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DA K FileDA K File .................................................................................................................................................................................................. 1Terror Talk ................................................................................................................................................................................................. 2Terror Talk ................................................................................................................................................................................................. 3Terror Talk ................................................................................................................................................................................................. 4

Security ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 5Security ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 6Security ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 7Security ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 8Disease Security ......................................................................................................................................................................................... 9Cuomo ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 10Cuomo ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 11Kato(1/2) .................................................................................................................................................................................................. 12Kato(2/2) .................................................................................................................................................................................................. 13Prolif K .................................................................................................................................................................................................... 14Prolif K .................................................................................................................................................................................................... 15Enviro Security ........................................................................................................................................................................................ 16Genocide Trivialization ........................................................................................................................................................................... 17

Genocide Trivialization ........................................................................................................................................................................... 18Genocide Trivialization ........................................................................................................................................................................... 19Genocide Trivialization ........................................................................................................................................................................... 20AT: Security ............................................................................................................................................................................................. 21AT: Security ............................................................................................................................................................................................. 22AT: Terror Talk ....................................................................................................................................................................................... 23AT: Cuomo .............................................................................................................................................................................................. 24AT: Kato .................................................................................................................................................................................................. 25

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Terror TalkThe totalizing us-them nature of terrorism discourse prevents effective measures to stop the violence,

requiring an infinite mimetic war to win only by problematizing our totalizing view can we prevent

endless cycles of violence.

Joseba Zulaika, (Professor, Center for Basque Studies), Radical History Review, Issue 85 (winter 2003), ebscoThe events of September 11 are not immune to the possibility that counterterrorism is complicit in creating the very thing itabominates. We mentioned earlier that Sheik Omar, condemned to a New York prison for the rest of his life as the

mastermind of the 1993 attack on the WTC, was directly a product of the CIA that recruited him for Reagans anti-Soviet

crusade in Afghanistan and gave him visas to come to the United States. The same pattern fits Osama bin Laden and the

Taliban. The United States initially trained and armed them. When the Taliban became a pariah regime, the United States

main ally in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia, gave them primary support. But the blame game leads us at once into what

Slavoj Zizek has labeledthe temptation of a double blackmail.21 Namely, either the unconditional condemnation of

Third World evil that appears to endorse the ideological position of American innocence, or drawing attention to the deepersociopolitical causes of Arab extremism, which ends up blaming the victim. Each of the two positions prove one-sided and

false. Pointing to the limits of moral reasoning, Zizek resorts to the dialectical category of totality to argue that from the

moral standpoint, the victims are innocent, the act was an abominable crime; however, this very innocence is not innocent

to adopt such an innocent position in todays global capitalist universe is in itself a false abstraction.22 This does

not entail a compromised notion of shared guilt by terrorists and victims; the point is, rather, that the two sides are notreally opposed, that they belong to the same field. In short, the position to adopt is to accept the necessity of the fightagainst terrorism, BUT to redefine and expand its terms so that it will include also (some) American and other Western powersacts.23 As widely reported at the time, the Reagan administration, led by Alexander Haig, would self-servingly confuse terrorism with communism.

24 As the cold war was coming to an end, terrorism became the easy substitute for communism in Reagans black-and-white world. Still, when Haig

would voice his belief that Moscow controlled the worldwide terrorist network, the State Departments bureau of intelligence chief Ronald Spiers would

react by thinking that he was kidding.25 By the 1990s, the Soviet Union no longer constituted the terrorist enemy and only daysafter the Oklahoma City bombing, Russian president Yeltsin hosted President Clinton in Moscow who equated the recentmassacres in Chechnya with Oklahoma City as domestic conflicts. We should be concerned as to what this new Good-versus-Evil war on terror substitutes for. Its consequences in legitimizing the repression of minorities in India, Russia,Turkey, and other countries are all too obvious. But the ultimate catastrophe is that such a categorically ill-defined,perpetually deferred, simpleminded Good-versus-Evil war echoes and re-creates the very absolutist mentality and

exceptionalist tactics of the insurgent terrorists. By formally adopting the terrorists own gameone that by definition

lacks rules of engagement, definite endings, clear alignments between enemies and friends, or formal arrangements of anysort, military, political, legal, or ethicalthe inevitable danger lies in reproducing it endlessly. One only has to look at the

Palestinian-Israeli or the Basque-Spanish conflicts to see how self-defeating the allegedvictories against terrorism can

be in the absence of addressing the causes of the violence. A war against terrorism, then, mirrors the state of exception

characteristic of insurgent violence, and in so doing it reproduces it ad infinitum. The question remains: What politics might beinvolved in this state of alert as normal state? Would this possible scenario of competing (and mutually constituting) terror signify the end of politics as we

know it?27 It is either politics or once again the self-fulfilling prophecy of fundamentalist crusaders who will never be ableto entirely eradicate evil from the world.

Our choice cannot be between Bush and bin Laden, nor is our struggle one ofus versusthem. Such a split leads

us into the ethical catastrophe of not feeling full solidarity with the victims of either sidesince the value of each life is

absolute, the only appropriate stance is the unconditional solidarity with ALL victims. 28We must question our own

involvement with the phantasmatic reality of terrorism discourse, for now even the USA and its citizens can be regulated

by terrorist discourse. . . . Now the North American territory has become the most global and central place in the new

history that terrorist ideology inaugurates.29 Resisting the temptation of innocence regarding the barbarian other implies

an awareness of a point Hegel made and that applies to the contemporary and increasingly globalized world more than ever:evil, he claims, resides also in the innocent gaze itself, perceiving as it does evil all around itself. Derrida equally holds this

position. In reference to the events of September 11, he said: My unconditional compassion, addressed to the victims ofSeptember 11, does not prevent me from saying it loudly: with regard to this crime, I do not believe that anyone is

politically guiltless.30 In brief, we are all included in the picture, and these tragic events must make us problematize our

own innocence while questioning our own political and libidinal investment in the global terrorism discourse.

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Terror TalkTerror rhetoric justifies eradication of populationsAlexander Marcopoulos, J.D. from Tulane, BA in Economics and Philosophy, 2009(Terrorizing Rhetoric: The Advancement of USHegemony Through the Lack of a Definition of Terror.

http://works.bepress.com/context/alexander_marcopoulos/article/1000/type/native/viewcontent.In (perhaps strategically) failing to provide a static, comprehensive definition of terrorism, the U.S. has been able to

construct terrorism as an existential threat in much the same way it constructed the threat of communism during the ColdWar. During the Cold War, the U.S. engaged in ideological warfare with the Soviet Union and in doing so, constructed athreat out of all that was related to communism or the Soviets. This nebulous existential threat was not immediatelygrounded in a fear of invasion or direct harm, but began as a fear of a different ideological system coming to dominate theworlds thought and politics. By implementing the manipulation of fear into its politics, the U.S. was able to superchargeits already dominant position in the world by persuading countries to come under its protective umbrella or else face thethreat of communism. This section of the Paper will compare the U.S.s treatment of the word terror to U.S. rhetoric

during the Cold War in order to explain the inner-workings of how power is derived from language. The Paper will thenproceed to an explanation of how the lack of a static U.S. definition of terror has allowed the Bush Administration to use

fear as a political tool. In doing so, it will attempt to draw parallels between the U.S. War on Terror and the Cold War inorder to demonstrate how language was used in each to create fear and exert power. In declaring a general War on Terror,President George W. Bush arguably started a cold war of his very own. Just as during the Cold War, the U.S. now findsitself in an era defined by an almost complete commitment of resources to a fight against a vast, unseen and malignant

adversary. Both the Cold War and the current U.S. War on Terror are based on the fear of a foreign, ideologicallydifferent, and thus unpredictable other. However, instead of a pervasive fear of Soviet communists taking over the worldand infiltrating American society, the War on Terror is based on an equally pervasive fear of religious fundamentalistswilling to do anything to destroy Western ideals and the Western way of life. In both the Cold War and the current War onTerror, the use of language as a tool of power functioned to create a sense of fear as a vehicle for commanding theformation of policy. Language is most certainly a form of power. While language usually typifies form in the form/contentdistinction, language also serves to impact content by affecting peoples conceptions of truth . To be able to affect the waypeople think must have at least some impact on the way people act, if not a tremendous one. By giving meaning to thewords people use, he who controls language can alter a persons idea oftruth. Though not an act of forceful bullying, themanipulation of language nonetheless constitutes an exertion of power and control. According to French philosopherMichel Foucault: Each society has its regime of truth, its general politics of truth: that is, the types of discourse which itaccepts and makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguish true and falsestatements, the means by which each is sanctioned; the techniques and procedures accorded value in the acquisition oftruth; the status of those who are charged with saying what counts as true. While Foucault speaks primarily of governmentsand those in positions of dominance exerting control over individual people, his characterization of the effect of shapingtruth is applicable in the context of nation states. By equating the word communism with godlessness and malevolence,Americans during the Cold War turned a clash of ideology into a fight between good and evil. In this way, the dominantvoice in American politics gave no meaning to the word communism and thereby constructed peoples conceptions of thetruth regarding that word. Much like the Cold War, the War on Terror employs a logic that labels people and groups in away that characterizes them as categorically evil. By invoking the word terror, a word that has come to connote evil,U.S. policymakers have been able to create an element of fear sufficient to justify the eradication of those people or groupsit terms terrorist. Fear created by language that operates in that regard is a political commodity [that] has no practicallimits. During the Cold War, fear was used to influence people to support the U.S., or else face losing their freedom tothe spread of communism. Termed the red scare, this tactic involved the use of rhetoric through propaganda campaignsto draw a line between the righteous, moral self (the United States), and the evil, godless other (the Soviet Union). To theWestern world, Soviet leaders, citizens, and organizations lost their iden tity as such and came to be seen only ascommunists. Their mere existence was constructed as a threat through the rhetoric of U.S. policymakers. In a highly

effective, albeit twisted fashion, the U.S. was thus able to maintain its hegemony, as it could justify policies of expansion,including the stationing of U.S. troops abroad, the formation of certain alliances, and the participation in foreign wars all inthe name of containing communism. Whereas the word communism functioned as a trump card in justifying U.S.action during the Cold War, the word terror has come to serve U.S. policy in the U.S. War on Terror in quite the same

way. During the Cold War, the U.S. employed a policy whereby it targeted communism as an existential threat. In doingso, the U.S. justified the exertion of its influence (militarily and otherwise) in almost every region of the world. It is bysuch means that the U.S. engaged in conflicts in North Korea and Vietnam and provided economic assistance to EasternEuropean nations through programs such as the Marshall Plan. In a like manner, the U.S. has recently used its vague,
http://works.bepress.com/context/alexander_marcopoulos/article/1000/type/native/viewcontenthttp://works.bepress.com/context/alexander_marcopoulos/article/1000/type/native/viewcontenthttp://works.bepress.com/context/alexander_marcopoulos/article/1000/type/native/viewcontent

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Terror Talkdefinition-less concept of terror to link the existential threat of terrorism to what it refers to as rogue states in projectingits power globally. Perhaps the best example of this power projection lies in U.S. influence over Southeast Asia followingthe September 11, 2001 terror attacks. The U.S. employed its almost limitless War on Terror to act as a hegemon inSoutheast Asia in a few ways. First, just as it did so elsewhere, the U.S. pushed hard for support from nations in SoutheastAsia in carrying out its anti-terror operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. By not having a static definition of terror, the U.S.

arguably made it apparent to the nations it approached that failure to cooperate could mean the risk of being labeledterrorist, and then being targeted as such. Additionally, the invocation of the word terror also led to an exertion ofhard power hegemony by the U.S. in Asia, as the U.S. increased its military presence there in order to contain anderadicate groups in the region that it deemed terrorist. As submitted above, the lack of a definition of terror has giventhe U.S. much latitude in engaging in the practice of labeling certain groups as terrorist according to its strategic needs.Finally, the U.S. used that same tactic to take the lead as a soft power hegemon in eliciting the cooperation of ASEAN

member states in rooting out terrorist organizations in Southeast Asia. There is no reason to believe that the coalition-building initiatives discussed by the coming Obama Administration will not use the word terror to garner support for, e.g.operations in Afghanistan, in like fashion. The absence of a static U.S. definition of terror is the key vehicle for the U.S.to employ the politics of fear in its War on Terror. There are a few critical reasons why this is true. First of all, peopleoften exhibit an innate fear of the unknown. Without a definitive, concrete archetype establishing what constitutes aterrorist act and what does not, there is a certain mystery created around the terrorist. The construction of the terrorist asthe unknown other provides an incentive for countries to jump on the U.S.s bandwagon against terrorism, as it gives them

an opportunity to define themselves as coherent and righteous versus the incoherent, immoral terrorist other. The U.S.employed the same tactic during the Cold War, as it characterized the Sovi et Union as an evil empire and invited othercountries to support it in a system of alliances pitting the capitalist, morally-upright, free world against the idea ofcommunism. This approach was effective in terms of establishing a sphere of influence during the Cold War and appears tobe so in the context of the War on Terror, as evidenced by the quickness with which the international community allowedUN Security Council Resolution 1373 to pass.

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SecurityThe Negatives Discussion of International Relations, War and Violence is Imbued With the

Metaphysical Concept of SecuritySpeaking this Discourse Brings With it the Assumptions of Violence

Inherent in Contemporary PoliticsDillon 96 (michael, senior lecturer in politics and international relations at the university of lancaster, the politics of security, p.13-4)

There is a preoccupation, which links both the beginning and the end of metaphysics, and so also the beginning and the endof metaphysical politics. It is something, which, because it furnishes the fundamental link between politics and metaphysics ,affords me my entry into the relationship, which obtains between them. That something is security. If the question of thepolitical is to be recovered from metaphysical thinking, therefore, then security has to be brought into question first.Security, of course, saturates the language of modern politics. Our political vocabularies reek of it and our politicalimagination is confined by it. The hypocrisy of our rulers (whosoever 'we' are) consistently hides behind it. It would,therefore, be an easy task to establish that security is the first and foundational requirement of the State, of modernunderstandings of politics, and of International Relations, not only by reference to specific political theorists but also by reference to the discourses of States. But I wantto explore the thought that modern politics is a security project for reasons which are antecedent to, and account for, the axioms and propositions of (inter)national political theorists, the platitudes of political discourse,and the practices of States, their political classes and leaders. Consequently, to conceive of our politics, as a politics of security is not to advance a view held by particular thinkers or even by particular disciplines. It is todraw attention to a necessity (which Heidegger's history of metaphysics will later allow us to note and explore) to which all thinkers of politics in the metaphysical tradition are subject. In pursuing this thought it

follows that security turns-out to have a much wider register - has always and necessarily had a much wider register, somethingwhich modern international security studies have begun to register - than that merely of preserving our so-called basicvalues, or even our mortal bodies. That it has, in fact, always been concerned with securing the very grounds of what the

political itself is; specifying what the essence of politics is thought to be. The reason is that the thought within which politicalthought occurs - metaphysics-and specifically its conception of truth, is itself a security project, For metaphysics is a traditionof thought defined in terms of the pursuit of security: with the securing, in fact of a secure arche, determining principle, beginningor ground, for which its under-standing of truth and its quest for certainty calls. Security, then, finds its expression as theprinciple, ground or arche - for which metaphysical thought is a search - upon which something stands, pervading and guiding it in its whole structure and essence.Hence, as Leibniz wrote: If one builds a house in a sandy place, one must continue digging until one meets solid rock or firm foundations; if one wants to unravel a tangled thread one must look for t he beginning of the thread;if the greatest weights are to be moved, Archimedes demanded only a stable place. In the same way, if one is to establish the elements o f human knowledge some fixed point is required, on which we can safely

rest and from which we can set out without fear. (emphasis added) It is for this reason, therefore, that metaphysics first allows security to impress itself uponpolitical thought as a self-evident condition for the very existence of life - both individual and social. One of those impulseswhich it is said appears like an inner command to be instinctive (in the form, for, of the instinct for survival), or axiomatic (in theform of the principle of self-preservation, the right to life, or the right to self defense), security thereby became the valuewhich modern understandings of the political and modern practices of politics have come to put beyond question, preciselybecause they derived its very requirement from the requirements of metaphysical truth itself. In consequence, securitybecame the predicate upon which the architectonic political discourses of modernity were constructed; upon which the

vernacular architecture of modern political power, exemplified in the State, was based; and from which the institutions and practices of modern (inter)national politics,including modern democratic politics, ultimately seek to derive their grounding and foundational legitimacy. Thus, for example, and in a time other than our own, the security of an ecumene of belief in the ground of a divinely ordaineduniverse promising salvation for human beings - something that, constituting the Christian Church, provided an ideal of community which continues to pervade the Western tradition -insisted: extra ecclesjam nullasalus' (no salvation outside the Church). Salvation was the ultimate form of spiritual security. And that security was to be acquired through being gathered back into where we belong; a belonging, in other words, to God. What iscrucial here is not what happens to us after death, but salvation as the expression of the longing for the return to a pure and unadulterated form of belonging; a final closing-up of the wound of existence by returning to a lost oneness that

never was. The reverse of Cyprian's dictum was, of course, equally true. No Church without salvation. The outcome of this project was a rejection of the world throughthe constitution of an ideal world which - not least because of the model it offered, the resentment which it fostered and theeconomy of salvation and cruelty which it instantiated - acted in the world to constitute a form of redeeming politics . In a waythat indicates the continuity of the metaphysical tradition, however, this slogan can be, and was, easily adjusted to furnish thedefining maxim of modern politics: no security outside the State; no State without security. And this, in its turn, has given riseto powerful forms of what I would call the disciplinary politics of Hobbesian thought and the actuarial politics of technologiesthought. Each of these is also concerned to specify the principle, ground or rule that would satisfy the metaphysically sequesteredcompulsion for security: thus relieving human beings of the dilemmas and challenges it faces to discover, in its changingcircumstances, what it is to be - to act and live - as humans.The basic thought to be pursued is one which, in simultaneously drawing both our current politics and our tradition of politicalthought into question by challenging their mutual foundation in security, serves, in addition, to illustrate and explore some important aspects of the political implications of Heidegger's thought. My thought, then, is that modern

politics is a security project in the widest possible - ontological - sense of the term because it was destined to become so byvirtue of the very character or nature of the thinking of truth within which, through which, and by continuous and intimatereference to which, politics itself has always been thought. What is at issue first of all, for me, therefore, is not whether one saysyes or no to our modern (inter)national regimes of security, but what Foucault would have called the overall discursive fact thatsecurity is spoken about at all, the way in which it is put into political discourse and how it circulates throughout politicsand other discourses. I think Heidegger's account of meta physics provides a means of addressing that fundamental question.

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SecurityWe Must Not Ignore These Questions About SecurityContinuation of the Status Quo Politics Risks the

Totality of Violence and Human ExtinctionDILLON IN 96 (MICHAEL, SENIOR LECTURER IN POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AT THE UNIVERSITYOF LANCASTER, THE POLITICS OF SECURITY)

To put it crudely, and ignoring for the moment Heidegger's so-called `anti humanist' (he thought 'humanism' was notuncannily human enough) hostility to the anthropocentrism of Western thought. As the real prospect of human species extinctionis a function of how human beinq has come to dwell in the world, then human beinq has a pressinq reason to reconsider, inthe most originary way possible, notwithstanding other arguments that may be advanced for doing so, the derivation of itsunderstandinq of what it is to dwell in the world, and how it should comport itself if it is to continue to do so. Such apredicament ineluctably poses two fundamental and inescapable questions about both Philosophy and politics back tophilosophy and politics and of the relation between them: first, if such is their end, what must their oriqins have been?Second, in the midst of all that is, in Precisely what does the creativity of new beqinninqs inhere and how can it bepreserved, celebrated and extended? No matter how much we may want to elide these questions, or, alternatively, provide awhole series of edifying answers to them, human beinqs cannot iqnore them, ironically, even if they remain anthropocentric intheir concerns, if they wish to survive. Our present does not allow it. This ioint reqress of the philosophical and the politicalto the very limits of their thinking and of their possibility therefore brinqs the question of Beinq (which has been the questionof philosophy, even though it has always been directed towards beings in the answers it has offered) into explicit coniunction with

the question of the political once more throuqh the attention it draws to the ontoloqical difference between Beinq andbeinqs, and emphasises the abidinq reciprocity that exists between them.We now know that neither metaphysics nor our politics of security can secure the security of truth and of life which was

their reciprocatinq raison d'66tre (and, raison d'etat). More importantly, we now know that the very will to security -the will to power of sovereiqn presence in both metaphysics and modern politics - is not only a prime incitement toviolence in the Western tradition of thouqht, and to the qlobalisation of its (inter)national palitics, but also self-defeatinq; inthat it does not in its turn merely endanqer, but actually enqenders danqer in response to its own discursive dynamic. Onedoes not have to be persuaded of the destinal sendinq of Beinq, therefore, to be persuaded of the profundity - and of theprofound danqer- of this the modern human condition.

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SecurityDiscourses of Security Necessarily Invoke Their OppositeThe Logic of Violence Proposes a Perpetual

Counter-Violence and Insecurity Which Makes the Affirmative Harms Simply a Self-Fulfilling ProphecyCHERNUS, PROFESSOR OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO AT BOULDER, 2K1Ira, Israel and the United States: Fighting Terror in the National Insecurity State,

http://spot.colorado.edu/~chernus/SinceSeptember11.htm

In this sense, too, the U.S. is in Israels shoes. Both are entrenched in the logic of the insecurity state. That logic flows fromtwo fundamental principles: there is a mortal threat to the very existence of our nation, and our own policies play no role ingenerating the threat. If our nation bears no responsibility, then we are powerless to eradicate the threat. There is no hopefor a truly better world, nor for ending the danger by mutual compromise with "the other side." The threat is effectivelyeternal. The best to hope for is to hold the threat forever at bay.Yet the sense of powerlessness is oddly satisfying, because it preserves the conviction of innocence: if our policies are soineffectual, the troubles of the world can hardly be our fault. And the vision of an endless status quo is equally satisfying,because it promises to prevent historical change. If peril is permanent, the world is an endless reservoir of potentialenemies. Any fundamental change in the status quo portends only catastrophe.The only path to security, it seems, is to prevent change by imposing control over others. When those others fight back, thenational insecurity state sees no reason to re-evaluate its policies; that would risk the change it seeks, above all, to avoid. So

it can only meet violence with more violence, while protesting its innocence. Of course, the inevitable frustration is blamedon the enemy, reinforcing the sense of peril and the demand for absolute control through violence.The goal of total control is self-defeating; each step toward security becomes a source of, and is taken as proof of,continuing insecurity. This makes the logic of the insecurity state viciously circular. Why are we always fighting? Becausewe always have enemies. How do we know we always have enemies? Because we are always fighting. And knowing thatwe have enemies, how can we afford to stop fighting? In the insecurity state, there is no way to talk about security withoutvoicing fears of insecurity, no way to express optimism without expressing despair. On every front, it is a self-fulfillingprophecy; a self-confirming and self-perpetuating spiral of violence; a trap that seems to offer no way out.
http://spot.colorado.edu/~chernus/WaronTerrorismEssays/IsraelAndUSInsecurityState.htmhttp://spot.colorado.edu/~chernus/WaronTerrorismEssays/IsraelAndUSInsecurityState.htm

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SecurityVoting aff solvesrejecting security discourse allows for the recreation of politicsDILLON 96(MICHAEL, SENIOR LECTURER IN POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AT THE UNIVERSITY OFLANCASTER, THE POLITICS OF SECURITY)

Reimagining politics is, of course, easier said than done. Resistance to it - especially in International Relations -nonetheless gives us a clue to one of the places where we may begin. For although I think of this project as a kind ofpolitical project, resistance to it does not arise from a political conservatism. Modern exponents of political modernity pridethemselves on their realistic radicalism. Opposition always arises, instead, from an extraordinarily deep and profoundconservatism of thought. Indeed, conservatism of thought in respect of the modern political imagination is required of the modernpolitical subject. Remaining politics therefore means thinking differently. Moreover, the project of that thinking differentlyleads to thinking 'difference' itself.Thought is therefore required if politics is to contribute to out-living the modern; specifically, political thought. Thechallenge to out-live the modern issues from the faltering of modern thought, however, and the suspicion now of its very ownproject of thought, as much as it does from the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the industrialization and ecological despoliationof the planet, or the genocidal dynamics of new nationalisms. The challenqe to out-live the modern issues, therefore, from the moderncondition of both politics and thouqht. This so- called suspicion of thouqht - I would rather call it a transformation of the project ofthought which has disclosed the faltering of the modern project of thought - is what has come to distinguish continental thouqht in the

last century. I draw on that thouqht in order to think the freedom of human beinq aqainst the defininq political thouqht ofmodernity: that ontoloqical preoccupation with the subject of security which commits its politics to securinq the subiect.Motivated therefore, by a certain sense of crisis in both philosophy and politics, and by the conviction that there is anintimate relation between the two which is most violently and materially exhibited globally in (inter)national politics, theaim of this book is to make a contribution towards rethinking some of the fundamentals of International Relations through what Iwould call the political philosophy of contemporary continental thought. Its ultimate intention is, therefore, to make a contributiontoward the reconstruction of International Relations as a site of political thouqht, bv departinq from the very commitment tothe politics of sublectivity upon which International Relations is premised. This is a tall order, and not least because thepolitical philosophy of continental thought cannot be brought to bear upon International Relations if the political thought ofthat thought remains largely unthought.

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Disease SecurityDisease discourse results in dangerous securitization.Dr. Stefan Elbe, University of Sussex (UK), 2005, AIDS, Security, Biopolitics, International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 4, pp. 403-419http://ire.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/19/4/403 (Google Scholar)This biopolitical axis of biopower is extremely pertinent for understanding the deeper significance of the ongoing securitization of AIDS, for a

crucial implication of the rise of European biopolitics was that henceforth disease would be rendered an important political and economic issueneeding to be collectively resolved as a matter of overall policy.22 If one of the goals of biopolitics is to maximize the health of populations, thendisease could no longer be left to the random fluctuations of nature, but would have to be brought under continuous political and social control,which, according to Foucault, is precisely what happened in 18th-century Europe. The 18th century, to be sure, did not invent health measures assuch (there are many historical precedents for this), but it prescribed new rules and above all transposed the practice onto an explicit, concerted levelof analysis such as had been previously unknown.23 From this time onwards, the social, economic, and political problems posed by disease haveoccupied an expanding place in European politics. Today such biopolitical impulses can also be found resonating beyond the bo rders of Europethrough practices such as the securitization of HIV/AIDS. The latter, after all, marks nothing other than a powerful international intervention targeteddirectly at the level of population. With the arrival of HIV/AIDS on the international security agenda, security is no longer confined to defendingsovereignty, territorial integrity, and international law; but, as the unprecedented Security Council meeting demonstrates, population dynamicsincluding levels of disease have now become strategically significant as well. International political actors securitizing HIV/AIDS are effectivelycalling upon governments around the world to make the health and longevity of their populations a matter of highest governmental priorityechoingFoucaults earlier observation that in a biopolitical age [t]he population now appears more as the aim of government than the power of the ruler.24 The securitization of AIDS is also biopolitical, secondly, because of the manner in which international actors are trying to monitor and govern thehealth of populations. The detailed statistical monitoring of populations that formed such an integral component of 18th-century European biopolitics

is today being replicated on a global level by international agencies eager to identify and forecast the population dynamics likely to be inducedaround the world by HIV/AIDS. The task of compiling these statistics has been assigned to the World Health Organization and the Joint United

Nations Program on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). The latter prides itself on its efforts to provide strategic information about HIV/AIDS globally, as wellas [t]racking, monitoring and evaluation of the epidemic and of responses to it.25 Indeed, it claims to be the worlds leading resource forepidemiological data on HIV/AIDS.26 To this end, UNAIDS also providesin a manner that recalls Englands 19th-century Blue Books annualupdates on the global state of the AIDS pandemic, and endeavours to keep up-to-date information on HIV prevalence amongst adult populations forevery country.27 Crucially, UNAIDS does not restrict itself to providing data for collective populations; its surveillance techniques penetrate furtherand also generate new sub-populations by singling out specific risk groups that need to be targetedanother historical hallmark of biopolitics.28 Theorganization thus differentiates between adult and child populations and between urban and rural populations, and pays particularly close attention tosex workers and drug users. Where possible, UNAIDS even gathers data on sexual behaviour, such as the median age of first sexual intercourse andthe rate of condom use, as well as a variety of other knowledge indicators. UNAIDS, in short, produces the vital knowledge about the biologicalcharacteristics of the worlds populations and sub-populations needed to rein in the pandemic. Finally, the linking of international security andHIV/AIDS is also characteristically biopolitical in that it is undertaken with the active and willing participation of a whole host of wider social andpolitical actors. In his essay on The Politics of Health in the Eighteenth Century, Foucault observed how biopower and biopolitics were not merelydeployed vertically downwards from the state into society, but were consentingly invoked by many social groups, includ ing religious associationssuch as the Quakers, charitable organizations, and even scholars. The health of all, he noted, became a priority for all,29 which is why Foucaultinsisted that biopower must be analysed as something which circulates, or rather as something which only functions in the form of a chain, and

which is exercised through a net-like organisation.30 The unfolding of the securitization of AIDS follows such a net-like deployment of biopower,as it is being simultaneously driven by a plethora of actors ranging from: (i) predominantly Western governments including the United States; (ii)international organizations such as the World Health Organization, the United Nations, the European Union, ASEAN, and the African Union; (iii) aplethora of prominent multinational corporations working through the Global Business Coalition on HIV/AIDS; (iv) non-governmental organizationssuch as the CivilMilitary Alliance to Combat HIV/AIDS and the International Crisis Group; (v) think tanks such as the Center for Strategic andInternational Studies and the Chemical and Biological Arms Control Institute; (vi) media organizations; and (vii) scholars in the academy.31 The netof the securitization of AIDS has thus been widely cast, corroborating Foucaults view that biopower is never solely the property of one agent; it isalways plural, decentralized, and capillary in nature. Power, he reminded his readers, is everywhere; not because it embraces everything, butbecause it comes from everywhere.32 In the end, these biopolitical dimensions to the securitization of HIV/AIDS also make it far less surprising thatFoucaults influential description of the 18th-century biopolitical transformation in Europe could just as well be read as a penetrating commentary onthe contemporary expansion of the international security agenda to include health issues such as AIDS: For the first time in history, no doubt,biological existence was reflected in political existence; the fact of living was no longer an inaccessible substrate that only emerged from time to

time, amid the randomness of death and its fatality; part of it passed into knowledges field of control and powers sphere of intervention. Powerwould no longer be dealing simply with legal subjects over whom the ultimate dominion was death, but with living beings, and the mastery it wouldbe able to exercise over them would have to be applied at the level of life itself; it was the taking charge of life, more than the threat of death, thatgave power its access even to the body.33 In this case, however, the securitization of HIV/AIDS takes on particular significance for contemporaryworld politics not only because it is a novel way of framing the illness, but also because it illustrates how international security constitutes animportant site for disseminating biopolitical strategies to the non-Western worldgiving rise to novel normative dangers.

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CuomoThe dis ads Construction of War Relies on the Assumption that There is and Should Be an Ethical

Distinction Between War and Non-WarThis Ignores Militarism and Legitimates Structural ViolenceChris Cuomo, War Is Not Just an Event: Reflections on the Significance of Everyday Violence, Hypatia 11.4, 1996, p. 30-46(http://www.ccuomo.org/War23.htm)

Just war theory is a prominent example of a philosophical approach that rests on the assumption that wars are isolated fromeveryday life and ethics. Such theory, as developed by St. Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, and Hugo Grotius, and as articulated in contemporary dialogues by many philosophers,including Michael Walzer (1977), Thomas Nagel (1974), and Sheldon Cohen (1989 ), take the primary question concerning the ethics of warfare to be aboutwhen to enter into military conflicts against other states. They therefore take as a given the notion that war is an isolated,definable event with clear boundaries. These boundaries are significant because they distinguish the circumstances in whichstandard moral rules and constraints, such as rules against murder and unprovoked violence, no longer apply. Just-wartheory assumes that war is a separate sphere of human activity having its own ethical constraints and criteria and in doingso it begs the question of whether or not war is a special kind of event, or part of a pervasive presence in nearly allcontemporary life.

Because the application of just-war principles is a matter of proper decision-making on the part of agents of the state,before wars occur, and before military strikes are made, they assume that military initiatives are distinct events. In fact,declarations of war are generally overdetermined escalations of preexisting conditions. Just-war criteria cannot help evaluate military and relatedinstitutions, including their peacetime practices and how these relate to wartime activities, so they cannot address the ways in which armed conflicts between and among states emerge from omnipresent,

often violent, state militarism. The remarkable resemblances in some sectors between states of peace and states of war remaincompletely untouched by theories that are only able to discuss the ethics of starting and ending direct military conflictsbetween and among states.

Applications of just-war criteria actually help create the illusion that the "problem of war" is being addressed whenthe only considerations are the ethics of declaring wars and of military violence within the boundaries of declarations ofwar and peace. Though just-war considerations might theoretically help decision-makers avoid specific gross eruptions of military violence, theaspects of war which require the underlying presence of militarism and the direct effects of the omnipresence of militarismremain untouched. There may be important decisions to be made about when and how to fight war, but these must be considered in terms ofthe many other aspects of contemporary war and militarism that are significant to nonmilitary personnel, including womenand nonhumans

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CuomoIgnoring Structural Violence in Favor of Discrete Conflicts Maintains Privilege and Distracts Resistance

From All Other Forms of Violence, The Plan Will Lock Us in to the Question of War to Ignore The Other

Dangers to the Community they SupportChris Cuomo, War Is Not Just an Event: Reflections on the Significance of Everyday Violence, Hypatia 11.4, 1996, p. 30-46(http://www.ccuomo.org/War23.htm)

Ethical approaches that do not attend to the ways in which warfare and military practices are woven into the very fabric oflife in twenty-first century technological states lead to crisis-based politics and analyses. For any feminism that aims toresist oppression and create alternative social and political options, crisis-based ethics and politics are problematic becausethey distract attention from the need for sustained resistance to the enmeshed, omnipresent systems of domination andoppression that so often function as givens in most people's lives. Neglecting the omnipresence of militarism allows thefalse belief that the absence of declared armed conflicts is peace, the polar opposite of war. It is particularly easy for thosewhose lives are shaped by the safety of privilege, and who do not regularly encounter the realities of militarism, to maintainthis false belief. The belief that militarism is an ethical, political concern only regarding armed conflict, creates forms ofresistance to militarism that are merely exercises in crisis control. Antiwar resistance is then mobilized when the "real"violence finally occurs, or when the stability of privilege is directly threatened, and at that point it is difficult not to respondin ways that make resisters drop all other political priorities. Crisis-driven attention to declarations of war might actually

keep resisters complacent about and complicitous in the general presence of global militarism. Seeing war as necessarilyembedded in constant military presence draws attention to the fact that horrific, state-sponsored violence is happeningnearly all over, all of the time, and that it is perpetrated by military institutions and other militaristic agents of the state.

Moving away from crisis-driven politics and ontologies concerning war and military violence also enablesconsideration of relationships among seemingly disparate phenomena, and therefore can shape more nuanced theoreticaland practical forms of resistance. For example, investigating the ways in which war is part of a presence allowsconsideration of the relationships among the events of war and the following: how militarism is a foundational trope in thesocial and political imagination; how the pervasive presence and symbolism of soldiers/warriors/patriots shape meanings ofgender; the ways in which threats of state-sponsored violence are a sometimes invisible/sometimes bold agent of racism,nationalism, and corporate interests; the fact that vast numbers of communities, cities, and nations are currently in the midstof excruciatingly violent circumstances. It also provides a lens for considering the relationships among the various kinds ofviolence that get labeled "war." Given current American obsessions with nationalism, guns, and militias, and growinghunger for the death penalty, prisons, and a more powerful police state, one cannot underestimate the need for philosophical

and political attention to connections among phenomena like the "war on drugs," the "war on crime," and other state-fundedmilitaristic campaigns.

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Prolif KThe DA impacts use racist Orientalist discourse that assumes that the West is

rational and disciplined while Third World countries are uncultivated and cannot

be trusted with nuclear weapons.Gusterson Prof. Antro. MIT 99[Hugh, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Science and TechnologyStudies at MIT, "Nuclear Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination," CulturalAnthropology, Vol. 14, No. 1, (Feb., 1999), pp. 1 1 1- 143, http://www.jstor.org/stable/65653l,]

The dominant discourse that stabilizes this system of nuclear apartheid inWestern ideology is a specialized variant within a broader system of colonialand postcolonial discourse that takes as its essentialist premise a profound Othernessseparating Third World from Western countries.6 This inscription ofThird World (especially Asian and Middle Eastern) nations as ineradicably differentfrom our own has, in a different context, been labeled "Orientalism" byEdward Said ( 1 978). Said argues that orientalist discourse constructs the worldin terms of a series of binary oppositions that produce the Orient as the mirror

image of the West: where "we" are rational and disciplined, "they" are impulsiveand emotional; where "we" are modem and flexible, "they" are slaves to ancientpassions and routines; where "we" are honest and compassionate, "they"are treacherous and uncultivated. While the blatantly racist orientalism of thehigh colonial period has softened, more subtle orientalist ideologies endure incontemporary politics. They can be found, as Akhil Gupta ( 1 998) has argued, indiscourses of economic development that represent Third World nations as childnations lagging behind Western nations in a uniform cycle of development or, asLutz and Collins ( 1 993) suggest, in the imagery of popular magazines, such asNational Geographic. I want to suggest here that another variant of contemporaryorientalist ideology is also to be found in U.S. national security discourse.

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Prolif KThe discourse of your authors legitimizes domination of the Third World in an

effort to prop up the western nuclear monopoly. Separating "their" problems from

"ours" is a false distinction rooted in racism and orientalism.Gusterson Prof. Antro. MIT 99[Hugh, Associate Professor of Anthropology and Science and TechnologyStudies at MIT, "Nuclear Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination," CulturalAnthropology, Vol. 14, No. 1, (Feb., 1999), pp. 1 1 1- 143, http://www.jstor.org/stable/65653l,]

The discourse on nuclear proliferation legitimates this system of dominationwhile presenting the interests the established nuclear powers have in maintainingtheir nuclear monopoly as if they were equally beneficial to all the nationsof the globe. And, ironically, the discourse on nonproliferation presentsthese subordinate nations as the principal source of danger in the world. This isanother case of blaming the victim.The discourse on nuclear proliferation is structured around a rigid segregationof "their" problems from "ours." In fact, however, we are linked to developingnations by a world system, and many of the problems that, we claim, renderthese nations ineligible to own nuclear weapons have a lot to do with the West

and the system it dominates. For example, the regional conflict between Indiaand Pakistan is, in part at least, a direct consequence of the divide-and-rule policiesadopted by the British raj; and the dispute over Kashmir, identified byWestern commentators as a possible flash point for nuclear war, has its originsnot so much in ancient hatreds as in Britain's decision in 1846 to install a Hindumaharajah as leader of a Muslim territory (Bums 1 998). The hostility betweenArabs and Israelis has been exacerbated by British, French, and American interventionin the Middle East dating back to the Balfour Declaration of 1917. Morerecently, as Steven Green points out, "Congress has voted over $36.5 billion ineconomic and military aid to Israel, including rockets, planes, and other technologywhich has directly advanced Israel's nuclear weapons capabilities. It is preciselythis nuclear arsenal, which the U.S. Congress has been so instrumental inbuilding up, that is driving the Arab state to attain countervailing strategic weapons

of various kinds" ( 1 990).

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Enviro SecurityThe idea of humanity being separate from nature allows the creation of "environment" being anything

that needs to be securitized by the international system without question.

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Genocide TrivializationTrivialization of genocide allows for the continuation of such atrocities.Alexandre Kimenyi, Journalist for The Edwin Mellen Press. 2002TRIVIALIZATION OF GENOCIDE: THE CASE OF RWANDA. http://www.kimenyi.com/trivilization-of-genocide-the-case-of-rwanda.php

This trivialization was started by the Clinton administration which refused to call it genocide. The State Departmentofficials were instructed not to utter the word genocide in the Tutsi killings in Rwanda but use "acts of genocide" instead.This was motivated, apparently, by the fact that the administration understood the legal, political and moral implications ofthe acceptance of this term as signatory of UN Geneva Convention on Genocide. Had it admitted that genocide was takingplace, The United States, the only superpower today, would have to intervene immediately to stop it . It thus refused to utterthe word because the physical extermination of Tutsi in Rwanda did not jeopardize US interests. The trivialization of Tutsigenocide is epitomized by many individuals and organizations who preach forgetting, forgiveness and reconcialiton as theonly viable solution to post-genocide Rwanda. Christophe Mitterand, Franois Mitterand's son who was responsible forAfrican Department during his father's government, has also categorically denied that Tutsi genocide took place."Massacres, yes, but genocide, no," he said. (12)III. Justification and rationalization of genocideAll attempts to jusfify and rationalize genocide in Rwanda by social scientists and others not only trivialize genocide, butalso do they condone it because doing so removes the responsibility and minimizes this despicable act. Genocide is seen as

either a self-defense reaction, a natural behavior in this dog-eat-dog world, a continuation of the Hutu Revolution and anattempt to get rid of evil.

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Genocide TrivializationUse of the term genocide to gain shock value trivializes the violence that actually occurs. Alain Destexhe. Belgian Politician and Author. 1995.Rwanda and genocide in the twentieth century

Consequently the word 'genocide' has often been used when making comparisons with later massacres throughout the world

in order to attract attention by evoking images of the concentration camps and their victims. The Second World War and thegenocide became absolute references in the political context. As Alain Finkielkraut puts it, 'Satan became incarnate in theperson of Hitler who represented nothing less than an allegory for the devil.' Fascism became the supreme enemy and allpolitical adversaries were indiscriminately accused of supporting it. But it was genocide that became the ultimate verbalstigma, a term used both to describe any thoroughly horrendous, thoroughly fascist act perpetrated by an enemy and as arallying call for minority groups looking to assert their identity and legitimise their existence. Thus the word genocide fellvictim to a sort of verbal inflation, in much the same as happened with the word fascist. It has been applied freely andindiscriminately to groups as diverse as the blacks of South Africa, Palestinians and women, as well as in reference toanimals, abortion, famines and widespread malnutrition, and to many other situations.

The term genocide has progressively lost its initial meaning and is becoming dangerously commonplace. In order toattention to contemporary situations of violence or injustice by making comparisons with murder on the greatest scaleknown in this century, 'genocide' has been used as synonymous with massacre, oppression and repression, overlooking thatwhat lies behind the image it evokes is the attempted annihilation of the entire Jewish race. One of the aims of this book is

to restore the specific meaning to a term which has been so much abused that it has become the victim of its own success.Further thvialisation has resulted from the over-use of the term 'Holocaust', first popularised on a wide scale in the 1970s bythe American television series with that title. The original context is of course religious and means, literally, 'a ritualsacrifice wholly consumed by fire'. The use of this term has a twofold effect, both mystifying and spectacular, whichdistorts and denies reality.

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Genocide TrivializationDistinguishing between types of atrocity is essential to any solvency.Alain Destexhe. Belgian Politician and Author. 1995.Rwanda and genocide in the twentieth century

Another reason why it is of fundamental importance to make distinctions between different kinds of catastrophes is thatthey are then revealed to vary greatly both in nature and in degree. However, the increasing amount of exaggerated newscoverage given to any disaster, natural or manmade, nearly always infers that these events have one common denominator:they are seen as the product of fate and misfortune rather than the deliberate policy of any one individual or group. Thisresults from the inability of the general public to make clear distinctions (value judgements) between a genocide and a civilwar, a mugging and a road accident, famine, cholera epidemics and natural disasters Massacres and killings are put down tobarbarism, age-old hatreds, ancient fears and tribal wars: ambiguous terms rooted in the racial thinking of the nineteenthcentury which often sowed the seeds of much later hostility. For example, the first real signs of antagonism between theSerbs and Croats only surfaced at the beginning of the twentieth century; and it was after 1960, in the countrysides ofBurundi and Rwanda, where the populations mainly lived, that the social differences between Hum and Tutsi ceased to beseen as such and became an ethnic divide.

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Genocide TrivializationRefusal to distinguish types of violence make tragedy certain.Alain Destexhe. Belgian Politician and Author. 1995.Rwanda and genocide in the twentieth century

It is totally unacceptable and even dangerous to group together all those who die in tragic circumstances, regardless of the way inwhich they die. It should be obvious that it is not at all the same thing to die from cholera in a refugee camp or as the targetted victimof ethnic cleansing in one's own home. If it were all one and the same, then there would be no more at stake than the right of allvictims to our compassion. Crime and guilt then cease to be significant and the particularly horrible murder of one individual would bemeasured with the same stick as a mass killing.

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AT: SecurityFIRST, STATES INEVITABLY COMPETE WITH EACH OTHER FOR INTERNATIONAL POWER

ANY ATTEMPT TO DEVIATE FROM THIS STRUCTURE CAUSES VIOLENCE

Mearscheimer 2001[John J., Prof. of Pol. Sci @ U. of Chicago, The Tragedy of Great Power Warfare]

Great powers fear each other. They regard each other with suspicion, and they worry that war might be in the offing. Theyanticipate danger.There is little room for trust among states. For sure, the level of fear varies across time and space, but it cannot be reduced to a trivial level.From the perspective of any one great power, all other great powers are potential enemies. This point is illustrated by the reaction of the United Kingdom andFrance to German reunification at the end of the Col War. Despite the fact that these three states had been close allies for almost forty-five years, both the United Kingdom andFrance immediately began worrying about the potential danger of a united Germany.

The basis for this fear is thatin a world where great powers have the capability to attack each other and might have the motive to doso any state bent on survival must be at least suspicious of other states and reluctant to trust them. Add to this the 911 problem the absence ofa central authority to which a threatened state can turn for help and states have even greater incentive to fear each other. Morever, there is no mechanism, other than thepossible self-interest of third parties, for punishing an aggressor. Because it is sometimes difficult to deter potential aggressors, states have ample reason not to trust other statesand to be prepared for war with them.

The possible consequences of falling victim to aggression further amplify the importance of fear as a motivating force inworld politics. Great powers do not compete with each other as if international marketplace. Political competition among states is a much more dangerousbusiness than mere economic intercourse, the former can lead to war, and war often means mass killing on the battlefield as well as massmurder of civilians. In extreme cases, war can even lead to the destruction of states. The horrible consequences of war sometimes cause states

to view each other not just as competitors, but as potentially deadly enemies. Political antagonism, in short, tends to be intense because thestakes are great.States in the international system also aim to guarantee their own survival. Because other states are potential threats, and because there is nohigher authority to come to their rescue when they dial 911, states cannot depend on others for their own security. Each state tends to see itself asvulnerable and alone, and therefore itaims to provide for its own survival. In international politics, God helps those who help themselves. This emphasis on self-helpdoes not preclude states from forming alliances. But alliances are only temporary marriages of conv enience: todays alliance partner might be tomorrows enemy, and todaysenemy might be tomorrows alliance partner. For example, the United States fought with China and the Soviet Union against Ger many and Japan in World War II, but soonthereafter flip-flopped enemies and partners and allied with West Germany and Japan against China and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.

States operating in a self-help world almost always act according to their own self-interest and do not subordinate theirinterests to the interests of other states, or the so-called international community. The reason is simple: it pays to be selfish in a self-help world. Thisis true in the short term as well as in the long term, because if a state loses in the short run, it might not be around for thelong haul.Apprehensive about the ultimate intentions of other states, and a ware that they oeprate in a self-help system, states quickly understand that the best way to

ensure their survival is to be the most powerful state in the system. The stronger a state is relative to its potential rivals, theless likely it is that any of those rivals will attack it and threaten its survival. Weaker states will be reluctant to pick fights with more powerfulstates because the weaker states are likely to suffer military defeat. Indeed, the bigger the gap in power between any two states, the less likely it isthat the weaker will attack the stronger. Neither Canada nor Mexico, for example, would countenance attacking the United States, which is far more powerfulthan its neighbors. The ideal situation is to be the hegemon in the system. As Immanuel Kant said,It is the desire of every state, or of its ruler,to arrive at a condition of perpetual peace by conquering the whole world, if that were poss ible. Survival would then bealmost guaranteed

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AT: SecurityREALISM MUST BE USED STRATEGICALLYREJECTING IT RISKS WORSE USES

Stefano Guzzini, Assistant Professor at Central European Univ., Realism in International Relations and International PoliticaEconomy, 1998, p. 212

Therefore, in a third step, this chapter also claims that it is impossible just to heap realism onto the dustbin of history andstart anew. This is a non-option. Although realism as a strictly causal theory has been a disappointment, various realistassumptions are well alive in the minds of many practitioners and observers of international affairs. Although it does notcorrespond to a theory which helps us to understand a real world with objective laws, it is a world-view which suggeststhoughts about it, and which permeates our daily language for making sense of it. Realism has been a rich, albeit verycontestable, reservoir of lessons of the past, of metaphors and historical analogies, which, in the hands of its most giftedrepresentatives, have been proposed, at times imposed, and reproduced as guides to a common understanding ofinternational affairs. Realism is alive in the collective memory and self-understanding of our (i.e. Western) foreign policyelite and public, whether educated or not. Hence, we cannot but deal with it. For this reason, forgetting realism is alsoquestionable. Of course, academic observers should not bow to the whims of daily politics. But staying at distance, or beingcritical, does not mean that they should lose the capacity to understand the languages of those who make significantdecisions, not only in government, but also in firms, NGOs, and other institutions. To the contrary, this understanding, as

increasingly varied as it may be, is a prerequisite for their very profession. More particularly, it is a prerequisite foropposing the more irresponsible claims made in the name, although not always necessarily in the spirit, of realism.

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AT: Terror TalkCRITICISM OF TERROR RHETORIC RENATURALIZES ITS CAUSES, INSTILLING

POWERLESSNESS

Rodwell 2005

[Jonathan, PhD Cand. @ Manchester Metropolitan University, Trendy But Empty: A Response to Richard Jackson, 49th ParallelSpring, www.49thparallel.bham.ac.uk/back/issue15/rodwell1.htm,9-23-06//uwyo-ajl]

The larger problem is that without clear causal links between materially identifiable events and factors any assessmentwithin the argument actually becomes nonsensical. Mirroring the early inability to criticise, if we have no traditionalcausational discussion how can we know what is happening? For example, Jackson details how the rhetoric of anti-terrorism and fear is obfuscating the real problems. It is proposed that the real world killers are not terrorism, but disease orillegal drugs or environmental issues. The problem is how do we know this? It seems we know this because there isevidence that illustrates as much Jackson himself quoting to Dr David King who argued global warming is a greater thatthan terrorism. The only problem of course is that discourse analysis has established (as argued by Jackson) that Kingsargument would just be self-contained discourse designed to naturalise another arguments for his own reasons. Ultimately itwould be no more valid than the argument that excessive consumption of Sugar Puffs is the real global threat. It is worthrepeating that I dont personally believe global terrorism is the worlds primary threat, nor do I believe that Sugar Puffs are

a global killer. But without the ability to identify real facts about the world we can simply say anything, or we can saynothing.
http://www.49thparallel.bham.ac.uk/back/issue15/rodwell1.htmhttp://www.49thparallel.bham.ac.uk/back/issue15/rodwell1.htm

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AT: CuomoPreventing nuclear war is the absolute prerequisite to positive peaceFolk, Prof of Religious and Peace Studies at Bethany College, 78(Jerry, Peace Educations Peace Studies : Towards an IntegratedApproach, Peace & Change, Vol. V, No. 1, Spring, P. 58)

Those proponents of the positive peace approach who reject out of hand the workof researchers and educators coming to the field from theperspective of negative peace too easily forget that the prevention of a nuclear confrontation of global dimensions is theprerequisite for all other peace research, education, and action. Unless such a confrontation can be avoided there will be noworld left in which to build positive peace. Moreover, the blanket condemnation of all such negative peace oriented research,education or action as a reactionary attempt to support and reinforce the status quo is doctrinaire. Conflict theory and resolution, disarmament studies,studies of the international system and of international organizations, and integration studies are in themselves neutral. They do notintrinsically support either the status quo or revolutionary efforts to change or overthrow it. Rather they offer a body ofknowledge which can be used for either purpose or for some purpose in between. It is much more logical for those whounderstand peace as positive peace to integrate this knowledge into their own framework and to utilize it in achieving theirown purposes. A balanced peace studies program should therefore offer the student exposure to the questions and concerns which occupy those who viewthe field essentially from the po int of view of negative peace.

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AT: KatoNo Link: Kato criticizes not recognizing testing as an actual nuclear war, we just say we prevent an

alternate nuclear war.

Kato, Political Science Professor at the University of Hawaii at Honolulu, 93(Masahide, Nuclear Globalism: Traversing RocketsSatellites, and Nuclear War, Alternatives, V. 18, N. 3)

Nuclear criticism finds the likelihood of "extinction" as the most fundamental aspect of nuclear catastrophe . The complexproblematics involved in nuclear catastrophe are thus reduced to the single possible instant of extinction. The task of nuclear critics is clearly designatedby Schell as coming to grips with the one and only final instant "human extinction-whose likelihood we are chiefly interested in finding out about:"Deconstructionists, on the other hand, take a detour in their efforts to theologize extinction. Jacques Derrida, for example, solidified the prevailing mode ofrepresentation by constituting extinction as a fatal absence: Unlike the other wars, which have all been preceded by wars of more or less the same type inhuman memory (and gunpowder did not mark a radical break in this respect), nuclear war has no precedent. It has never occurred, itself; it is a non-event.The explosion of American bombs in 1945 ended a "classical," conventional war, it did not set off a nuclear war The terrifying reality of the nuclear

conflict can only be the signified referent, never the real referent (present or past) of a discourse or text At least today apparently." By representing thepossible extinction as the single most important problematic' of nuclear catastrophe (posing it as either a threat or a symbolic void),nuclear' criticism disqualifies the entire history of nuclear violence, the "real" of nuclear catastrophe as a continuous andrepetitive process. The "real" of nuclear war is designated by nuclear critics as a "rehearsal' (Derrik De Kerkhove) or "preparation" (Firth) for whatthey reserve as the authentic catastrophes' The history of nuclear violence offers, at best, a reality effect to the imagery of"extinction." Schell summarized the discursive position of nuclear critics very succinctly, by stating that nuclear catastrophe should not be

conceptualized "in the context of direct slaughter of hundreds of millions people by the local effects: "8 Thus the elimination of the history of nuclearviolence by nuclear critics stems from the process of discursive "delocalization" of nuclear violence. Their primary focus is not local catastrophe, butdelocalized, unlocatable, "global" catastrophe

.

Extinction of the species is the most horrible impact imaginable, putting rights first is putting a part of

society before the whole.

Schell 1982(Jonathan, Professor at Wesleyan University, The Fate of the Earth, pages 136-137 uw//wej)

Implicit in everything that I have said so far about the nuclear predicament there has been a perplexity that I would now like to take upexplicitly, for it leads, I believe, into the very heart of our response-or, rather, our lack of response-to the predicament. I have pointed out thatour species is the most important of all the things that, as inhabitants of a common world, we inherit from the past generations, but it doesnot go far enough to point out this superior importance, as though in making our decision about extinction we were being asked to choosebetween, say, liberty, on the one hand, and the survival of the species, on the other. For the species not only overarches but contains all the

benefits of life in the common world, and to speak of sacrificing the species for the sake of one of these benefits involves one inthe absurdity of wanting to destroy something in order to preserve one of its parts, as if one were to burn down a house inan attempt to redecorate the living room, or to kill someone to improve his character. ,but even to point out this absurdity fails to takethe full measure of the peril of extinction, for mankind is not some invaluable object that lies outside us and that we must protect so that wecan go on benefiting from it; rather, it is we ourselves, without whom everything there is loses its value. To say this is another way of sayingthat extinction is unique not because it destroys mankind as an object but because it destroys mankind as the source of all p ossible humansubjects, and this, in turn, is another way of saying that extinction is a second death, for one's own individual death is the end not of anyobject in life but of the subject that experiences all objects. Death, however, places the mind in a quandary. One of-the confounding char-acteristics of death-"tomorrow's zero," in Dostoevski's phrase-is that, precisely because it removes the person himself rather than somethingin his life, it seems to offer the mind nothing to take hold of. One even feels it inappropriate, in a way, to try to speak "about" death at all, as.though death were a thing situated some- where outside us and available for objective inspection, when the fact is that it is within us-is,indeed, an essential part of what we are. It would be more appropriate, perhaps, to say that death, as a fundamental element of our being,

"thinks" in us and through us about whatever we think about, coloring our thoughts and moods with its presence throughout our lives.

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