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)
• Portuguese: - no historical diphthongs- iV maintained, jV possible in casual/fast speech (Mateus & d’Andrade 2000; Mateus et al.2003)Same scenario for Catalan (Cabré & Prieto 2004)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 6
Differences in historical details
RomanianDiphthongs in limited context, after labials:
PETRA > pjatr ‘stone’
Palatalization of coronals and velars, glide absorbtion:
TERRA > tsar ‘land’
SEPTEM > apte ‘seven’
DECEM > zete ‘ten’
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 7
Other sources of glides
Romanian and Italian
Stop-liquid clusters:
PLENA > It. pjena ‘full’ f.
CLAMARE > It. kjamare ‘to call’
Rom. kjema
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 8
iV sequences
Diphthong production (jV) vs. hiatus sequence production (iV)
• Native speaker syllabification judgments:– tautosyllabic (jV) vs. heterosyllabic (i.V)
• Acoustic duration:– shorter vs. longer duration
(Hualde & Prieto 1999, Chitoran & Hualde 2002)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 9
Effects of prosodic structure
• Lengthening at prosodic boundaries (in a syllable onset at word and phrase boundary)
• e.g., Fougeron & Keating 1997, Turk & Shattuck-Hufnagel 2000, Fougeron 2001, Cho & Keating 2001
• Relative timing of gestures is affected by the proximity of prosodic boundaries
• Byrd 2000
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 10
Romance vocalic sequencesTwo types of prosodic effects
• Position in the word– Sequences tend to be longer word-initially than
word-internally
• Position with respect to stress– Sequences tend to be longer the closer they are to
the main stress syllable, preceding it
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 11
Word position effect – Romanian
- 4 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 560 words- Control for stress, no of syllables, segmental context- Measured: acoustic duration of iV sequence (Praat)
Carrier phrase: Spúne __ de trei órj ‘say __ three times’
Examples: word-initial word-internal(orthography) ca-n pión campión
ce piós copiósce viábil serviábildin Diána mediánavezj tiáre vestiáresi ca liána italiána
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 12
Results – Romanian
iV sequence duration by position
217
202 202200
185 182
222
209
170
180
190
200
210
220
230
Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4
speakers
ms
word initial
word medial
iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.0001)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 13
Word position and stressCastilian Spanish
- 4 speakers, 4 repetitions, total 528 wordsCarrier phrase: Dígo __ porque sí ‘I say __ just so’
Initial-stressed fiórdo ‘fiord’
diéta ‘diet’
diána ‘Diana’
Medial-stressed cordiál ‘cordial’
italiána ‘Italian’ f.
Initial-unstressed piolét ‘axe’
diagonál ‘diagonal’
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 14
Results – Spanish initial-stressed > medial-stressed > initial-unstressed
(p<.001) iV sequence duration (means)
172
153
140
161
138
97
109
119
152
129135
115
80
100
120
140
160
180
Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4
speakers
ms
initial-stressed
initial-unstressed
medial-stressed
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 15
Word position effect – French
5 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 630 wordsCarrier phrase: Dis-nous __ de nouveau ‘tell us __
again’
Examples: word-initial word-internal(orthography) une pionne championne
la viole raviolele diol s’étioleta nielle Daniellemes Dianes médianetes lierres bélièreta liasse alias
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 16
Results – French iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.05)
iV sequence duration (French)
164159
127131
160158150
120 117
155
100
110
120
130140
150
160
170
Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4 Sp5
speakers
ms word-initial
word-medial
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 17
Portuguese – No word position effect
European Portuguese (EP) Brazilian Portuguese (BP)
- 4 speakers, 7 repetitions - 5 speakers, 3 repetitions- total 502 words - total 269 words
Carrier phrase: Digo ___ porque sim ‘I say __ just so’
Examples: word-initial word-internal(orthography) a liana aliada
que viavel enviavelda Diana medianaa miada amealha
No word position effect (p > .05)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 18
Cross-Romance patternsDifferent patterns with respect to “degree of contrast” between glides and vowels
glide / vowel contrast
Romanian yes
Spanish partial
French no - all glides
Portuguese no - all vowels
Factors:
• The presence of glides (diphthongs) from other historical sources
• Prosodic effects on the duration of vocalic sequences
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 19
Presence of diphthongs Contrast Position effect
(initial / internal)
French yes no (p < .05)
Spanish yes partial (p < .001)
Romanian yes, but in yes (p < .0001) limited context
Portuguese no no no position effect
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 20
Proximity to stress effects
• Spanish, Romanian, Portuguese Immediately pretonic syllables tend to have greater duration than other unstressed syllables further to the left
(Hualde & Chitoran 2003)
stressed # V* #
pretonic # V * #pre-pretonic # V * # * indicates stress
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 21
Proximity to stress effects in iV sequences
- Same speakers (3 Spanish, 4 Romanian, 4 EP, 5 BP)- Same carrier phrase, randomized list- Measured duration of word-initial iV sequence
stressed pretonic pre-pretonicSpanish/diáspora diamánte diapasónPortuguese diácono diabétes diagonál
diatríba diametrálRomanian diáspora diamántu diapazón
diáconu diabéturj diagonáldiatríba diametrál
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 22
Resultsstressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 2 Sp, 2 R, 1 EP
stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic 1 Sp, 1 R, 3 EP
stressed, pretonic > pre-pretonic 1 R
(p < .05)
/iV/ sequence - Proximity to stress effects
164197
121
175
104
164
0
50
100
150
200
250
Spanish Romanian
du
rati
on stressed
pretonic
pptonic
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 23
European Portuguesestressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic p < .05
E Portuguese /iV/ sequences - Proximity to stress effects
252
156137
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
dura
tion stressed
pretonic
pptonic
BP word-internal: stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic
word-initial: stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic p < .0001
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 24
Proximity to stress effects in vowels
- Same speakers- Test words: 5 triplets (Sp), 6/7 (Rom), 7 pairs (EP), contrasting
in location of stress- Measure duration of vowel in word-initial syllable
stressed pretonic pre-pretonicSpanish célebre celébre celebré
lámina lamína lamináRomanian pátima patína patiná
répede repéde repetáEPortuguese habíto habitóu
debíto debitóu
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 25
Results – Spanish
stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers (p < .05)
V duration - Proximity to stress effects (Spanish)
7868
7465
566359
52 54
0
20
40
60
80
100
Sp1 Sp2 Sp3
du
rati
on
stressed
pretonic
pptonic
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 26
Results – Romanian stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers
stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic 1 speaker (p < .05)
V duration - Proximity to stress effects (Romanian)
119
90 9584
9376
897883
66
84 78
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4
du
rati
on
stressed
pretonic
pptonic
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 27
Results – European Portuguese
pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers (p <. 05)
EPortuguese V duration - Proximity to stress effects
60
72
605862
54
0
20
40
60
80
Sp2 Sp3 Sp4
du
rati
on
initial
medial
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 28
Summary
• Vowels in immediately pretonic syllables tend to be longer than other earlier vowels (at least in words bearing pitch accent)
• The duration differences correlate with the distribution of heterosyllabic vowel sequences (exceptions) in Spanish. These exceptions are reported for the most part in stressed and pretonic syllables.
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 29
Distribution of languages with respect to the acoustic duration of iV sequences (means)
SpFr
Rom
EP
BP
100
120
140
160
180
200
220
240
260
280
300
dura
tion
shorter (medial)
longer (initial)
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 30
Conclusions
• We established the presence of variability in the degree of contrast between glides and vowels in several Romance languages.
• The variability can be explained by the interaction of two factors:- The presence of glides/diphthongs in the lexicon from other
historical sources, acting as “lexical attractors” for the reduction of sequences (in agreement with Cabré & Prieto – to appear)
- Independent prosodic effects – which can slow down the merging tendency between iV sequences and diphthongs in certain positions (word-initially, in a stressed syllable, and closer to main stress).
• The comparative study of variability in the glide/vowel production reveals information about the way in which different systems have evolved with respect to the glide-vowel contrast.
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 31
ReferencesAguilar, L. (1999) Hiatus and diphthong: Acoustic cues and speech situation
differences. Speech Communication 28, 57-74Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (2004) Prosodic and analogical effects in lexical glide
formation in Catalan. Probus 16:2, 113-150.Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (to appear) Exceptional hiatuses in SpanishChitoran, I. (2001) The phonology of Romanian: A constraint-based
approach. Berlin, New York: Mouton de GruyterChitoran, I. & J.I. Hualde (2002) Variability in hiatus resolution: a phonetic
study of [CiV] sequences in two Romance languages. LabPhon 8 poster, Yale University and Haskins, 2002.
Cho, T. & P.A. Keating (2001) Articulatory and acoustic studies on domain-initial strengthening in Korean. Journal of Phonetics 29, 155-190
Fougeron, C. & P.A. Keating (1997) Articulatory strengthening at edges of prosodic domains. JASA 101, 3728-3740
Fougeron, C. (2001) Articulatory properties of initial segments in several prosodic constituents in French. Journal of Phonetics 29, 109-136
Frota, S. & M. Vigario (2001) On the correlates of rhythmic distinctions: The European/Brazilian Portuguese case. Probus 13:2, 247-275
Hualde, J.I. (1997) Spanish /i/ and related sounds: An exercise in phonetic analysis. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 27: 61-79
Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 32
Hualde, J.I. (1999) Patterns in the lexicon: Hiatus with unstressed high vowels in Spanish. In J. Gutierrez-Rexach and F. Martinez-Gil (eds.) Advances in Hispanic Linguistics, 182-197.
Hualde, J.I. & M. Prieto (2002) On the diphthong/hiatus contrast in Spanish: some experimental results. Linguistics 40(2), 217-234
Hualde, J.I. & I. Chitoran (2003) Explaining the distribution of hiatus in Spanish and Romanian. Proceedings of ICPhS 15.
Mateus, M.H. & E. d’Andrade (2000) The Phonology of Portuguese. Oxford University Press
Mateus, M.H. et al. (2003) Gramática da Língua Portuguesa. 5th edition, Caminho: Lisbon
Navarro Tomás, T. (1948) Manual de pronunciación espanola, 19th edition, Madrid: CSIC
Recasens, D. (1991) Timing in Catalan. ICPhS XII, Aix-en-Provence, 230-233Turk, A.E. & S. Shattuck-Hufnagel (2000) Word-boundary-related duration patterns
in English. Journal of Phonetics 28, 397-440
Authors’ contact: [email protected]@uiuc.edu