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Nationalism

Ernest GellnerMiroslav HrochEric HobsbawmErnest RenanBenedict AndersonSlavoj Zizek and Renata Salecl on Nation and NationalismBanal Nationalism and the Internet

The methods of partitioning land have undergone tremendous change since the thirteenth century. Duringmedieval and renaissance times, royal dynasties and religious organizations formed the foundations ofpolitical and geographical divisions. As the modern era approached, people began to question the DivineRight of Kings and the dynastic apportioning of their land. The following are the most influential theorists ofnationalism: Ernest Gellner, Miroslav Hroch, Eric Hobsbawm, Ernest Renan and Benedict Anderson.Gellner, Hroch and Hobsbawm propose general models for the rise of nations, while Renan and Andersondefine nationalism and examine its ideological and conceptual mechanisms.

Ernest Gellner

In his essay, “The Coming of Nationalism and Its Interpretations: The Myths of Nation and Class,” Gellnercreates a model for micro-units evolving into “nations.” There are five stages in the transition:

1. Baseline: “A world exists where ethnicity is still not yet self-evidently present, and where the idea ofany link between it and political legitimacy is almost entirely absent.”

2. Nationalist Irredentism: “A world which has inherited and retained most of its political boundaries andstructures from the previous stage, but within which ethnicity as a political principle — in other words,nationalism — is beginning to operate … The old borders and polities are under pressure from

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nationalist agitation.”3. Emergence of Nationalist States: “National Irredentism triumphant and self-defeating. Plural empires

collapse, and with them the entire dynastic-religious style of political legitimation, and it is replaced bynationalism as the main effective principle. A set of smaller states emerge, purporting to fulfill thenational destiny of the ethnic group with which they are identified. This condition is self-defeating, inso far as these new units are just as minority-haunted as the larger ones which had preceded them. Thenew units are haunted by all the weaknesses of their precursors, plus some additional ones of their own.“

4. Nacht and Nebel. “This is a term employed by the Nazis for some of their operations in the course ofthe Second World War. Under cover of wartime secrecy, or in the heat of conflict and passion, orduring the period of retaliatory indignation, moral standards are suspended, and the principle ofnationalism, demanding compact homogenous ethnic groups within given political-territorial units, isimplemented with a new ruthlessness. It is no longer done by the older and benign method ofassimilation, but by mass murder or forcible transplantation of populations.”

5. Cultural Convergence: “High level of satiation of the nationalist requirement, plus generalizedaffluence, plus cultural convergence, leads to a diminution, though not the disappearance, of thevirulence of nationalist revindication.”

Gellner grounds each stage historically. It is interesting to note that he considers the world on eve of theFrench Revolution in 1789 as the “baseline” society, although it bears very little resemblance to either one ofthe two societies Gellner describes as “baseline.” Prior to the French Revolution, dynastic monarchiesinvoked the Divine Right of Kings to apportion land and to govern the people.

Miroslav Hroch

In his essay “From National Movement to the Fully-Formed Nation: The Nation-Building Process inEurope,” Hroch classifies a nation as “a large social group integrated not by one but by a combination ofseveral kinds of objective relationships (economic, political, linguistic, cultural, religious, geographical,historical) and their subjective reflection in collective consciousness.” Hroch identifies three keys to creatinga nation: “a ‘memory’ of a common past, treated as a ‘destiny’ of the group; a density of linguistic or culturalties enabling a higher degree of social communication within the group or beyond it; a conception of theequality of all members of the group organized as a civil society.” These three keys to creating a nationalidentity generally occur in Phase A of Hroch’s three phases:

Phase A: Activists strive to lay the foundation for a national identity. They research the cultural,linguistic, social and sometimes historical attributes of a non-dominant group in order to raiseawareness of the common traits — but they do this “without pressing specifically nationaldemands to remedy deficits.”Phase B: “A new range of activists emerged, who sought to win over as many of their ethnicgroup as possible to the project of creating a future nation.”Phase C: The majority of the population forms a mass movement. “In this phase, a full socialmovement comes into being and movement branches into conservative-clerical, liberal anddemocratic wings, each with its own program.”

Eric Hobsbawm

In Nations and Nationalism, Hobsbawm incorporates Hroch’s three phases into his model for the

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development of nations and adds to them:

National Consciousness: Hobsbawm’s first stage describes how national consciousness develops“unevenly among the social groupings and regions of a country … the popular masses – workers,servants, peasants — are the last to be affected by it” (12).

Phase A: Hobsbawm adopts Hroch’s terminology, describing Phase A as the emergence of cultural, literaryand folkloric identity for a particular social group or region (12). Within this phase, Hobsbawm cites threecriteria for making claims of nationality:

1.”Its historic association with a current state or one with a fairly lengthy and recent past” (37).2.”The existence of a long-established cultural elite, possessing a written national literary andadministrative vernacular” (37).3.”A proven capacity for conquest” (38).

Phase B/Popular Proto-Nationalism: A body emerges, which consists of pioneers and militants of “thenational idea.” They begin to campaign for this idea of “nationality” (12). He gives four main criteria for thedevelopment of “popular proto-nationalism”:

1. Language2. Ethnicity3. Religion4. “The consciousness of belonging or having belonged to a lasting political entity — the mostdecisive criterion of proto-nationalism” (73).

Phase C: “Nationalist programmes acquire mass support, or at least some of the the mass support thatnationalists always claim they represent” (12).

Hobsbawm demonstrates the historical relevancy of this stage, dividing the nationalist movement into threeperiods:

1. The transformation of nationalism (1870-1918): In this period, the world witnessed thecompletion of German and Italian unifications during the “Mazzinian phase” (1870-1880), aswell as the collapse of multinational empires (the Hapsburg empire, the Ottoman empire, Russia)from 1880-1918 (101-130)2. The apogee of nationalism (1918-1950): he describes this period as the triumph of thenineteenth century “principle of nationality” (131).3. Nationalism in the late twentieth century: the rise of “internationalism”(163-183).

Ernest Renan

In his essay “What is a Nation?” Renan argues that:

a nation is a soul, a spiritual principle. Two things constitute this soul or spiritual principle…Oneis the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories; the other is a present-day consent, thedesire to live together, the will to perpetuate the value of the heritage that one has received in anundivided form” (19).

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Sacrifices constitute the foundation of nations: “a nation is therefore a large-scale solidarity, constituted bythe feeling of the sacrifices that one has made in the past and of those that one is prepared to make in thefuture” (19). Renan disregards conventional proposals that race, religion and language generate nationalism.However, he does cite geography as a significant factor. Historically, as Anderson also emphasized, mostnations began as dynasties. According to Renan, dynastic territories progress to nations in one of three ways:dynastic unions, general popular consciousness and direct will of provinces (12).

Benedict Anderson

Imagined Communities, 1983.

In his book, Imagined Communities, Anderson proposed that nationalism filled the void left by the decline ofreligious and dynastic territorial control. He writes that “through the general principle of verticality, dynasticmarriages brought together diverse populations under new auspices” (20). The power of dynastic unionsemerged most clearly through the Hapsburg family. Monarchs invoked the Divine Right of Kings tomanipulate their subjects (as opposed to their citizens), and the Hapsburg family embodies that potentcombination of religion and monarchy. In 1452, the Archduke of Austria (a Hapsburg) was elected HolyRoman Emperor, marking the beginning of a dynastic superpower that would endure until the First WorldWar. However, as the Age of Reason and the Enlightenment approached, such blind faith in the monarchydiminished, and people beganto consider the concept of becoming a nation. The First World War saw thedemise of many dynastic realms: “by 1922, Hapsburgs, Hohenzollerns, Romanovs and Ottomans were gone… From this time on, the legitimate international norm was the nation-state, so that in the League [ofNations] even the surviving imperial powers came dressed in national costume rather than imperial uniform”(113).

Timeline of the Major Events in the History of Nations

1450- Invention of the printing press (Gutenberg)1452- The Archduke of Austria selected as Holy Roman Emperor, marking the beginning of the HapsburgDynasty (1452-1918)1492- The Unification of Spain1618-1648- The Thirty Years’ War1648- Peace of Westphalia1702-1713- War of Spanish Succession1713-1714- Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt1776-1783- The War for American Independence1789- French Revolution

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1792-1815- Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars1815- Congress of Vienna1848- Revolutions of 18481859- The Italian War1864- The Danish War1866- The Austro-Prussian War1870- The Franco-Prussian War1871- Italian and German Unification completed1914-1918- World War I1917- Russian Revolution1919- Treaty of Versailles1933-1945- Germany’s Third Reich: Hitler comes to power1938- Munich crisis; Germany annexes Austria1939-1945- Second World War1945- United Nations established (51 members); Cold War begins1947- India and Pakistan independent1948- Burma independent, Israel established1949- People’s Republic of China established; Dutch leave Indonesia1950s- Japan regains sovereignty; various African independence movements1960s- More African independence movements; Vietnam War begins

Works Cited

Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities. New York: New Left Books, 1991.Gellner, Ernest. “The Coming of Nationalism and Its Interpretation: The Myths of Nation and Class.”Mapping the Nation. New York: New Left Books, 1996.Hobsbawm, Eric J. Nations and Nationalism since 1780. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1990.Hroch, Miroslav. “From National Movement to the Fully-formed Nation: The Nation-Building Processin Europe.” Mapping the Nation. New York: New Left Books, 1996.Palmer, R.R. and Joel Colton. A History of the Modern World. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1995.Renan, Ernest. “What is a Nation?” Nation and Narration. edited by Homi Bhabha. New York:Routledge Books, 1990.

Selected Bibliography

Bauer, Otto. “The Nation.” Mapping the Nation, edited by Gopal Balakrishnan. New York: New LeftBooks, 1996.Gellner, Ernest. Encounters with Nationalism. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing,1994.Hobsbawm, Eric. “Ethnicity and Nationalism in Europe Today.” Mapping the Nation. New York: NewLeft Books, 1996.Notions of Nationalism. A collection of essays, edited by Sukumar Periwal. New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1995.Smith, Anthony D. “Nationalism and the Historians.” Mapping the Nation. New York: New LeftBooks, 1996.

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Section Author: Jessica Whitehead, Fall 2001 Last edited June 2012

Slavoj Zizek and Renata Salecl on Nation and Nationalism

Slavoj Žižek,Warsaw, 2009 (byMariuszKubik)/CCLicensed

Slavoj Zizek is Senior Researcher at the Institute for Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia and isa Professor at the European Graduate School. He is the author of numerous books, including Cogito and theUnconscious (1998), The Plague of Fantasies (1997), Enjoy Your Symptom!: Jacques Lacan in Hollywoodand Out (1992), For They Know Not What They Do: Enjoyment as a Political Factor (1991), Welcome to theDesert of the Real (2002) The Parallax View (2006), Terrorism and Communism (2007). In his work Zizekengages political theory, psychoanalysis and philosophy.

Renata Salecl is a philosopher and sociologist. She works as a researcher in the Institute of Criminology atthe Faculty of Law, Ljubljana, Slovenia, and has been a visiting scholar at several institutions including theNew School for Social Research, London School of Economics and the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law.Her books include Gaze and Voice as Love Objects (1996), Sexuation (2000), On Anxiety (2004), Choice(2010).

“Enjoy Your Nation as Yourself!” is the last chapter of Tarrying with the Negative, in which Slavoj Zizekbrilliantly expounds on the notions of nation and nationalism as they are reflected in Eastern Europe today.He starts by pointing to the fact that the disintegration of communism in this part of the world wasparadoxically followed by a distorted image of a what he calls “reinvented democracy”: “The realityemerging now in Eastern Europe [shows] the gradual retreat of the liberal-democratic tendency in the face ofthe growth of corporate national populism which includes all its usual elements, from xenophobia to anti-Semitism” (200). Zizek explains this shift by rethinking the notion of national identification from a Lacanianpsychoanalytic perspective. He argues that “national identification is by definition sustained by a relationshiptoward the Nation qua Thing” (201), which carries contradictory properties. On the one hand, it is somethingthat belongs to one particular group or community of people and not to others. It is “our Thing,” andtherefore inaccessible and denied to the Other. On the other hand, however, it is that which is under constantthreat by the Other, even though at times only under a symbolic menace. When the latter is the case, itresembles Freud’s notion of castration. Practically, it cannot happen, but theoretically, the possibility of ithappening is ever present, and because of this there is no escape from its looming threat.

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The “Nation-Thing” is connected to a community’s way of life, their traditions and social practices, theirrituals and myths. Nonetheless, besides being a way of life, the “Nation-Thing” is also something in whichmembers of the community have a propensity to believe. This belief, and the belief that others share it,sanctions the “Nation-Thing.” The nation is therefore not only a product constructed by specific discursivepractices but it also consists of a certain underlying “substance,” which according to Lacan would be“jouissance” or “the remainder of some real” (Zizek translates jouissance as enjoyment). It is this non-discursive entity “which must be present for the Nation qua discursive entity — effect to achieve itsontological consistency” (202). The national Thing resists universalization, but functions, nevertheless, as a“particular Absolute.” It is the particular way in which an ethnic community organizes its enjoyment throughnational myths and traditions.

Ethnic tensions ensue in the clash between different modes of ethnic enjoyment, between different modalitiesthat structure one’s relationship to enjoyment. The Other’s excess of enjoyment is always bothersome andoften regarded as a threat, precisely because it also signifies a theft of enjoyment. In her book The Spoils ofFreedom: Psychoanalysis and Feminism After the Fall of Socialism, Renata Salecl provides a clear exampleof this theft of enjoyment when she suggest the ways in which:

… Serbian authoritarian populism … has produced an entire mythology about the struggleagainst internal and external enemies. The primary enemies are Albanians, who are perceived asthreatening to cut off the Serbian autonomous province of Kosovo and thereby stealing Serbianland and culture. The secondary enemy is an alienated bureaucracy which threatens the power ofthe people: alienated from the nation, it is said to be devouring the Serbian national identity fromwithin. And the third enemy has become the Croats, who with their politics of ‘genocide’ areoutlawing the Serbian population from ‘historically’ Serbian territories in Croatia. Nowadays theenemies are primarily Muslims who are pictured as Islamic fundamentalists threatening the Serbsliving in Bosnia and Herzegovina. (22)

The attitude towards the Other’s enjoyment is always ambivalent. On the one hand, the Other’s enjoymentpresents a threat to our enjoyment, whereas on the other hand, we are fascinated by the Other’s enjoymentbecause there is something of it in ourselves. It is that which is “‘in us more than ourselves,” and thusprevents us from achieving full identity with ourselves. “The hatred of the other is the hatred of our ownexcess of enjoyment” (206). The national enemy thus always assumes the form of an excess or destructiveimbalance. Referring to the hatred of the Other’s enjoyment, Salecl quotes Jacques-Alain Miller whosuggests that:

I am willing to see my neighbour in the Other but only on condition that he is not my neighbour.I am prepared to love him as myself only if he is far away, if he is removed. … When the Othercomes too near, when it mingles with you, as Lacan says, new fantasies emerge which concernabove all the surplus of enjoyment of the Other…What is at stake is of course the imputation ofan excessive enjoyment…The question of tolerance or intolerance is not at all concerned with thesubject of science and its human rights. It is located on the level of tolerance or intolerancetoward the enjoyment of the Other, the Other as he who essentially steals my own enjoyment.(21)

Salecl analyzes the Other’s relationship to “us” thusly:

…the Other who outrages ‘our’ sense of the kind of nation ours should be, the Other who stealsour enjoyment is always the Other in our own interior; i.e. our hatred of the Other is really the

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hatred of the part (the surplus) of our own enjoyment which we find unbearable and cannotacknowledge, and which we transpose (‘project’) onto the Other via a fantasy of the ‘Other’senjoyment.’ Therefore hatred of the Other, in the final analysis, is hatred of one’s ownenjoyment. (21-22)

Postmodernism is often described as the age of fragmentation and the unlimited inflation or plurality ofsubject positions. In this respect, postmodernism follows the logic of rampant capitalism; the moreproduction grows, the more the need to produce grows and satisfaction is never achieved. Similarly inFreudian terms, the greater the repentance stimulated by the transgression of the Law, the greater the guilt.Opposite to the logic of capitalism of superfluous overproduction and of the postmodern dispersion of subjectpositions, nationalism assumes excessive identification with one particular ethnic position, at the expense ofall other possible subject positions. Zizek emphasizes that, “the more the logic of Capital becomes universal,the more its opposite will assume features of ‘irrational fundamentalism’” (220).

In their discussions on national identity, both Zizek and Salecl bring up the issue of a postmodern type ofracism, which Etienne Balibar has called “meta-racism.” If the old type of racism was based on the idea thatracial differences were biologically determined, “meta-racism,” makes these differences culturally andhistorically contingent. Meta-racism is identified as even more dangerous than racism, because it employsracist measures while pretending to oppose racism, thus falsely posing as its opposite. Salecl further explainsthat “culture itself functions as a ‘natural’ determinative force: it locks individuals and groups a priori intotheir cultural genealogy. ‘Meta-racism’ perceives cultures as fixed entities and tries desperately to maintain‘cultural distances’” (12).

Salecl analyzes the major political and social events after the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and theupsurge of ethnic tensions in the former Yugoslavia using Lacanian psychoanalysis and its notion of fantasy.Claiming that “the structure of power is inherently fantasmatic” (7) and that ideology reflects “the waysociety deals with the fundamental impossibility of it being a closed harmonious totality,” Salecl argues that:

Behind every ideology lies a kernel of enjoyment (jouissance) that resists being fully integratedinto the ideological universe. Here is where fantasy comes into play: fantasy stages a scenario toconceal this kernel…when we identify with a certain political discourse, when we ‘obey thepower’, what we relate to is precisely this fantasy structure behind the ideological meaning of thediscourse. (6)

Fantasy fills out an empty place, a void, that cannot be fully symbolized. Like Zizek, Salecl emphasizes thefantasy structure of the nation and of national identification pointing to the imaginary surplus that refusessymbolization. The nation always presents us with the impossibility to define that which in us is “more thanourselves.” In this respect, the nation is connected to the Lacanian real, the always missing link, thatdimension which can never be incorporated into the symbolic realm. In order to deal with the impossibility ofmanaging its own excess, a society appeals to a fantasy structure or “scenario, through which [it] perceivesitself as a homogeneous entity” (15). Fantasy always organizes itself around the traumatic element thatrefuses symbolization: in this case, the nation.

Homi K. Bhabha also points to the ambivalence of the nation when in the introduction to Nation andNarration he refers to “the impossible unity of the nation as a symbolic force [in spite of] the attempt bynationalist discourses persistently to produce the idea of the nation as a continuous narrative of nationalprogress, the narcissism of self-generation, the primeval present of the Volk” (1). What Salecl calls “fantasy”Bhabha calls “the act of narration” which fills out the empty space of the nation. However, the ambivalence

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of narration lies in the “instability of knowledge,” or its “conceptual indeterminacy, its wavering betweenvocabularies” (2). Bhabha describes this narration as giving citizens “the heimlich pleasures of the hearth,the unheimlich terror of the space or race of the Other; the comfort of social belonging, the hidden injuries ofclass; the customs of taste, the powers of political affiliation” (2).

Works Cited

Bhabha, Homi K. “Introduction: Narrating the Nation.” Nation and Narration. London: Routledge,1990. 1-7.Salecl, Renata. The Spoils of Freedom: Psychoanalysis and Feminism after the Fall of Socialism. NewYork: Routledge, 1994.Zizek, Slavoj. “Enjoy Your Nation As Yourself!” Tarrying with the Negative: Kant, Hegel, and theCritique of Ideology. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993.

Section Author: Ruxandra Mandoiu, Fall 1998

Last edited: June 2012

Banal Nationalism and the Internet

On the internet, no one knows you’re a blond (tee hee).–Anonymous

The usual markers of national identity – for example, race, dress, physical and geographical location – areeasily elided on the internet. Despite this, and even in the context of multinational virtual communities,people tend to retain a strong sense of their nationality. A new set of markers has developed and beendeployed both in deliberate nationalism (what Michael Billig describes as “flag-waving”) and as everydaybackground noise, or Billig’s “banal nationalism”.

Billig uses the term “banal nationalism” to describe “the ideological habits which enable the establishednations of the West to be reproduced” (6). His primary example is the ubiquity of the American flag, withwhich he illustrates the methods by which “national identity in established nations is remembered because itis embedded in routines of life, which constantly remind, or ‘flag’, nationhood”(38). However, he points out,it is precisely because these reminders are not consciously noticed (and thereby opened to questioning orinterpretation) that they are powerful.

On the internet, people are identified by their email addresses as much as by any name which they offer.Email addresses identify the individual in a two-part format, much like the given-name family-nameconvention of modern ‘real life’ names; on the internet, the convention is given-name “@” domain-name,identifying the person inextricably with the organization which puts them online. To someone capable of‘reading’ domain-names, this offers as much information as a genealogist might obtain from a family-name.In particular, almost every domain-name indicates the country of origin in the ‘top-level’ (last) segment ofthe name. The International Organization for Standardization (ISO) provides these “country codes” to thedomain name servers (DNS) responsible for delivering email and other internet communications; eachcountry receives a two-letter designation which should suffix the domain-name of each resident.

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Perhaps unsurprisingly, the United States of America is an exception to this rule. While the U.S. does have acountry code (“.us”), the original internet did not extend outside of the U.S.; domain-names ended with adesignation of internal boundaries: the distinctions were between commercial, non-profit, educational,military, and governmental organizations). American organizations are still grandfathered in by thisprecedent; thus “.edu” implicitly designates the named individual as a resident, though not necessarily acitizen, of the U.S. However, Frances Cairncross points out that:

a British company, for example, would end its name “co.uk,” and a Japanese one with “co.jp.”American companies rarely put a national tag at the end of their domain names. To be registeredas “www.economist.com,” therefore, suggests a global company, while “www.economist.co.uk”marks a business as a purely British concern. As a result, a rising proportion of names in the“.com” category do not designate U.S. companies. The official Chinese news agency, forexample, has registered the name of “Taiwan.com” (to the indignation of the Taiwangovernment). (199-200)

Domain names are valuable; inevitably, organizations have begun to fight over them. The World IntellectualProperty Organization (WIPO) is trying to deal with this “sure recipe for conflict: an international namingspace and multi-dimensional trademark law rooted in national law” (www.gtld-mou.org), but the traditionalpolicy of InterNIC, the organization responsible for the registration of .com domain names, and of all registryservices has been “first come, first serve,” a principle with an anarchist’s disrespect for trademark law ratherthan a lawyer’s concern for prior claims. This disputed ownership of cyberspace must be understood as aquestion of colonial motivations: the goal is to “raise your flag on new territory in cyberspace, put your name(or the name you choose) on the ‘land.’ But whose land is it? Is the first person there the one with the right toclaim it?” (Leventhal). Increasingly, American courts (under whose jurisdiction fall most of the contestedtrademarks as well as InterNIC itself) are ruling in favor of ‘real world’ trademark holders over first-comers.

Works Cited

Billig, Michael. Banal Nationalism. London: SAGE Publications, 1995.“Generic Top-Level Domain Memorandum of Understanding.” Web. 19 April 1998. <www.gtld-mou.org>Cairncross, Frances. The Death of Distance. Boston: Harvard Business School Press. 1997.Grossman, Wendy M. net.wars. New York: New York University Press, 1997.Guckes, Sven, ed. “Alt.Fan.Warlord FAQ: Signatures, Alt.Fan.Warlord, and the Inner Circle.” Web. 6April 1998. <http://www.math.fu-berlin.de/~guckes/afw/>Leventhal, Michael. “Who can stake a claim in cyberspace?” Wired Law: The Techno Culture Archive.Web. 19 April 1998. <http://technoculture.mira.net.au/hypermail/0001.html6 November 1997>Raymond, Eric S., ed. “The Jargon File 4.0.0.” Web. 6 April 1998.<http://earthspace.net/jargon/jargon_toc.html>

Related Sites

The Nationalism Projecthttp://www.nationalismproject.org

Author: Caitlin Shaw, Spring 1998Last edited: June 2012

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Tags: Identity, Nationalism, Politics, Race, Violence

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