On the authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as ......On the authenticity of Black Pentecostal...

On the authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship

as theology and cultural expression.

Neil J Barker

(uploaded to www.worshipenrich.co.uk on 23rd October 2013)

(originally submitted as an essay for the MA in Contemporary Worship course at King's College, London with the title: ‘Christian Worship should be authentic as theology and cultural expression.’ Discuss in relation to Black Pentecostal Worship.)

http://www.worshipenrich.co.uk/

The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker

INTRODUCTION

I find myself identifying with other non-blacks who have a ‘profound belief in the

ability of African-Americans to attain a deep, emotional, and […] inspiring worship through

(their) sacred music’.1 And yet I feel there are aspects that I am distanced from, perhaps

simply because I am not black, and probably because it is something that ‘must be lived

before it can be truly understood’2. Nevertheless I want to examine Black Pentecostal worship

more closely in order to understand it better and to see what authenticity means for a form of

worship outside that which I normally experience.

In order to explore the authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship we will look in

broad terms at the reasons for its formation as something distinct with a very recognizable

identity. We will summarize these as being, firstly; a reaction to what was perceived in the

nineteenth century as a religion without spiritual life and a longing to appropriate the

‘almighty power of God’3, and secondly; a reaction to racial oppression and a desire for Black

people to affirm their African-American identity. These elements can be seen today when

Black Pentecostalists say they feel ‘at home’4 in their authentic services full of music,

emotion, movement and ‘encounter with God’5 and, conversely, find it not easy to connect

with more reserved worship services of other traditions.

1 Gerardo Marti, Worship Across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Congregation (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 51 <http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392975.001.0001/acprof-9780195392975> [accessed 25 October 2012].2 James H. Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues: An Interpretation (Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis Books, 1991), p. 3.3 Thomas F. Zimmerman, ‘The Reason for the Rise of the Pentecostal Movement’, in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. by Vinson Synan (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 7–13 (pp. 8, 9).4 John Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism: Its Ministry Andworship, Grove Booklet on Ministry and Worship, no.66 (Bramcote: Grove Books, 1979), p. 7.5 Daniel Tomberlin, Pentecostal Sacraments: Encountering God at the Altar (Cleveland: Center for Pentecostal Leadership & Care, 2010), p. 7.

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My starting point for examining corporate Black Pentecostal Worship will be by

proposing that a typical service can be divided into three main parts or ‘rites’, namely:

‘worship and praise’, ‘pastoral message’ and ‘altar response’. Different defining beliefs and

practices that are expressed in each of these ‘rites’ will be explored and we will examine how

these can be seen to authentically flow from both a synthesis of aspects of Black culture

(primarily using African-American sources) and from theological convictions (for example,

about the Holy Spirit and also emphases from the nineteenth century ‘holiness movement’).

Different writers seem to indicate that one part of the service is more important or

significant than another, but we shall argue that the three different parts of the service each

contribute important authentic theological and cultural elements which make up a rich

worship ‘liturgy’, which as a whole is authentic.

The question of authenticity and Christian worship will then be discussed further with

reference to our findings with regard to Black Pentecostal worship and we will maintain that

Black Pentecostal worship is both authentic theologically (being clearly identified with, for

example, Pentecostal beliefs) and culturally (having been clearly forged with reference to

Black culture) and it will be argued that this is what gives its strength and distinctive appeal.

Furthermore, we will suggest that the downside of being so distinctively authentic is a

tendency towards separation from other Christian groups and, in addition, a tendency towards

fossilization where, despite changes in culture outside the church, the church remains static

and thereby risks, for example, alienating the young people in the church. Therefore we will

be concluding, in response to this essay’s title statement, that Christian Worship should aim to

be culturally and theologically authentic but that through intentional dialogue there should be

an awareness and appreciation of the strengths of other Christian traditions and, also, an

awareness of developments of the culture in which the church has its roots and that, therefore,

there should be an ongoing review of worship practices in the light of these conversations.

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REASONS FOR BLACK PENTECOSTALISM’S DISTINCTIVENESS

One of the notable features of its distinctiveness is that common characteristics can be

identified in congregations geographically far apart, namely, in America, the Caribbean and

the United Kingdom. We might expect there to be common root causes for this measure of

identification with a particular authentic expression.

From a historical religious perspective, Black Pentecostalism can be seen as

developing from an embracing of the Holiness movement in the nineteenth century with its

call for the church to seek the ‘fire’ of the Holy Spirit’s empowering in order to pursue again

high personal moral standards, loving service and prayerfulness.6 They also embraced the

teaching developed by a white Pentecostal that the initial sign that someone had been

‘baptized in the Holy Spirit’ was to speak in tongues.7 Although the part played by Blacks in

early Pentecostalism is ‘much neglected and often misunderstood’8, it can be argued that

Black Pentecostalism, with its Black music,9 was a ‘central contributor to historic

Pentecostalism’10.11 12 Not least this is because of a wide acceptance that the congregation in

Azuza Street led by an African-American William Seymour was made up substantially of

blacks and that from here in 1906 spread the Pentecostal movement across America and, and

that ‘within twenty years, no part of the American landscape and very little of the world

remained untouched by the revival that emerged from Azuza Street’13.14

6 Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in History and Culture, ed. by Amos Yong and Estrelda Alexander, Religion, Race, and Ethnicity Series (New York; London: New York University Press, 2011), p. 2.7 Yong and Alexander, p. 4.8 Lovett, Leonard, ‘Black Origins of the Pentecostal Movement’, in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. by Vinson Synan (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 123–141 (p. 123).9 Keith Warrington, Pentecostal Theology: A Theology of Encounter (London: T & T Clark International, 2008), p. 223.10 Yong and Alexander, p. 1.11 Stanley A. Steward, Where Sin Abounds: A Religious History of Las Vegas (Eugene, Or: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2012), p. 25.12 Iain MacRobert, The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the USA (Basingstoke, Hampshire: The Macmillan Press Ltd, 1988), p. 78.13 Yong and Alexander, p. 2,3.14 Lovett, Leonard, p. 136.

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But, perhaps even more importantly, it will be argued, this distinctiveness flows from

the African-American identity which was forged in the crucible of institutional and state-

sanctioned racial oppression and abuse and as they sought to resist assimilation.15

Descendants of African-Americans would have been African slaves brought forcibly, and

under terrible conditions, to America as part of the infamous slave trade. This led to an

authentic finding of identity and meaning by keeping a hold, even if re-interpreted, on aspects

of the culture which came from their African roots (for example, dance and rhythm) and a

development of a religion associated with the singing of ‘spirituals’.16 One of the striking

things in early Black Pentecostalism was the frequency of church attendance. In Las Vegas

this was sometimes daily and was due to the church being the place where slaves could be

free from their masters to participate in, among other things, ‘African styled worship’.17

Raboteau explains how slaves would meet together in the evenings clandestinely to worship

God, pour out ‘their pains and suffering to each other and to God, and provide occasions to

form their own self-image’.18 Their ‘spirituals’ had roots in their African traditions, and also

were a remarkable incorporation of their slave owner’s Christianity,19 but also acted as a

positive expression of resistance to the racial oppression.20 Cone maintains that ‘the slaves

were obliged to create their own religion out of the remnants that were available and useful,

both African and Christian.’21

We have considered the development of distinctiveness by reference to the experience

of African-Americans but Black Pentecostal Afro-Caribbeans, who would have shared a

similar history of oppression by white slave owners, were introduced to Pentecostalism

15 MacRobert, pp. 9–11.16 MacRobert, pp. 11–15.17 Steward, p. 57.18 Albert J. Raboteau referenced in Edward P. Wimberly, ‘The Dynamics of Black Worship: a Psychosocial Exploration of the Impulses That Lie at the Roots of Black Worship.’, Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center, 14 (1987), 195–207 (p. 195).19 John Duncan, ‘Negro Spirituals Once More’, Negro History Bulletin, 10:4 (1947), 80–82, 95 (p. 80, 81).20 Cone, p. 13.21 Cone, p. 28.

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through African-American missionaries.22 And then some of these emigrated to the United

Kingdom to help form the Black Pentecostal movement there. 23 24 So we will assume all these

are reasons why there is a similarity of Black Pentecostal worship regardless of denomination

or location. In addition Alexander and Yong suggest that it is due to the widespread influence

of ‘Pentecostal spirituality’ on the ‘Black Church’.25

WORSHIP SERVICE ANAYLSIS

We will use some of Daniel Albrecht’s approaches to analyze how authenticity is

expressed in the worship services. In studying four different pentecostal/charismatic churches

Albrecht develops a ‘ritual approach’ which can be used to help identify and discern what is

going on in a corporate worship service.26 Even though he agrees with James White that in

Pentecostal worship liturgy there is ‘a fair amount of meandering that takes place’ he

contends that there are patterns that can be perceived which identify a structure in the worship

service.27 Root also contends that, even though it may look even chaotic at times, there is

structure that both minister and congregation recognise.28 In order to analyze what is going

on, Albrecht helpfully breaks down different aspects of the ‘ritual’, that is the worship

service, into different ‘rites’. He uses Grimes’ definition of a ‘rite’, namely, ‘a set of actions

widely recognized by members of a culture’ which are distinct from ‘ordinary behaviour’.29

Three major or foundational rites are identified, namely: Worship and praise, Pastoral

Message, Altar response. In addition, there a number of smaller ‘microrites’ which occur

22 Diane J. Austin-Broos, Jamaica Genesis: Religion and the Politics of Moral Orders (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), p. 1.23 William K. Kay, Pentecostals in Britain (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 2000), p. 32.24 Mark Sturge, Look What the Lord Has Done!: An Exploration of Black Christian Faith in Britain (Scripture Union Publishing, 2005), p. 53.25 Yong and Alexander, p. 4.26 Daniel E. Albrecht, Rites in the Spirit: a Ritual Approach to Pentecostal/Charismatic Spirituality, Journal of Pentecostal Theology, 17 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1999).27 Albrecht, p. 152.28 John Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism: Its Ministry and Worship (Grove Books Ltd, 1979), p. 18.29 Albrecht, p. 153.

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within these three rites or are used in a ‘transitory’ way in order to move from a major rite to

the next. For example, within the first part of the service there may be a time when someone

is invited to pray, or when people are invited to ‘share a testimony’, or there may be an

invitation for people to pray for healing.30 Root notes that many of these ‘microrites’ are

participatory which give different opportunities for members of the congregation to take a

leading role in the service.31 At other times the sacramental rite of Holy Communion and

Baptism will be included. The number and position in the service of these ‘microrites’ can

vary from service to service, church to church. He also identifies a rich number of ways or

‘modes’ that the ‘ritualists’ (that is, those taking part in the ritual of the worship service) can

respond to what is going on – with celebration, contemplation, intention (Albrecht actually

uses the term ‘transcendental efficacy’ to describe the mode when Pentecostals pray expecting

an answer, for example, in healing prayer ministry), penitence, ecstasy, a sense of ceremony

and improvisation.32 In addition, he uses the concept of the ‘ritual field’ to describe the

categories of where and in what ways ‘ritual’ activity’ takes place.33 One of the key elements

that function as part of this ‘ritual field’, and that have a significant impact worship, are

‘icons’. What does he mean by ‘icon’ here? It is something that provides, a ‘window’, an

‘intersection’ or a ‘pathway’ to an encounter with God.34 Albrecht identifies a number of

things that have an ‘iconic function’: the congregation itself, ritual sounds (for example,

music), ritual sight (for example, the Bible) and kinaesthetic experience (for example, raising

hands in worship).35 We will argue that ‘icons’ are a particular aspect of worship which will

need authentically to reflect theology and culture. As with debates about the use of traditional

Christian icons and symbols there will always be a question of how much a symbol is a help

30 Albrecht, pp. 150–176, 193.31 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 18.32 Albrecht, pp. 177–189, 193.33 Albrecht, pp. 121–122.34 Albrecht, p. 143.35 Albrecht, p. 143.

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or a distraction and we will consider this issue as we look at the individual service

components because if ‘icons’ are more of a distraction than help this will affect negatively

the authenticity of worship. Further help to analyze what is happening comes from James

Smith whose approach using other terms seems to echo, in particular, what Albrecht says

about ‘icons’. He argues that the concept of the ‘social imaginary’ can help us see what is

‘embedded in Christian worship’.36 He argues that as human beings we are ‘oriented’ to act in

certain ways not so much because of appeals to the mind and what we think intellectually

about something but by things that ‘grab hold of our hearts’ in a ‘nonconscious’ way.37 We

respond in this way, ‘through our imagination’, to things that we ‘desire’ (often)

unconsciously.38 Charles Taylor developed the concept of a ‘social imaginary’ to describe a

‘common understanding’ (which is not so much expressed as a theory but in ‘images, stories,

and legends’) and which ‘makes possible common practices and a widely shared sense of

legitimacy’.39 Applying this idea to Black Pentecostal worship images might include the

pulpit and the Bible which might ‘speak’ to everyone of God’s immanent presence and, as

music is such an important element, we need to include in this ‘common understanding’

sounds and rhythms because styles of music seem to ‘communicate’ particular authentic

‘cues’ to a Black Pentecostal congregation. Furthermore, in the words of Ogbu Kalu, ‘art,

ritual symbols, and dance elevate and expand spiritual horizons and express what the heart

feels’.40

36 James K. A. Smith, Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation, Volume 1 of Cultural Liturgies (Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Academic, 2009), p. 155. 37 Smith, p. 63.38 Smith, p. 63.39 Charles Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries, Public Planet Books (Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, 2004), p. 23.40 Ogbu Uke Kalu, ‘Holy Praiseco: Negotiating Sacred and Popular Music and Dance in African Pentecostalism’,Pneuma, 32 (2010), 16–40 (p. 20).

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WORSHIP & PRAISE AS THE KEY AUTHENTIC EXPRESSION

Singing and music in Black Pentecostal worship is often described as being rhythmic

and swinging, loud, repetitious but improvisory, participatory and engaging.41 Movement is

associated with the music which can include: foot tapping, hand raising, clapping, dancing

and tambourine shaking and the music can be accompanied by exclamations of praise such as:

hallelujah, ‘praise the Lord!’ and whoops.42

Some writers point to music as the most defining ingredient of Black Pentecostal

worship. Some point to music as being a defining cultural distinctive for African-Americans.

Cone says, ‘When Africans were enslaved in America, they brought with them their culture

as defined by their music.’43 However, others acknowledge the influence of the ‘white man’s

church’ and his hymns on Blacks when they attended ‘religious services of the whites.’44 The

spirituals were born out of an interaction of their inherent African style with the religious

music of the whites but this resulting music was distinctive and clearly their own45. Others

highlight that it is particularly the Black sense of rhythm that sets the music apart.46 So in

considering the distinctive and authentic nature of Black Pentecostal worship we could argue

that, a major aspect of this flows from the assertion that Black music, which includes

spirituals, articulates ‘the separateness of the black community’47. Root identifies how

significant he views the whole hearted singing of a full congregation giving a defining

‘weight’ to worship. 48 Stanley Steward sees music with a high level of congregational

engagement as being emphasized in early Black Pentecostal worship in Las Vegas.49 This,

41 MacRobert, p. 93.42 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 20.43 Cone, p. 30 (emphasis mine).44 John Duncan, p. 80.45 John Duncan, p. 81.46 John Duncan, p. 95.47 Cone, p. 5,6.48 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 20.49 Steward, p. 28.

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also, reflects the African traditional worship setting where music was instrumental in bringing

everyone into the ritual as participants not as bystanders.50 When authentic Black worship

music captivates everyone in a congregation it has the capacity to fuse that assembly together.

In his book on developing a multiracial church Gerardo Marti maintains that ‘gospel music is

generally understood to be the music required to successfully bring African Americans into a

congregation’ and ‘even though there is widespread appreciation for gospel music, gospel is

believed to be most enjoyed by blacks.’51 It is noteworthy that many non-blacks will

acknowledge that black people have a natural propensity to worship which includes an

emotional freedom and freedom.52 Martin also maintains, for example, that African

Americans aware that they have a special ‘connection’ to worship and this gives rise to

worship that is “strong” and “deep”.53 Albrecht records in his studies of

pentecostal/charismatic churches that many reported ‘the reality of close communion with the

divine heightened during the singing’.54 Why is it that music acts as a vehicle for authentic

worship? Albrecht suggests an iconic function of worship music where the overall effect of

the sounds ‘symbolize an entrance into the felt presence of God’.55 The music acts as a signal

and encouragement for the worshipper. Don Saliers suggests that as worshippers sing then

what they are singing about, particularly sentiments, like joy, trust, and thankfulness become

‘knit into their bodies’.56 The Black Pentecostal perspective on worship could be summarised

by the exclamation; ‘”I’m glad I’ve got a God I can feel!”’57 Black Pentecostal worship is

unashamedly emotional and they are open about using music intentionally to ‘shape’ the

50 George Ofori-Atta-Thomas, ‘The African Inheritance in the Black Church Worship.’, Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center, 14 (1987), 43–74 (p. 58).51 Marti, pp. 52,53.52 Marti, p. 51.53 Marti, pp. 51,52.54 Albrecht, p. 143.55 Albrecht, p. 143.56 Don Saliers quoted in Smith, p. 171.57 Carlton Pearson, a Black American preacher quoted in Joel Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 67–95 (p. 92).

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atmosphere so that the congregation is guided to respond emotionally and authentically to

God.58

In African culture dance predominates in rites and celebrations,59 and furthermore,

bodies are used ‘as instruments through which every conceivable emotion or event is

projected’60. With regard to dance Craig Scandett-Letherman highlights its significance,

particularly for men, when he submits ‘that Afro-Pentecostal dance was (and is) an expression

of life that resists the dehumanizing effects of effects of violence’.61 He contends this is why

Charles Harrison Mason (1866-1961) the black founding minister of the largest Afro-

Pentecostal church, the Church of God in Christ, defended dance in his congregation along

with resistance to military conscription. 62 It was as though these became new rites of black

manhood that replaced those initiation ceremonies where ‘boys became men’ that were left

behind in Africa.63 This would explain why dance and movement is such an authentic part of

Black Pentecostal worship. In some denominations we would not expect to see a church

minister dance in the pulpit, in fact, the congregation would probably be suspicious of them

but, in Black Pentecostal worship dancing and movement is the norm. It also highlights why

there is no problem drawing approval for dance and movement in worship from the Bible.

Wright examines and provides a translation of a key Biblical example of David moving in

worship where he ‘pranced with exuberance before Yaweh’ and explained that he ‘will revel

before Yaweh’. 64 Here we see that theologically dance is associated with ‘wholeheartedness’

58 Stuart Pattico from comment in his lecture at King’s College, London [25 October 2012]59 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 62.60 Pearl Primus, ‘African Dance’, in African Dance: An Artistic, Historical, and Philosophical Inquiry, ed. by Kariamu Welsh Asante, illustrated edition (Lawrenceville, New Jersey: Africa World Press, Inc, 1998), pp. 3–12(p. 6).61 Craig Scandrett-Leatherman, ‘Rites of Lynching and Rights of Dance - Historic, Anthropological, and Afro-Pentecostal Perspectives on Black Manhood After 1865’, in Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in history and culture, ed. by Amos Yong and Estrelda Alexander, Religion, Race, and Ethnicity Series (New York; London: New York University Press, 2011), pp. 95–115 (p. 95,96).62 Scandrett-Leatherman, p. 95,96.63 Scandrett-Leatherman, p. 95,96.64 David P. Wright, ‘Music and Dance in 2 Samuel 6’, Journal of Biblical Literature, 121 (2002), 201–225 (p. 209).

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in worship and this indicates why dance can be seen as a particularly helpful authentic form of

worship because it is associated with a high level of devotional commitment. Evidence for

dance in worship from the New Testament is not found by many explicit references in the

New Testament and although Adams suggests that for the early church ‘rejoicing’ would have

been synonymous with dancing he bases this on the assumption that dancing was pervasive in

the worship of the second temple period and continued on through the long ‘inter-testament’

period to the time of the early church. 65 A possibly slightly more convincing case for dancing

in the early church could be made though from Black’s contention that an Aramaic term for

“rejoice” also means “dance” and so allows us to assume the possibility dancing when the

New Testament talks of rejoicing. 66 Both these arguments seem to need more evidence for

them to be useful in building a theology of dance from the New Testament. Hence, Black

Pentecostalism really depends on the Old Testament for its authentic theology of dance.

However, Len Anglin raises a question over whether it is valid or necessary to

consider cultural influences with regard to certain elements of worship. He asks the question

‘Does the black church recognise that certain aspects of worship – hand-clapping, dancing,

the use of musical instruments, vocal expression of rejoicing – are not cultural?’67 Although,

this is not questioning the importance of music within Black Pentecostal worship the

underlying premise for this question seems to be that as these elements are seen as ‘biblical’

and, therefore, they have legitimate theological warrant they are not there due to cultural

influence. However, while we would want to agree that there are biblical examples for these

aspects of worship, we have seen above a powerful cultural reason for why it is the norm, for

example, for preachers to ‘dance’ during worship times whereas this could be rather shocking,

for instance, for a traditional Anglican congregation. In addition, we must go on to say that, 65 Doug Adams, ‘Moving Beyond Words for Dance: A Bibliographical Essay on “Dance and Religion” Studies Using Form Criticism.’, ARTS, 2 (1990), 23–27 (p. 24).66 Adams, p. 24.67 Ken Anglin, ‘The Interaction Between Culture and Worship’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 96–115 (p. 111).

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although there may be biblical examples of certain activities employed in worship, the way

these were carried out, that is, the actual ‘style’ cannot be ascertained. We would argue then

that ‘style’ is related to cultural influence and that the authentic sense of feeling ‘at home’ is

felt because things are somehow carried out in the ‘right’ way.

PASTORAL MESSAGE AS THE KEY AUTHENTIC EXPRESSION

In African culture the ‘medicine man’ served in the manner of ‘doctors and pastors’ in

their communities and Ofori-Atta-Thomas argues that this holistic legacy of leadership can be

found in the Black pastor and that as ‘priest-shepherd’ he presides over a therapeutic worship

ritual.68 Leadership in the church can have an aura surrounding it and the pulpit has an iconic

function, often being regarded as ‘holy ground’69 because it ‘equates to the supremacy of the

Word’.70 The pastor or preacher can be seen as ‘God’s man’ or ‘a man of God’ and, because

of the association of this phrase with some of the prophets in the Old Testament, can have an

elevated status. 71 If the preacher effectively engages with the congregation then the preacher

himself can have an authentic iconic function as ‘a symbol of God’.72

Joel Edwards points to the pastoral message as being the climax of Black Pentecostal

worship when he explains that ‘everything builds up to the sermon’ in Afro-Caribbean Black

churches in the United Kingdom and that this importance is seen in the significant proportion

of time given to these messages ‘between forty and sixty minutes long’. He maintains that the

messages are meant not so much to be the presentation of a reasoned argument but rather that

the preacher ‘worships’ in giving the message so that his ‘worship’ is ‘caught’ by the

68 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 65.69 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 57.70 Edwards, 'The Pentecostal Distinctives', p. 89.71 Harold Dean Trulear, ‘The Lord Will Make a Way Somehow: Black Worship and the Afro-American Story.’, Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center, 13 (1985), 87–104 (p. 100).72 Trulear, p. 100.

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congregation.73 Trulear concurs and describes that ‘in the ecstasy of the preaching event the

goodness of God is reaffirmed’.74

What is the authentic style in delivering the pastoral message? There is usually a high

level of verbal interaction in the bringing of the pastoral message which has been described in

terms of a dance between the preacher and the congregation.75 76 The expectation is that there

will be a verbal worship response from the congregation affirming that they agree and are

rejoicing with what the preacher is communicating. Preachers will often expect responses to

particular ‘calls’: ‘Can I have a witness?’, ‘Is anyone there?’, ‘Hello?’, ‘Are you with me?’ or

‘Say praise the Lord somebody!’ and can be responded to with shouts of ‘Amen!’’, ‘Preach

it!’ or ‘Bless him, Lord!’77 In addition, sometimes a preacher and congregation’s ‘mutual

awareness’ of a Bible text will create a ‘poignant’ connection.78 The preacher can also be an

interpreter for what has happened ‘spiritually’ in the service or what is happening during the

sermon or ‘what the Lord want to do’ by the end of the service and acts ‘as the catalyst of the

praising event’.79 The preacher will want there to be a real response to his message and for the

Lord ‘to move’, for example, the preaching of Black American Bishop Cox in Las Vegas is

described as ‘jubilistic, [...] impassioned, rhythmic, eliciting congregational response’80 and

not so much concerned with a reasoned argument about what the text might have meant to the

original hearers but with ‘its existential relevance to the lives of his parishioners’81 He also

sought to help with practical needs of the congregation and his ‘acts of kindness and

community concern contributed to an enduring legacy’ 82 and played his part in campaigning

73 Joel Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 46–66 (p. 61).74 Trulear, p. 89.75 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 53.76 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 58.77 Sturge, p. 123.78 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 54.79 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 46.80 Steward, p. 59.81 Steward, p. 59.82 Steward, p. 55.

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for the abolition of local segregation laws.83 Indeed the dialogue with the congregation often

derives from an existing relationship between the congregation and minister which can flow

from a very practical pastoral ministry of the minister to the congregation outside of the

services and Root remarks on the ‘striking empathetic awareness’ of a minister to his

‘Westindian’ congregation in the United Kingdom.84 He suggests this reflects what he calls

‘the greater “human-ness” and emotional freedom’ of black culture but also the ‘absence of a

culture gap between minister and congregation’.85 In Jamaica, an ordained pastor is not

someone who has been trained but someone who has proven themselves as an ‘exhorter’, that

is someone who moves people to faith through preaching with prayer.86 Although the

congregations will normally have confidence in the truth of the exhorter’s message the

exhorter’s ‘performance’ in giving the message is important. 87 Here again there is the ‘ready

deployment of the call-and-response style of Afro-Carribean performance’.88 We have here a

reference to the fact the ‘call-and-response’ is found elsewhere in Afro-Carribean

performance culture pointing to its authenticity as an expression.

What are the distinctive authentic elements of the pastoral message that make it such a

key part of Black Pentecostal worship? Key things include: firstly, an acknowledgement of

the reality of “trouble”, difficulties and suffering in daily life; secondly, an affirmation of the

identity of the congregation, that is, they are made in the image of God and are His people;

and thirdly; a reminder of God’s immanence by the Holy Spirit to help overcome any

difficulties. 89 90 The exhortations can be so attuned to everyday lives that they are ‘as a

running commentary’ on those lives.91 In some churches there is a tendency ‘to be reticent

83 Steward, p. 65.84 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 9.85 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 9 (emphasis mine).86 Austin-Broos, p. 158.87 Austin-Broos, p. 159.88 Austin-Broos, p. 161.89 Trulear, p. 89.90 Austin-Broos, p. 142.91 Austin-Broos, p. 161.

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about the expression of beliefs in ordinary conversation’.92 But Black Pentecostals tend to be

sure about what they believe and what they have to do, partly because of the interaction which

gives permission for the congregation ‘to approve or disapprove of what is said’93 and,

secondly, this can be because the leaders are more in touch with their congregations as their

knowledge is not ‘largely limited to college life’ but rather is built on practical experience

serving in a congregation?94

ALTAR RESPONSE AS BEING THE KEY AUTHENTIC EXPRESSION

The concept of a symbolic altar to which a preacher invites the congregation to come

forward to in order to ‘offer oneself to God’ has had a comparatively recent history. The altar

is a space in church ‘at the front’, sometimes in front of an ‘altar rail’ which will be in front of

the pulpit and can be represented by a ‘crude cushion on the floor’.95 This altar is not related

to the ‘table’ used in communion services, rather it is a conceptual place but one of response,

faith and commitment. 96 Finney is normally credited with, in the early nineteenth century,

beginning the practice of what became the ‘altar call’ when those wanting to receive the ‘new

birth’ would be invited to walk up to the front to the ‘penitent bench’ at the end of a revival

meeting.97 This practice was adopted by Pentecostals and extended to where, for example, it is

also used for believers who want to come as an act of consecration to offer their lives afresh

to God and to receive a new ‘infilling’ of the Holy Spirit and for its theological precedent they

have pointed to Old Testament narratives where an offering on an altar was presented at key

92 Martin D. Stringer, On the Perception of Worship: The Ethnography of Worship in Four Christian Congregations in Manchester (Birmingham: University of Birmingham Press, 1999), p. 173.93 Trulear, p. 96.94 Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism, p. 10.95 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 90.96 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 90.97 Melvin E. Dieter, ‘Wesleyan-Holiness Aspects of Pentecostal Origins: A Mediated Through the Nineteenth-Century Holiness Revival’, in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. by Vinson Synan (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 55–80 (p. 60).

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points on life’s journey .98 Therefore, an ‘altar-call’ usually happens at the end of the service

and people go to the ‘altar’ ‘for prayer for conversion, healing, baptism in the Sprit, or some

other ‘blessing’’99. These times, when music can be played and songs sung, can be times of

‘considerable emotional intensity with dancing in the Spirit, groaning, going into paroxsyms

and trances’. 100 For Tomberlin, a white Pentecostal, ‘the altar’ should be the centre of

Pentecostal worship.101 From the description above this can be arguably the most significant

time spiritually for a member of the congregation who goes to the ‘altar’ and, also, perhaps

for other members as they are involved in the prayer for those at the ‘altar’. Albrecht notes in

his study that the ‘altar rite’ has an ‘empowering effect’ with the sense of anticipation rising

from the time when the pastoral message has ended. 102 This sense of anticipation points to a

climax being reached in the service with the ‘altar response’. However, the description of the

altar responses of the churches in Albrecht’s study seems less dramatic than those that have

been described in Black Pentecostal worship. In Jamaica a Black Pentecostal kneeling at the

altar rail for a filling of the Sprit could be accompanied by involuntary twitchings which

would be sign to the everyone that the Spirit was at work, and which could lead to

convulsions sometimes which have been seen to ‘throw a person to the ground’.103 These

outward manifestations, then, are understood to be authentic signs that the ‘Spirit of God’ is at

work.

What is authentic about the altar response? The altar response is about the immanence

of God which is reflected both in the Pentecostal theology of God coming into lives by his

Spirit and also in a ‘deep sense of the pervasive reality of the spirit world’ of the Black

religious community.104 The religion of the ‘spirituals’ was also concerned directly with daily

98 Tomberlin, pp.1-30.99 Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism, p. 21.100 Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism, p. 21.101 Tomberlin, p. 2.102 Albrecht, p. 168.103 Austin-Broos, pp. 143-144.104 Wilmore quoted in MacRobert, p. 29.

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life and this focus has it authentic roots in African music which was ‘not an artistic creation

for its own sake; it was directly related to daily life, work and play.’105 Cone argues that

‘white religion taught blacks to look for their reward in heaven […] (while) black slaves were

in fact carving out a new style of earthly freedom’106 and that ’the spirituals […] show us the

essence of black religion, that is, the experience of trying to be free in the midst of a

“powerful lot of tribulation”’.107 We will argue that the ‘altar’ is an authentic place where

Black Pentecostals find God empowering them to find a way through their everyday

‘troubles’ which reflects one key aspect of the religion of the ‘spirituals’.

The altar is also the place where the ‘solidarity’ of the community is expressed as it

prays for one other.108 Sometimes the congregation will be invited to stretch out a hand to

those who are at the ‘altar’ as a symbolic request for God to bless them and meet their needs

and Albrecht maintains that ‘the presence of and interaction with fellow worshippers helps to

intensify the rites and their effect on the ritualists’.109 He explains that it ‘is as though they see

through their fellow worshippers as through windows. They recognised in each other their

object of worship’.110 We see here an authentic ‘icon’ being appropriated in this part of the

service.

Len Anglin raises the question of whether ‘the black church is guilty of equating

emotionalism with Spirit-filled worship?’111 In particular is that which is experienced at the

‘altar’ authentic? Black Pentecostals would see the involuntary movements at the altar, even

where there may be an emotionally-charged atmosphere, as ‘objective’ evidence that the

Spirit is at work. In fact, as we have noted, in traditional Pentecostalism the ecstatic speaking

105 Cone, p. 30.106 Cone, p. 28.107 Cone, p. 29.108 Albrecht, p. 169.109 Albrecht, p. 149.110 Albrecht, p. 147.111 Anglin, p. 111.

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in tongues is seen rather as one of the objective signs that a person has the Spirit of God

authentically living within them.

AUTHENTICITY AND WORSHIP

We have sought to show why each part of Black Pentecostal worship; Worship and

Praise including dance and movement, the Pastoral Message and the Altar Response can be

seen as vitally authentic, both theologically and with regard to culture expression and to give

possible reasons for considering each of them as the key authentic expression in Black

Pentecostal worship. It is interesting to note that these three ‘rites’ can be linked with DuBois’

three characteristics of the ‘religion of the slave’ specifically, the Music, the Preacher, and the

Frenzy.112 We could identify ‘the Music’ with the Worship and Praise, ‘the Preacher’ with the

Pastoral Message, and ‘the Frenzy’ with the Altar Response. Now, of course, there are

overlaps and although music will mainly feature in the first part it will sometimes feature

during the message or in the altar response. And although there will be an expectation for

there to be ecstatic emotions, shaking and groanings during the altar response these can, for

example, occur towards the climactic end of a sermon. But it does point to the fact that all

three parts of the service are needed to display these characteristics. Furthermore, Wimberly

identifies ‘three impulses that lie at the base of Black Christian worship’ which are; the need

for wholeness, the need for a positive self-image and the need to respond the immanence of

God and, once again, we want to argue that the whole service functions to fulfil these needs.113

Worship and Praise is the time when wholeness and wellbeing can be experienced, the

Pastoral Message the time when the pastor affirms to the congregation that they are God’s

children and that He is with them, and the Altar Response is a specific time to respond to the

felt presence of God. Furthermore, Leonard Lovett maintains that in authentic Black

112 Trulear, p. 88.113 Wimberly, pp. 196–7.

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Pentecostalism ‘religious experience is given primacy’114 which ultimately comes by being

touched by the Holy Spirit and we have seen in each of three main ‘rites’ that ‘experience’ is

a key feature. So we argue that all three parts of the worship are needed to provide a rich

authentic Black Pentecostal liturgy which expresses all its distinctive dimensions.

We have seen that Black Pentecostalism has been successful and powerful in the midst

of very difficult times because of its authenticity. So we can see the value in worship being

authentic. But there are critics of the strong authenticity of Black Pentecostal worship. This

has been concerning the propensity towards separatism that a strongly defined authenticity

implicitly tends to produce. Even the term ‘black church’ has given rise to ‘resistance and

repulsion because of its separatist and discriminatory overtones against other races.115 Here we

can understand Joel Edwards when he cautions against preachers (leaders and ministers)

being indifferent to other cultures.116 In fact Edwards go as far as to say that Black

Pentecostals need to reassess both its cultural influences and its understanding of

spirituality.117 However, Edwards’ grand project seems to be looking for a ‘universal

spirituality’ which will ‘embrace all cultures’.118 For this he will have to ask all churches to do

what he is asking Black Pentecostals to do. This seems to be ending up as a call for

uniformity rather than ‘unity in diversity’ which could have a negative effect on authentic

cultural expression and on a congregation making vital faith connections with the worship.

However, one ‘dilemma’ facing the whole Black Community is what to do about the

generational divide and, in particular, the Hop Hop culture?119 Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou argues

114 Leonard Lovett, ‘Ethics in Prophetic Mode - Reflections of an Afro-Pentecostal Radical’, in Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in history and culture, ed. by Amos Yong and Estrelda Alexander, Religion, Race, and Ethnicity Series (New York; London: New York University Press, 2011), pp. 153–165 (p. 162).115 Arlington Trotman, ‘Black, Black-led or What?’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 12–35 (p. 21).116 Edwards, 'The Pulpit Response to Worship', p. 50,51.117 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 86.118 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 87.119 The Black Church and Hip-Hop Culture: Toward Bridging the Generational Divide, ed. by Emmett G. Price (Scarecrow Press, 2011), p. xii.

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that ‘if the Black Church is to remain relevant to the twenty-first century, it must ponder its

relationship to Hip Hop, youth activism, and young people.’120 If, Christian worship should be

authentic, in theological and cultural expression, what does that look like when, within a

particular congregation, there are young people who are influenced by a different culture to

their parents and older members in a congregation? Should Black Pentecostal worship adapt

to include elements of this cultural expression, for example, instead of a choir have some

Christian rappers? Edwards also seems to be concerned about carrying on using particular

cultural styles that have been inherited when he writes that, ‘The responsible minister must

therefore at least attempt to separate culture from true worship’.121 It follows from this that

there must be an awareness of when something is an inherited cultural style. Nevertheless, it

is not clear what styles Edwards is suggesting should be separated out as every church will

have its own traditions. However, it is necessary to be aware of cultural developments that are

going to influence and impact congregations if churches are going to avoid the danger of

‘fossilisation’ where a church becomes irrelevant and ‘out of touch’ without realising it.122

CONCLUSION

We have identified that Black Pentecostal Worship is distinctive and has had a huge

impact because of its theological and cultural authenticity, in particular, being true and being

formed by the African-American experience as well as being shaped by interaction with

different theological movements. It has a distinctive and significant but, due to its strong

authenticity, a limited ‘appeal’ although outside of the Black Pentecostal community it is

widely appreciated as being something clearly authentic and as ‘strong’ worship. We have

seen that, even though to the visitor the services may seem chaotic, there is in fact, a clear

120 Price, p. 156.121 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 50. 122 Graham Cray, Mission-shaped Church: Church Planting and Fresh Expressions of Church in a Changing Context (Church House Publishing, 2009), p. 13.

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direct intention and direction to the services. In addition, even though the worship is not

‘liturgical’ we have seen some authentic elements of the service that have an ‘iconic’

function; sights, sounds and movement communicate different meanings to help the

worshippers. Black Pentecostal Worship, therefore, points to the value of authentic

theological and cultural expression in Christian worship, in particular, a high level of

participation and commitment from the congregation and also as something which gives

renewed energy and hope to sustain them in their day-to-day lives.

With have seen the challenges for Black Pentecostal worship, which we have

identified as implicit in the fact that it is a strongly authentic movement, as being how to

‘move things on’ with time, ‘adapting’ to changes in the cultures with which the church is in

contact and how to maintain an appreciation for other worship practices in the wider Christian

community. However, both are important challenges for the development of contemporary

Christian worship in all traditions.

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