Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992

8/19/2019 Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992

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I

MALASPINA

AT PORT

MULGRAVE:

AN EXAMINATION

OF

THE

TEXTS

Catherine ouparcy

Hart

The

Visit

The landing at Port Mulgrave

was the

first of

two

calls

made

by the

Descubierta nd

the

Atrerridt on the Northwest

Coast

of

America,

he

second

being that

made

at Nootka. The

excursion

up this

coast,

eferred o as he

Northern

Campaign,

was

organizedas a resultof precise

rders

rom the sovereign or the specificpurposeof

finding the

"GreatPassage", nd followed the exampleof a series f scientific oyagesof discovery basedon the llustrious

pattern

of thoseof Cook

and Lapérouse.As such,

he excursion an

be seenasa sort

of

parenthesis ithin

a much

larger

expedition

which its

leader,AlejandroMalaspina, aw

rather asbeing political n nature, ntended

o study and

examine

he

stateof the Empire

and the relations

etween

he

mother

country

and

ts

colonies.

We

shall see

hat

these

arger preoccupations

were

also o be

present n the Northern

Campaign.

Undertakenat a time

when

Spain

had

ust

renounced, nder the terms

of the first

Nootka Convention,

ts

exclusive

territorial claims, which

were

assumed o

extend

rom

Terra de Fuego to

the

entrance

of Prince William Sound

n

Alaska,

he

presentexcursion

would

alsoseem o mark

the

conclusion

f

an

expansionist

ream which

had started

with

theColumbus voyages

nearly

three hundred years earlier.

In the

case

of this

excursion

rival powers

and indig-

enousPeoPlewere not alone n offeringsome esistanceo theseexpansionist mbitions.The American andscape,

with

its

ice-covered

ocks

constituted

another ormidable barrier

to the quest

for a

continental

breakthrough.

To me,

the call

at Port Mulgrave best

symbolizes he

end

of this

expansionist

dream.

Leaving

Acapulco

on May

'[,st,7791,

the

membersof the

expedition

headed

North, sailing a

considerable

distance

from the coast

which

they caught

sight of only

at %o lT latitude on

June

23rd.

They ntended o reach he

60' mark

as

quickly

as possible,

s

they

understood

his to be

the atitude

of the Strait

of Anian of Lorenzo

Ferer Maldonado.

It

seemed

hat this

strait

-

the

Northwest

Passage had been

specifically

ocatedby the

French

geographer

Buache e

Neuville

on the coast

near

Mount

SaintElias.

Since heir plan was

to perform

a

comprehensive

nvestigation

rom the

long boats,while

the

corvettes

were

getting

e-supplied

with wood, water

and ballast, he

captains

started o

steer

the vessels

owards Port

Mulgrave, which theywere awareof from the ournalof the EnglishmanGeorgeDixon.

Suddenly

on

June

27th,

an

"opening"

was

spotted

n the

mountain range:

[...]

at six a.m. w_e

had drawn

alongside

this very

point, and

were

examining with

care the entrance to

Port

Mulgrave,

whery

away in the

mountain

range whose

slopes

drop

into the sea,

deep

in the Bay of Almirantazgo, there

appàared

an

opening.

Its entrance

and winding

line towards

the

interior

seemed to

correspond to the

lands of Ferrer

Maldonado:

at

onc€ our

imagination

fed our desire with

a thor:sand

opportune

considerations:

we were

gazingal

everything

which

seemed to crcmbine

with the

description

of

the

passage

[...]

I

For a

moment,hope was

kindled

of fulfilting

the old

European

dream

of finding a

direct sea

oute to

China. It

was

decided

o go on

a

reconnaissance

xploration

of the opening

aboard ong boats.

As result,

n order to

do so, he

navigatorswere to stay n the bay fromJune27thto fuly 6th, 1791. \eir hopesof a greatdiscovery ed to disappoint-

menÇ

however,

and

exploration

of

the

coast

Northward

was

resumed.

The namePuerto el

DesenganoDisenchant-

78


2/8

Bay)

was

given

o the

opening

to

describe

heir

disappointment.

t

was

Malaspina

imself, ccompanied

y

Bauzâand

by Tova

Arredondo,

who

explored

he bay,

and

it was

he

also

who

claimedsovereignty

over

t in

name

of Spain

hrough

he

only act

of possession

arried

out

during

he

Northern

Campaign.

irst

landing

by the

corvettes

occurred,

herefore,

n present

Yakutat Bay

from

which the

excur-

nto DisenchantmentBay ook

It had been

christened

Port

by

George

Dixon

in 1787

n

of

Constantine

ohn

PhiPPs,

Mulgrave.

From

reading

Dixon's

ournal,

Malaspina

egarded

he En-

lishman

as

he

discoverer

of the

place

nd

himself

as

the

immediate

successoç

thus

he

retained

the

toponYm

"Mulgraveo

without

knowing

that,

before

Dixon,

Lapérouse

ad

christened

the siteBaie eMonti after he officer

who had

anchored

here

briefly in 1786.

Later

on,

James

Colnett,

n 1788,

apparently

called t Foggy

Harbour.2

A

fair

number

of

Europeans,

herefore,

visited

his port,

and

undoubtedly

some

Russians

id also.

Yet, no

expedition

r.a

generated

s many

documents,

s

complexand

varied, as

he Spanish

nterprise.

Their

contacts

with

the native

people

called

tejunææby

he

explorers,

and

later

dentified

as

ingiÉ

-

were particularly

eventful and

rich

as

a

result

of

observations

meticulously

ecorded.

TheTests

Among the

numerous

exts

which record

he anding

made

by

the Malaspina

expedition

at Port Mulgrave

we find,

first, wo

written

works that

can

be

considered s

he

official

account

of

the

voyage.

They

are the

result

of a

work of

collaboration

arried

out

under

the

direction

of Malaspina

himsell

the

commander

of

the

expedition.

We

can

efer

on

one hand to

manuscript

753 n

the archives

of the

Museo

Naval,

n Madrid

as

t was published

n

1885

y

Pedrode

Novo

y Colson

and

in lg8/-by

Mercedes

Palau{

and,

on

the

other,

o the

"Descripcitin

fsica

de las

costas el

Noroeste

de

a América

visitadaspor

las

corbetas'*published

n

the same

edition of

Novo

y Colson.

These

exts

it

the

two

typesof discourses the chronicles f the eventsand the synthesis

f information

which are

usually

integrated

n

voyage

ournals

and

placedside

by

side.

Here,

however,

hey

are quite

separate.6

Apart

from

the

ournals

of a technical

nature

kept by

the pilots,

7

he accounts

f

several

of the officers

ecall

at

length

the

visit to

port

Mulgrave:

a great

similarity

in

the recording

and in

the

analysis

f

events s observed

not

only,

on

the

one hand,

between

he officers

of. tratida,like

Francisco

avier

de

Viana,sAntonio

de Tova

Arredondoe

nd

fuan

Gutiérrez

e a Concha;ro

ut also,

n the

other

hand,between

he account

f

a

companion

f Malaspina

n

Descubierta,José

e Espinosa,rrand

he

one

written Malaspina

imself.

Finally,

we have o

mention

an

exceptional

document:

he

Nofebook

scratch ad)

kept

by

a

civilian participant

n

the

Northern

Campaign,

he

engraver

Tomâs

de

Suria.

I

believe

hat

this small

ournal,

fifty pages ong

and

illuminated

with

sketches,

orv

n the

collection

of the

Beinecke

ibrary

at Yale

University,r2

lays,

comparatively

speaking,

a

similar

role n

relation

o the

"official"

version,

as hat played by BernalDiaz del Castillo's Historia ardaderaith respect o the Cartas e elaciônof HernanCortés:

José

Cardero's

drawing

of native

canoes

clustered

around

the Expedition's

ships

anchored

at Port

Mulgrave.

Museo

de Amdca,

Madrid

*'Physical

desciption

of the Northwest

coast of

America

visited

by the

corvettes"

79


3/8

Suria

contrastshe dimension f daily humanactivity

against hatof an

epic

or more

exactly,

t is utopia

against

which

he

builds

a

comparison. hus, heNolebook

ecomes

kind of

counter-discourse.rJ

These

accounts eflecta

complex

dialogue. This

dialogue

concerns

he environment,naturally,and also its

occu-

pants

whose

signs he navigators

strove

o decipher.

But they

also

eflect he

complexity

of the

dialogue

existing

:rmong

hese

contemporaneous

ccounts

hemselves s

well

aswith

a

much

wider intertext,

historical,philosophical

and

political

n nature. Indeed, he

wridngs

mentioned

above

are not

mere sea

ournals,

but

travel iteraturedevel-

opedalong the ines of the national hadition of the"lndies Chronicles" a prestigiousbut controversial radition.

They

are

developed,aswell, in relation o models

ust

asstimulating

such as he reportsof Bougainville

or

Coolç

accounts

f no

small nterest o philosophers,

radesmen

nd gentlemen

alike.

Thus, t appears, or instance, hat these exts

pursue a

direct

dialogue,

f not an

explicit

one,with

the

ournal

of

GeorgeDixon's voyagepublished

almostsimultaneously

n English

and French n 1789, hereby

allowing

Malaspina

and his

companions

ime to

consult

t. The

composition

of the

report presents tself

n a etter-writing

style: t comes

in the

very

pleasant orm of

49 letters wriften by

William

Beresford,

supercargoon the

Queen

Charlotte,o

a man

namedHamlen. Howeveç

Dixon makeshimself responsible

or the

accountby way of

his dedication

o

Joseph

Banks, n

which

he authorizes

he

version

n the

lettersand, also,

by

way

of an ntroduction

which

he signs.

The

introduction reveals

an over-simplification

n its perspective:

In the early

periods

of

Navigatiory

it

does

not seem that the extension

of

Commerce

was

altoçther

the

aim of the

enterprising Adventureç

and though

çnerally

patronized by the

reigning Powers,where

these

designs

origi-

nated,

yet a

thirst

after

glory, and a

boundless ambition

of

adding

to the

strength and extent

of territory,

o[one

hand,

or a rapacious

desire

of

accumulating wealth

or,

perhaps

the

fame of

making discrcveries,

on the other,

appear to

have been the only

objects in view.

There cannot

be a

greater

proof

of

the

truth

of this

position

than the

uniform behaviour

of the

Spaniards

in the

whole

course

of

their

almost

unbounded

acquisitions of

discovery, conquest

and wealth.

The

shocking barbari-

ties

practised

by them when

they

conquered

what

was

then

called the

New

World

cast

such an

indelible stain on

that

period of their annals

as time

can never obliterate.

r{

From the outset,

he Spaniards

re depicted

as

committing

"cruelties"

(shocking

barbarities),

stereotype

gainst

which

Beresford,

s narrator

of the

ournal

procedes

o build

for Britain

a reverse

mageof

sympathy

and

commisera-

tion; thus

there

are

condescending

erms

-

'poor

Savages",

poor

ellow'

-

which

the

ournal,

uses n

reference

o the

natives

encountered.

To

conhadict

such a final

and consistent

haracterisation

f the

Spaniards,

he

Malaspina

explorers

are

ready

to

answer

by word

and,

so they tell

us, by

deed. Their

stay at

Port Mulgrave

was to

reflectnot

only the

tenseness

n

relations

between

armed

men on

both

sides

concerned

with

their prerogatives,

ut also, rom

the Spanish

point of

view,

their obsession

ith

avoiding

a

disaster

uchas he

murder of

one of their

party, which would

revisit

the

hagedy

of CooKs

ast voyage

or,

perhapseven

worse,

hat

of a native,

hus giving

new

credence

o thosewho

would

promote he "Black Legend". Thebalancingact seemsprecarious etween he sailors,whoseofficersare constantly

striving

to

hold violence

n checlç15

nd the

natives,

always ready o

pull out their

daggers:

Once

those of the

watch wer€

on board

[...]

it

wasn't

so

much a matter of being

mindful

of our own

safety,

as of

preventing one

or other

of the

natives

from seeking

death himseU

Eunong our

guns

and bayonets.

Therefôre,

we

arr:anged

fgr a few

soldiers

to embarl

then carried

out the

duty

ourselves. We

considered ourselves

luckv when

we

had

avoided

any bloodshed

in a

situation where

it

was

so ciose

to happening.16

The officers

of theAtranida

nderline

at length

he sameconcern

and

answerexplicitly

the

accusations

rising

rom

the

"Black

Legend",which

Dixon

had

echoed

o

orcefully:

Thus, ollowing a stop, short but full of interestingevents,we left this rustic place behind, with the true satisfac-

tion

of not

having caused

he

slightest

prejudice to the

inhabitants.

They always

got

usury

prices

for their

knick-

knacks;

we

respected

heir

custorns

n as

much as

we

czune o

know them;

we

p"i"p

with

tireir

thefts, their

80


4/8

dishonesty

and their irsults.

Above

all, by repressing

our feelinç

and natural

attachment

to

self-preservatiory

we endangered

our lives several

times in order

lo avoid any bloodshed.rT

Such behaviouç

in keeping with the

humane

and beneficial nature

of the

Spanish

people,

will one day confound

a

certain category of

writers

whose

motivation

has been lo denigrate

a respectable,

illustrious

nation

which in

spite of their

ridiculous and extrava-

gant

statements,

will always ocorpy

a choice place

among

the

splendours

of

the universe.r8

Dualistic Patternle

fact, ar more than at any otherport of call, that at Port Mulgraveoffersa contrasted ision of the "other", which

o

fit into

what

can

be

considered s

a two-part Western radition

n

dealing

with cultural

otherness;

n the

hand dealizing

he

"Noble

Savage",

while on the other urning

him

into a devil; or, as

we

see Ç by simply

him as a

"Wild

Mano.æ

the first line of approach,

he

dealistic

construction

s already

present n

Dixon's

ournal,

where,

at the very end of

descriptionof

the nterior of Mulgrave

dwellings,he

evokes he themeof

Beûus

IIe.:

The irside of

these dwellings exhibits a

complete

pictu-ne

of dirt and filtlç

indolence

and laziness; in one corner

are

thrown the bones, and remaining fragments

of victuals

left at their meals; in

another are heaps of fistç

pieces

of

stinking flestç grease,

oit etc. In short,

the whole served

to

show

us in how

wretched a state it is

possible

for

human beings to exist; and

yet

these

people

appear crcntented

with their situation,

and

probably

enjoy a much

greater portion

of happiness and

tranquility than is to be found under the gilded roofs of the most despotic

mona.nch.2t

iterary

motif is

later picked up by Espinosa nd

by Malaspina. They

go on to develop t

within

an

environment

rom

the outseÇ

s

presented s hospitable, ll in all a

locus tnocnusl

On a

vast

expanse,

just

near

the

shore

facing the snow-capped mountain

mnge descending from

Cape

Fairweatheç there lay a

piece

of

flat

land so

pleasantly

covered in

bushy

pine

trees that, had

these

been able

to

hide

the snow above for a

moment,

they

would

remind one of a

parallel

close

to the equator rather than of a

region not so far

distant

from

the

pole:

adding to such a beautiful

panoram4

there were these changng

patches

of

snow on

the

protruding peala. The

snow

patches

sometimes reflected

the sun's rals and sometimes

pstled

the

imagination

with

the changing

shadows; they appeared

to be

either

like a

wide

path

or

perfectly

level

fields.z

ithin

this

environment,

Mulgrave socie$r s perceivedas he

vestige

of an ni tial,

enviable

state,a true Golden

Age:

[-.]

*.

cannot but envy that primitive state of nations

wlære the very absence f

owned

property

leads man

to

labour

for the whole and to be trseful to

all. How

even

more pleasing

would such a stateappear

when either

bringing back to the

philosopher's

memory the unanimity

which the entire tribe used

to

show

when trading

[...1

or the tranquility and

good

harmony

which was

apparent

in all their activities as

well as n their unremitting,

private,

family labour.a

Such a portrayal in the official version is in

clear contrast

with

the

statement

of

Suria, the

engraver.

He

comments

as

follows:

[...]

"1.

truth my opinion is very far distant f rom that

of

those

who are

writing

for

the work

[i.e.

the official

accountl

In this a sublime idea is set forth as

different

as

possible

from

that

which

is seen

by the

eyes

of

whom-

ever beholds it. In this he

will encounter

a

pleasure

which he

would not have

on looking at it".x

Whereas he official

version

or

example

speaksof the

welcoming

ceremony, ccompanied y a

"hatmonious hymn

to

peace"

and

the authoritativeappearance f. a

venerableelder who showed all

the signsof

being the tribal

chief", our

artist s sensitive

o a different aspect f the

new reality

(which he refers o

in a derogatory

ashion),one ess

political

but more

encompassingo the

eye:

'They

were dressed n skins

of various

colours, well tanned,

arge

and flexible.

...]

Their

aspectwould not be so

disagreeable, lthough always wild, but the crude colours with which they paint themselvesdisfigure them

entirely, as t seems

hat

their idea of

gala dress s

to

make themselves

ook as horrible

as

possible'.I

81


5/8

Likewise,

n response

o

theunderlying

dealization

f native

people n the

Espinosa-Malaspina

ccounts,

he other

officers,

specially

Viana,but alsoTova

and Gutiérrez

de la Conchausea derisive

one,

slighty

mocking,

hrough

their

choiceof a sublime

style

of writing, that refers

specifically

o European

political

and aesthetic

ategories hich

are

obviously

nadequate.

They

thereby

convey

a

subtly

derogative one by the

use

of such phrases

s:a

"chorus

of

voiceso,

"choir

mastero

who was

"keeping

ime

with an oar'), a

"royal family",

an

"august

prince", and

a

"Minis-

ter

of State"etc..x

The

nterpretation

n the

various

ournals

of one practice

observed t Port Mulgrave -

offers

of sexual

contact

reveals

with

particular

clarity the

two irreconcilable pproaches.

As

far as he official account

the dealisticperception

is

concerned,

nd in this

instanceMalaspina

givesmore

emphasis o

it than Espinosa,

uchpractice,unanimously

designated

s

"prostitution"

elsewhere,

s described s

being imited

to

a few

oppressed lavesand

could

generally

be

understood

o be one of

those

customs

which

were alteredunder

the nfluenceof luxury, interestand

example".z

Other

officers,

ike

Viana,

Tova

and Gutiérrezde

la Concha ook upon

suchoffersas

being

a more

widespread

phenomenon,

ooted n

the

culture,

maybe ecalling

he stereotype

f

sexual

promiscuity" of

the

Savage,

hich

infringes

he

European

aboos, y displaying unrestricted

genitaland oral

"consumption":æ

1...1

t first,

we thought that only the more lowly class

of

women

prostituted

themselves,

[but]

we soon realised

that the least accommodating woman from the royal family would sell her favours at a low price.'

In Dixon's

account

he

bucolicmotif might have

been

used

o give the

ournal

a

literary dimensionso as o reach

a

larger audience, nd

to stretch

he

magination

beyond he obvious

commercial

atureof the

voyage.

Horvever, he

retention

of

such a motif,

and ts

development

nto a Golden Age

vision

by Malaspina

and

Espinosa ppears

o be

a

pretext or reflectionupon

an

ideal society, resumably inked

to an original stateof purity destined o be disturbed.

Following he

Western

pastoral radition,

often

used o

conhast

he actual

corruptedenvironment,

this

"critical

nostalgia"

would

also

be

inked

to

a picture of

discord

and

to the pursuit of individual interesthopelessly emon-

stratedby the sailors, hat is merely a reflectionof the general

tate

of the Empire:

Indeed, such a

contrast

brought little honour to European customs.

While,

on

the

Indian side, one could observe

not only the çneral rejoicing'demonstrated when any one of them achieved a favourable contract, but further-

more the approval and the

backing

that

all the others seemed

to

give

him

with a harmonic

and majestic acclama-

tion

in ard; heç on our side, one could

frequently

observe two or three

sailors

coveting the same object and

trying to

obtain it sometimes through

different,

simultaneous

proposals,

without any kind of reciprocal recogni-

tion

or

unanimity.3l

Idealizationof the Mulgrave

society s somewhat

watered

down,

of

course,

y remarks elating o the

major

problem

of

"thefts".

This matter s related o two different

concepts

f

ownership,

but

it is dealt with in the sameway

as

"prostitution"

-

from

an axiological ,

ot

a gnoseological erspective:

We

realized that

probity

was

something

totally

unknown to them and that

fear alone

could contain them within

reasonable imits.t

However,

even

someone

like

Viana,

the

author

of that

remark

tempers

his

ethnocentrism

and

derogative

view of the

native with

a

senseof curiosity

about the

people

encountered.

He

does

so, also, becauseof his sensitivity to beauty,

the beauty

of landscapes and also the

beauty of the songs. The

effect

this produces

is

to

narrow the gap

with "the

other", as well

as to add

to

the

complexity

of the

vision

of

the

Northwest Coast as

conveyed

by

the

various texts

of

the

Malaspina expedition.

Edited

rom

a translation

t'rom

the

oiginal

Frenchby Denise Goutan.

g)


6/8

NOTES

1.

Novo

y Colson Pedro

de, Editon

Viajepdftico cient(frco

lrcddor del ntundopor ascorbetas escubierta

Atreuidaal mando

e os

capitans

de

NavioD. AlejandroMalaspiru Don

æé

BustamanteyGuqra

dde

7789 1794.

Madrid, 18S5,

p.lS.LtSS

2.

See

Fredericade lagtura,

Unilcr Mount fuint Elias: The Historyand Culturc of the Yakutat

Tlingit. Washington:

Smithsonian

Institution Press,

1922

Smithrcnian

Contributioru

to

Anthropology, vol.7)

pp.

127and 130.

3.SeeFredericade Laguna ref. above

4.

Alejandro

Malaspina, Diariode ncjc.

Madri4

Ed.

Museo Universal

1984.

5.

Viaje

pd{tico-cient{frco,

pp.

339-374.

6.

See

PoupeneyHart, Catherine

Rdations

le

7'expéditian

Mnlaspituaux cmfrc de 'Enrpire

æWyoI.

Uehæ du æyage.

ongueuil,

[,e

PÉambule, 7987,

pp.

7L73.

7.

For

the

ournal

of

Joaqufn

Diaz Hurtado, see

PoupeneyHart, as cited above,

pp.

151154.

. Diaio

deoiajr,2 vol.

Montevideo,

Ministerio de Instruciôn

Pûlbica

y

Previsiônsocial,

1958.

.

[Diario

de viajel,

Ms., Biblioteca

de Menendez

PelayO Santander.

10.

Extracto

de los sucesos

caecidoe n

el reconocimientode la

costanoroestede

América en 1797

por

Juan

Gutiérrez de a

Concha,oficial

de la corbeta

Atrevide', in NWCoasf

of America, nconogmphic lbunr

of thc

Malaspitu

Ezpeditiot,

Madrid-

Barcrelona"

useo

Naval-Lunwerg

Editores, 191,

pp. 3&53

1.

Salida

de ambascorbetas

de

Acapulco

y navegaci6na

la

costa

NO de America

[...]',

Ms. 95, Museo

Naval,

Madrid

(9G121

vo).

2.

Quademo

que contieneel

Ramo de

Historia Natural

y

diario de

la Espediciondel Circulo

del Glovo-,

Ms., Western

America

464,YaleUniversity

Library

(New

Haven).

"Journal of Suria's Voyage to

the Northwest

Coasto,Pacific

Historical

Review, Vol

5, 7936

pp 2*/76

(lntroduction

and

Translation by

Henry Raup

Wagner)

SeePoupeney

Hart,

Catherine

"A

Personal

View of the

Northwest C-oast:he

Joumal

of Tomâs

de Suria

(7791)",

nTo theTotan

ShoreThe

Spanislt ræeace n the

Nortlwæt

Cæsf,Madrid,

Ed. El

Viso,

1986,

pp.l7 l89.

14.AVoyage round

heWorlt but

morepanicitarly

to the

North-West

Cmst

ot'

Anwica, Amsterdam:

N. Israel

-

New Yorlc

Da

Capo

Press,1968

Facsimilé

of the

1789edition),

p.

vii.

For the

French

ranslatiory

see

Voyage

utour

du monde

t

yitrcipalannt

à Ia

C6teNord-Ouætde

1'Anériquc

...],

trarslated

from English

by M. [,evas,Paris,Maradan,

1789.

Supporting

notes to this effect

are countless:

'upon

foqgetting their anger

aroused by the

risk assumed

by their officet€, our

cr,ew

could once

again be receptive to

thoughts

of compassion

and

humaneness, which

we wished

to instil

in them at all times',

Viaje

pd{t ico-cienttfrco,

. 166.

Vinjepolfrco


7/8

21.

Above

Ed.

p.

173.

l,ater

on"

the

pastoral

motlf

gets

stronger

n his

reporr

on

the

Northwest

Coast:

the

people

are

totally

free

l

from

that

long

caralogue

of

diseases,

wtrich

l'fury

and

tËmperance

iave

introduced

amongpt

more

civilized

nationso'

n

æ4

22.

Viaje

p


8/8

SPAIN AND THE

NORTH PACIFIC

COAST

Essaysn Recognition of the

Bicentennial of the

Malaspina

ExpeditiontT9t-1792

Based n Papers iuenat a

Symposium,

organizedby lu

Uniaersityof Bn$sh

Columbia

Department

f History

and

thc

Vancouaer

Maitime

Musanm,

n

V

ancoua r,

British

Columbia,

AWl LL-73,7991.

Editedby Robin Inglis

Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992

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Transcript of Malaspina at Port Mulgrave-Poupeney Hart 1992