Jackson - Recent Ethnografy on Indigenous Northern Lowland Southamerica

Copyright 1975. All rights reserved

RECENT ETHNOGRAPHY OF 9564

INDIGENOUS NORTHERN LOWLANDSOUTH AMERICA

Jean JacksonAnthropology Program, Department of Humanities,Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139

INTRODUCTION

In recent years the quality and quantity of ethnography of South America, the"least known continent" 050), has significantly increased. Still~ compared tomany other geographical regions, lowland South American research remainsdeficient in many respects. It seems an appropriate time to review what ad-vances have been made and where serious gaps in research still exist. Thisreview discusses ethnographic materials (excluding archeology and linguisticsand those written in German) appearing during the period 1960-1973, whichillustrate some of the more interesting directions of recent research. It is notintended to be an encyclopedic coverage of all published work of this period.Strictly speaking, it is limited to the Amazon and Orinoco basins, although otherregions are discussed when warranted by the topic at hand.

BRIEF OVERVIEW OF GENERAL ANDNONETHNOGRAPHIC SOURCES

Two collections of readings with little overlap in content were published in thelast 2 years. All of the papers in Gross (86) are essential reading for arealspecialists. Lyon (150) includes many well-known articles in addition to which appear in English for the first time, plus an excellent bibliography. Severalbibliographies have also appeared; Baldus’s (5) is the best for Brazilian sources,while O’Leary’s (196) covers the whole continent, as does the most recent oneby Guyot (87).

Sorensen (236), in a paper highly critical of the field, reviews South Americanlinguistics, with interesting discussions of phylum and comparative methodlinguistics and the various linguistic reconstructions of the Caribs-chasing-the-Arawaks problem. Rodriques’s work (213) is more descriptive and less critical.

Neel and his associates (190, 192-194) have published a number of recent

307

www.annualreviews.org/aronlineAnnual Reviews

Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.

http://www.annualreviews.org/aronline

308 JACKSON

articles of interest to lowland South Americanists in the area of human geneticsand demography. All are fine examples of interdisciplinary work:. Using datafrom the Shavante, Yanomamr, and Makiritare (Yekuana) tribes, they discusssome questions of immediate and worldwide significance concerning populationcontrol (particularly with regard to female infanticide), homogeneity of tribalpopulations, and the effi,~cts of local group fusion and fission on the geneticstructure of the members. They do not shrink from far-reaching conclusionsabout human evolution, past and future. Just how applicable their data is to earlyevolution remains questionable, however, because swidden cultivators repre-sented by the tribal polz, ulations studied are definitely not representative ofpaleolithic hunter-gatherer hominids in several respects, some of which areprecisely the areas discussed in the papers, such as a high incidence of polygyny,female fertility, and the implications of warfare for human evolution. Currentresearch among hunter-gatherers will probably contradict some of their conclu-sions (124, 137, 137a).

Layrisse & Wilbert (1135) have written a book on the blood group types Venezuelan Indians which also contains a fair amount of ethnographic informa-tion, some of it on otherwise little-known groups such as the Motilones-Bari andParaujanos.

Crosby’s well-written book (57), The Columbian Exchange, which vividlydetails the effects of the "exchange" between two radically different continentalecosystems, provides a refreshing change from standard sociopolitical histories.Two articles by Lowen.,;tein (148, 149) discuss the biological adaptation Amerindian populations, their growth and development, and their nutritionaland general health status. And finally, Neel (191) has a provocative articledealing with the relations hip between disease and genetic structure in relativelyuncontacted groups, drawing mainly upon research among the Shavante andYanomamr.

CULTURAL ECOLC~GY

The Physical Environment

Fittkau has edited a two-volume work, Biogeography and Ecology of SouthAmerica (69), containing a number of useful papers. Schwabe (220) discusses ecology of the continent, going into greater depth than do many geographicaldescriptions without sacrificing readability. He compares ecological zones ofSouth America to equiwalent zones elsewhere (e.g. the Altiplano and Tibet),showing similarities in human adaptation. Sternberg’s paper (237) considers thefar-reaching effects (some of a global nature) of human activities on the con-tinent. The paper includes a fascinating discussion concerning the role of in-tentionally set fires for agriculture and animal husbandry. He note:s that variousnative theories about the connection between fire-setting and rainfall may in factbe true. His conclusions concerning the destruction of wildlife, water pollution,and the effects of poor agriculture management are all too convincing andfrightening.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


ETHNOGRAPHY OF LOWLAND SOUTH AMERICA 309

Other authors, such as Meggers (166) and Fosberg (72; see also 167), addressthemselves to the deterioration of natural resources in lowland South America,particularly with regard to soil use and misuse. They agree that poor agriculturaltechniques (resulting from a "temperate zone mentality" as well as greed andignorance)’ can turn nutrient-poor and delicate Amazonian soils into ironstonecrusts and sandy barrens. Fosberg regards cattle-raising as an enterprise withserious environmental hazards, a significant conclusion since vast areas arecurrently being cleared for this purpose. Several authors even question theability of the atmosphere to extract carbon from CO2 when a significant pro-portion of the Amazonian rain forest has been cleared (237). Sioli (231) providesa similar discussion of the failures of projects as due to temperate zone modelsbeing misapplied and to indifference to the long-term quality of the environment.However, he also presents several examples of "successful" exploitation oftropical forest lands involving significant alterations of the ecosystem.

Land Use and Subsistence Patterns

LAND USE Several recently published monographs (for example, 81, 90, 128,162) offer better than average treatments of agriculture and other subsistencepractices. However, most stop with old-fashioned qualitative discussions oftechnology. None stresses adequately the careful collection and analysis ofquantified data, and few pay enough attention to general theories of agricultureand population such as Boserup’s (24a). Baldus (6) gives a detailed discussion Tapirap6 diet, but contents himself with a standard treatment of subsistence.Goldman (81) does provide some productivity figures. It is discouraging thatdespite the fair number of tropical forest ethnographies now available for class-room use, none of them gives adequate treatment to this subject.

In contrast, several articles dealing with subsistence economies show justhow useful careful ecological studies can be. Leeds (139) presents quantitativedata on Yaruro horticulture that contradicts their previously acceptedclassification as nonhorticultural (see also 141). Several authors (16, 76, 139,166, 176,202,230) present calendars of annual subsistence rounds. A paper thatcompared these cycles, correlated them with climatic variations (such as pres-ence or absence of marked seasonal changes, their timing, and associatedchanges in plant and animal populations), and showed their relationship to socialstructure and cosmology would be very useful.

Several papers discuss factors leading to changes in settlement location.Chagnon (40) and Beckerman (18) examine the influence of pressures outside local community. Chagnon, illustrating his points with good figures and maps,shows that whether a Yanomam6 settlement is "peripheral" or "core" vis ~ visother settlements has an effect on the amount of cultivation, warfare, obligationsto allies, and frequency of shift in settlement site (see also Shapiro 225). Be-ckerman, discussing the Motilones-Bari, uses the interesting technique of com-paring aerial photographs taken in 1937-39 with ones taken during 1958-64,showing how land use patterns changed in the face of colonizing pressuresresulting from the discovery of oil.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


310 JACKSON

The Campa have been the subjects of a large amount of research concernedwith land use patterns, all of it (2, 43, 58, 100) excellent. Denevan (58) givesconsumption figures, and although Chrostowski (43) is less comprehensive subsistence technology, lie discusses problems in eliciting agricultural informa-tion--its variability among individuals and over time. Johnson (115) also dis-cusses the role of elicited information in discovering the relationship between"culture" (native rules fbr producing appropriate behavior) and "behavior"(observed action). Two papers on Machiguenga horticulture, based on an inter-esting technique of making random observations of subsistence activities andconsumption rather than trying to follow one individual or family, contain goodquantitative data (114) and incisive discussions of theoretical problems in theconcept of carrying capacity (116). Much of the recent ethnographic literatureon lowland ecosystems addresses this issue of carrying capacity. Many paperscomment on such concepts as the optimum productivity of tropical forest lands,the relationship of swidden cultivation to this productivity, and the implicationsfor population density and settlement pattern (see 257). Best known in this areais the debate between archeologists Lathrap (128, 129) and Meggers and Evans(165, 168). Space does not permit a thorough dissection of their respectiveviewpoints, which are relevant to lowland ethnography both be, cause of thetheoretical issues involved and because many of their conclusions are based onethnographic research. Basically, Meggers and Evans are environmental deter-minists to a far greater degree than most South Americanists. They view bothfloodplain and interfluve lowland areas as virtually incapable of supportingdense populations and complex social organizations. Their conclusions havesparked useful debate about lowland South American data and about swiddencultivation (34, 251). 1 In my opinion, even Lathrap makes too much of thelimited availability of suitable land. A home-brew variant of Wittfogel’s hy-draulic hypothesis seems to lie behind his assertion that the amount of maniocbeer a settlement produced determined its politcal strength (129, p. 54). Meggersand Evans take a more extreme position. Recent research disposes of theirnotion of hunter-gatherers being engaged in a "constant food quest" where "allable-bodied members of a family must devote most of their time to subsistenceactivity" (see Lee & DeVore 137 for examples),z Furthermore, lowland tropicalforest women usually do the major portion of horticultural labor. Thus theauthors’ statement (168) that the introduction of horticulture enabled women perfect their craft skills after completing their daily household duties moreclosely resembles the ste, reotypical American housewife.

~Articles by Dobyns (61) and Clastres (46) conclude that estimates for pre- and colonialaboriginal South American populations have been too conservative.

~This is the oft-heard "lei:sure time allowing for the development of culture" assump-tion, contradicted both by evidence of vast amounts of time not used for subsistenceactivities in groups such as the Hadza, !Kung Bushmen, and Australian Aborigines (137),and by hunter-gatherer cultural elaborations of great complexity in areas not conflictingwith a nomadic existence.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



Ethnologists have also addressed themselves in recent years to the re-lationship between population density, technological advance, and carryingcapacity in the Amazon and Orinoco basins. Carneiro’s now-famous articles onshifting cultivation among the Kuikuru (33, 34) led to his formulation of a theoryof "circumscription" which relates territorial pressure to the development ofcomplex political organization leading eventually to state formation (see also36). Most of the works by ethnologists emphasize the complexity of variablesrelated to cultural evolution in lowland South America. Their demonstrationthat a multiplicity of factors influences changes in residence, field location, orcropping in particular cases discredits simplistic explanations in terms of singlecauses such as loss of soil fertility. D. R. Harris (95), Denevan (58), and Allen Holshouser de Tiz6n (2) offer evidence showing that decline in soil fertilitycannot by itself explain observed shifts in agricultural plots, although Leeds’s(139) data from soil samples suggests that this factor may be critical in somesituations. Contributing factors are the decreasing availability of firewood (58,116), weed invasions (100, 210), disappearance of game and wild food sources(225), and infestation by pests (29, 187). Also relevant are factors less directlyrelated to the habitat, such as avoidance of enemies (39, 81), dislike of neighbors,disease, and death. Siskind (233) hypothesizes that scarcity of women is the"density-dependent mechanism" which causes populations to disperse beforethe environment surrounding a settlement deteriorates beyond recovery. Shesees the most crucial resource being game rather than land. Butt (29) points outthat fish and animal life is exhausted more quickly than cultivable soil. Both sheand Johnson (116) stress transportation difficulties when village-to-field dis-tances grow too great. Butt compares three.groups in Guiana (Akawaio, Wa-iyana, Boni Bush Negroes), all with similar environments, technological level,and subsistence needs, showing that variability in settlement pattern influencesand is influenced by such diverse factors as ancestral lineage cults, resolution ofdisputes, needs for privacy, defense priorities, and response to acculturativeinfluences.

Authors who dispute one another’s evidence and interpretations are fre-quently concerned with different levels of causality (i.e. material, efficient,formal, final). Acknowledging these differences and explicitly identifying thelevel being discussed would clarify some of the ongoing debate in this area.

HUNTING AND HUNTER-GATHERER SOCIETIESz Virtually all recently pub~lished monographs and several articles (see especially 36, 81, 121,162) discusshunting. Disappointingly, these often contain standard descriptions of in-struments and techniques with a paucity of quantitative data. Taylor (244), in

3Space does not permit discussion of fishing, which has unfortunately received rela-tively little attention (but see Su,’lrez 241 and Wilbert 259 on the Warao; also Baldus 6,Basso 17, Goldman 81, and Kloos 123), or of cattle pastoralism, represented by theGuajiro, a culture differing in so many respects from other lowland tropical forest groupsthat it has been excluded from this review.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


312 JACKSON

very thorough analysis of Sanuma food classification, offers figu:res and someinteresting charts on distribution of game. Silverwood-Cope (7’,30) providesquantitative data on game consumption for the seminomadic MaklJ--a rare findin terms of both type of data and type of society. Reichel-Dol matoff (202) delvesdeeply into the symbolic significance of hunting (see also Taylor 244). Un-fortunately, he describe:s the "tribes" of the central Northwest Amazon as"hunters," "fishermen," and "horticulturalists," a ranked system which headmits has no basis in actual subsistence activities. This classification does notappear elsewhere in the literature. Furthermore, it is inconsistent with the directexchange marriage system and ideology uniting the groups in this region.

Lathrap’s (128, 129) emphasis on the difference between floodplain and in-terfluve environments pertains to discussions of hunting resources. The cor-relation is not perfect--developed riverine cultures are not confined tofloodplain areas and the question of hunting resources adds a complicatingvariable. Carneiro discusses the differences between hunting and fishing andtheir relationship to sedentary life (defined in terms of duration and size ofsettlement) and the eventual development of increasingly elaborate agriculturaltechnology. He notes that hunting and horticulture do not differ enough inproductivity (measured in terms of a ratio of man-hours to calories produced) explain the adoption of horticulture, particularly since some horticultural laboris much more difficult than hunting (36).

The distinction between hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists, so seeminglyclear-cut for many parts of the world, is at best a fuzzy one of degree for lowlandSouth America. Any conclusions must deal with the fact that almost all hunter-gatherers at present haw: regular.contact with horticulturalist groups throughtrade, master-servant relationships, or other "symbiotic" interaction (e.g. mil-itary aid in the recent past) and therefore access to cultivated foods. Anyeconomic analysis of this subsistence mode, particularly one considering theecological potential in the South American tropical forest for a livelihood basedstrictly on foraging, mus~ consider this fact. Some groups do have virtually nocontact with horticulturalists; for example, the Guayaki (44, 45). The Cuiva,threatened with extermination by cattle ranchers [Arcand (3); see also M/inzel(182) on Guayaki genocide], and some of the Guahibo (174, 178) number amongthe few well-documented groups with no horticulture. Other well-known groupssuch as the Mak~ (25,230), Sirion6 (99), and Yart~ro (139) practice incipienthorticulture. Interestingly, the "starving" Sirion6 live in bands of up to 50people and eat half a pound or more of meat a day per person.

Bamberger (8) discusse, s the "marginal" Kayap6 and their adaptation to theirenvironment, suggesting that an outdated culture-area mentality concerned withpresence or absence of traits leads to their "backwardness," although this reallyis not the case. The Kayap6 go on seasonal nomadic expeditions out of prefer-ence rather than necessity, and they actually have a flexible and abundantenvironment, not a harsh and limited one (see also 162). M. K. Martin (152) data on South American foragers to question rigid typologies exemplified bySteward (238) and Service (223). Notably absent in the South American data


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



even one well-documented case of a patrilocal hunting and gathering society.Recent work on hunter-gatherer groups elsewhere in the world emphasizes theadaptive qualities of flexibility in rules of residence and descent or their totalabsence (137, 198). Martin’s sample includes many groups practicing hor-ticulture: Piaroa, Sirion6, Guayaki, Nambicuara, Coroado, Mura, Warao,Yaruro, Guat6, Makti, some Guahibo and S~iliva (179), and the Yanomam~igroups Shiriana, Guaharibo, and Waica (4). Furthermore, as many authors havenoted, some of these groups are possibly in a modern State, and their viability asan autonomous self-sufficient unit is questionable. Therefore, Martin’s workdoes not answer the question of whether strictly foraging societies4 can exist inthe tropical rain forest. It may be that after the introduction of horticulture truehunter-gatherer groups in lowland South America existed only in the savannaregions. Savanna includes the Venezuelan and Colombian llanos and the centralBrazilian highlands (campo). This generalization does not apply to groupsqualifying as "mounted hunters" and "sedentary fishermen" (Murdock 183)and groups receiving agricultural products from neighboring horticulturalists ona regular basis. Unfortunately, the generally poor quality of data on existinggroups, the complications of acculturation and devolution, and the a prioriassumptions of many of even the most famous ethnographers (e.g. Holmberg 99and L6vi-Strauss 142) make such investigations difficult,

Material Culture

Most of the recent literature on material culture consists of standard treatmentswhich list various articles and techniques, sometimes including museum collec-tions [Wassen’s monograph on snuff (253) is an example]. All of these arevaluable sources of information on a subject matter too frequently belittled.Perhaps of more interest are those writings on material culture which are clearlyinfluenced by either the materialist, ethnoscientific, or structuralist schools. Anexample from the materialist-evolutionary tradition is Dole’s (62) examinationof manioc processing techniques and devices to derive a model of the dispersionof manioc. Schwerin (222) also uses variation in processing techniques to ques-tion the validity of the botanical classification of manioc into sweet and bittervarieties. Ethnoscience insists on the imPortance of knowing how natives per-ceive and formulate rules for living in and interacting with their environment.This has an obvious connection to materials and technology. Kensinger’s mono-graph (121) on Cashinahua technology and material culture is an example,integrating Cashinahua classification of natural substances and artifacts withmore abstract cognitive structures. Examples of the structuralist school includeL6vi-Strauss’s own work (146, 147), which emphasizes the ecological and tech-nological settings that supply the content of symbols. The wealth of informationthey contain on these topics alone makes his books fascinating reading. Reichel-Dolmatoff’s book (202) on the symbolic structures that Tukanoan Indians haveelaborated out of their natural environment clearly fits within the structuralist

4Her definition of band is not based on subsistence mode.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


314 JACKSON

school, though his interpretations are more psychosexual than are Lrvi-Strauss’s. Rivi~re’s discussion (208) of the complementary distribution of blow-guns and hair tubes among Guiana tribes offers another example of the struc-turalist approach. He accounts for this distribution in terms of lhe symbolicsystems of the groups involved, showing that considerations invalidate otheralternative analyses: chronological, geographical, and technical. He in facteschews altogether explanations of why some groups concern themselves with"immoderate use of the digestive tube" while others do not.

The field needs more work along the lines developed by Adarns (1) for thematerial culture of Indonesia. She feels that ritual and mythic elements arisedirectly from and mirror the materials and behavior patterns involved in asociety’s basic technologies. A South American example would be the compar-ison of funerary practices (for example, those of the Yanomam6 39, Amahuaca63, and Bororo 125)--their participants, settings, stages, and rituals--to foodprocessing. Many analogies seem to exist. Finally, Butt (27) gives a goodillustration of the feedback processes existing between the technological andsymbolic domains. She e~:amines such symbolic elements as tatoo motifs whichstem from behavior surrounding food and beverage preparation.

Trade and Exchange

A trio of particularly interesting papers (48, 49,245) discusses the long-distancetrade system which links the Yekuana and Gran Sabana regions of Venezuela tothe Guiana highlands (see also 210). This system evolved mainly because of thegeographic dispersion of natural resources essential for manufacture of nativeitems; curare, for example, comes from the Piaroa territory far to the west.Colson (48) gives an especially exhaustive description of the locations of rawmaterials. Unlike some trading systems more directly tied to other aspeets ofintergroup relations (e.g. marriage, stratification), these groups rarely concernthemselves with the ethnic identity of the manufacturer nor with an item’sprevious owners. Thomas lists three "spheres of exchange" based ,an frequencyof exchange, but notes that the Pernon do not have a conscious model classifyingtraded articles in this manner. Arvelo-Jimenez (4) notes the lack of real special-ization in Ye’cuana trade, with the exception of the Yanomam0 and Warao.Two ethnohistorical papers (141,180) discuss the long-distance trading systemof the Orinoco llanos. R. & N. Morey provide a particularly interesting de-scription of the market-~nd-turtle beaches where, analogous to true market-places, various tribes could be distinguished by their body paint.

Both Oberem (195) and Harrier (90) discuss trade in the Ecuadorian Montana.Oberem’s ethnohistoric sources demonstrate many continuities between pastand present systems, discussing the effect of shamanism in long-distance tradeand the question of whether headhunting increased or decreased as a con-sequence of changes in the trading system. Oberem notes a continuum from anartificially maintained craft specialization to an interdependence based on dis-continuous location of raw materials. This is surely one of the more interestingquestions to ask about lowland indigenous trade networks. For example, Lath-


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


rap discusses the distant provenience of many items the Shipibo use for pottery-making and hunting (130). Bodley (23) notes that despite the Campa’s logically diverse area one can find no clear relationship between these environ-mental factors and trade specialization. Everyone can potentially make Campatrade items, all virtual necessities, yet specific groups within the region areclearly identified with various items, or at least the highest quality type of item.

An analogous situation is the more artificial Yanomam6 (39) trade special-ization, maintained to provide "a social catalyst" for villages to come togetherfor feasting and marriage-making, despite the risk of treachery involved. Thevicissitudes of the feasting and feuding complex even account for the do-mestication of a feral species of the hisioma tree, used in preparing a trade item,ebene snuff (42).

The situation in the central Northwest Amazon is similar though attenuateddue to general acculturation, particulady the cessation of feuding and raiding.The various language-affiliated exogamous groups in the area each have ex-clusive manufacturing rights to one or more items (111, 202), usually of ceremonial nature. These rights can be seen as ’emblems of membership in agiven group, as are the group’s language and certain other kinds of intangibleproperty. The trade network which distributes these and other items throughoutthe region (involving formal trading partners in some sections) is also partlyexplained by the discontinous locations of raw materials.

Basso (16, 17) describes an interesting trade system in the upper Xingti, refuge area of linguistically heterogeneous villages which participate in a singlesociety of various economic (as well as social and ceremonial) relationships suchas craft specialization. Unlike the central Northwest Amazon, where multi-lingualism is the solution to language diversity, Xingti Indians do not learn oneanother’s language. Rather, some Portuguese is used in certain communicationsituations, an important one being intervillage trade.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

Warfare

The reawakened interest in questions of biological determinism and the role ofwarfare in human evolution (73, 251) has increased the popularity of the topic aggression and warfare.~ Several publications (81, 90, 162, 184, 232), par-ticularly on the Yanomam6 (19, 39, 225), have recently given lowland SouthAmerican societies special prominence in the as yet fragmentary ethnography ofprimitive warfare.

Several authors relate warfare in prehistoric and present-day societies tocompetition for scarce resources. Lathrap (129) argues that South Americantropical forest societies have generally fought for good farm land--the preciousalluvial plains. Goldman (81) notes that among the Cubeo, the largest and

s, ’Warfare" can be legitimately questioned as the appropriate term for the raiding andfeuding complex under discussion (see Service 224).


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


316 JACKSON

strongest sibs take the most desirable locations, downstream and ,close to riverjunctions, pushing lesser sibs upstream and back onto tributarie.,; and creeks.However, he sees the crucial variables in this distribution as advantage in fishingand war and greater prestige rather than superior land. Morey discusses bothtrade and warfare in terms of competition for the river banks of the Orinocollanos (178). M. Harris (96) argues against a simple cause-and-effect relationshipbetween competition for farm land and warfare, but along with others of theColumbia school [such as Vayda (251), Leeds (141), and Carneiro (34)] he support the thesis that ecological factors lie at the heart of the matter. Chagnon(40), while noting the processes of population growth and village fission and theirinterplay with the environment among the Yanomamr, steadfastly refuses to seeit all in terms of calories or territory (38). He maintains that many factors,including the Yanomami~ ideology of fierceness, a prestige system requiringpolygyny, and a need for "sovereignty," cannot be casually di~’~missed. Un-fortunately, recognition of immediate causes and intervening variables does notby itself disprove the existence of ultimate causes. Not that warfare cannot bedescribed as a self-perpe~:uating system (see 96); most recent works on warfare(e.g. 90, 184, 225,232) discuss both demographic feedback mechanisms (e.g.female infanticide and polygyny, resulting in a scarcity of women) and ideolog-ical (e.g. head-hunting) feedback mechanisms. I would prefer to call thesemodels of how, rather than explanations of why, groups maintain warfarecomplexes.

Siskind does address herself to the question of why, hypothesizing that theSharanahua make war over such artificially created scarce commodities aswomen and trophies due to factors similar to those operating in many animalpopulations. Such spacing mechanisms all have the property of dispersingpopulations before essential resources are depleted beyond recovery (233).

Authors disagree over the causes and functions of lowland warfare in partbecause of their interest in different levels of causality. The lowland warfarecomplex is "caused" by many factors, just as the Black Death was caused bymicrobes, rats, deforestation, and various political events in the thirteenthcentury.

Leadership and Factionalism

Relatively little systematic analysis has been done on leadership and fac-tionalism in decentralized political systems (see Arvelo-Jimenez 4). Many au-thors do comment on a characteristic common to almost all lowland SouthAmerican societies: community members can leave relatively easily if dis-satisfied. This mobility among followers tends to deny leaders power and min-imal authority outside of’ task-specific situations (see Leeds 140). Kloos (123)finds that Maroni River Carib leaders have neither power nor authority but onlyinfluence; Rivirre states this to be the case for all Carib societies (211). Carneiro(37) asserts that Amazonian leaders only acquire real power through warfare.Dole (65) contrasts lineal and cognatic societies, concluding that effectivepolitical authority is less characteristic in the latter than the former. Yet because


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



of alternative social controls such as ordeals, duels, feuds, and emigration, thepolitical system, through acephalous, is an orderly one.

Fock, in a short paper based on thin evidence (71) finds all three of Weber’stypes of legitimate authority (legal, traditional, and charismatic) among theWaiwai. Rivirre (209) shows how ecological conditions, specifically settlementpattern and village size, correlate with sorcery accusations directed againstoutsiders only (including recently departed villagers), as happ~ens among theTrio, or against co-villagers who are members of opposing factions, as amongthe Shavante. Several authors (123, 126) anal yze the impact of newly introducedstatus differentiation in traditionally egalitarian societies on leadership roles.Murphy, in a lively article (185), describes the disastrous behavior of an individ-ual trying to play the traditional headman role while maintaining expectationsand values learned while growing up with a mestizo rubber gatherer.

Sex Roles

Lowland South American ethnography contains two seemingly opposed imagesof relations between the sexes. On the one hand are descriptions of oppressivemale institutions such as the secret men’s cults and their associated ancestralhorns which, if seen by women, result in such severe penalties as death and gangrape. On the other hand, some lowland societies can be seen as similar to Engel’sand other more recent models of precapitalistic societies where women areanything but slaves and chattel. 6 Lowland ethnography offers ample evidencethat females often control the means of agricultural production and hold powerof other sorts as well. Recent ethnographies support both views. Several of themdiscuss thc opposition between men’s and women’s spheres (27, 52, 70, 83), andsome deal with explicit antagonism between the sexes, expressed in everydayand symbolic behavior (17, 82, 85,202). Recent literature dealing specificallywith sex roles suggests that these viewpoints may not be diametrically opposedafter all. For example, in her analysis (225) of the position of Yanomam6women, J. Shapiro finds that compared to women in other Amazonian societies:(a) they are not as economically important; (b) they do not have as potential threats to back up their demands; (c) they have diffuse intrasex re-lationships and fewer organized group activities ; and (d) the motif of sex antago-nism does not appear nearly as prominently in YanomamO mythology and ritualas it does elsewhere. Shapiro argues that the lack of symbolic sex antagonismcorrelates with the relatively weak position of Yanomam0 women.

Y. & R. Murphy (187) and Bamberger (9) develop the theory that struggle opposition on the symbolic plane reflect the very strong and threatening positionwomen occupy in many lowland South American societies. Women in thesocieties they examine (Mundurucd, Selk’nam-Ona, Yamana-Yaghan, and Tu-kanoan) do have intrasex organizations and sanctions to use against men,individually or collectively. According to these authors, matriarchy mythscommunicate the message that when women rule, anarchy and suffering.prevail.

6Harner (93) disputes the implications of these similarities, however.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


318 JACKSON

However, Y. & R. Murphy overstate the lack of sex bias among the Mun-durucd. The authors the~nselves seem to think that women cannot by naturehunt:7 "During the time when the men were under the rule of the women, therewas an almost complete inversion of sex roles, except, of course,, in hunting"(187 p. 91). They also state that hunting skills were "culturally given," but thereis no evidence from the Mundurucd for this. If the Mundurucd think that womenare inherently incapable of hunting (the myth is moot on this point) and thereforeof feeding the ancestral horns, then logically women are inferior and should haveneither the horns nor the authority they confer. The theme of women andsexuality and their relationship to hunting appears throughout lowland SouthAmerican ethnography and needs a thorough examination.S

Kinship and Marriage

VARIABILITY Due to limitations of space, the treatment of kinship will berestricted to a consideration of variability, a theme of obvious importance inmuch recent work on kinship and marriage. One type of variability suppliesindividuals within a society with a "surplus" of unambiguously ascribed mem-berships, statuses, postions, and structured relationships. Consequently, whensome are being actively utilized, others are necessarily latent. Such a surplus canbe adaptive in that it allows individuals and groups to assess specific situationsand mobilize those relationships, identity components, etc, which meet thesituation at hand. The G6 groups with their age classes, moieties, men’s associ-ations, etc (52, 53,159, 170,248) provide perhaps the best example of this sort variability. Another exatnple comes from the central Northwest Amazon re-gio~n, which is characteristically a segmentary hierarchy of local descent group,sib, language group, phratry (the last two are reversed in the case of the Cubeo),and a number of classifying principles related to stratification and marriageexchange. Not all of these classifications can come into play at the same time.The concept of fights in absentia for the Ye’cuana (4) also supplies built-invariability and choice. This concept also accounts for marriage rules which areseldom put into practice, a trait noted by Chagnon (38) among both the Yan-omamO and the Groote Eylandt Aborigines.

An "ambiguity" type of variability is found among the Mehinacu (85), who times can actually disagree about who is married to whom. Theories of concep-tion which assume that se, veral men who have had intercourse with a woman areto some degree all fathers of her child provide the child with several men toidentify with and make claims upon should the need arise. Fudging, that univer-sally reported and often-used mechanism to better one’s position in kinship

r"... hunting similarly calls for a kind of athleticism that is usually not found amongwomen" (187, p. 209). "One may have to be a male to be a hunter but not to be a computeroperator .... " (p. 213).

sSpace does not permit discussion of two interesting topics related to sex role: womenand social control (see 17, 65, 186) and sexual behavior (see especially W. Crocker 54 Gregor 84).


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



groupings, is a mechanism for adjusting structure to ever-shifting reality. Thename taboo for the dead found among the Yanomam6 (39), Munduructi (187),and other groups can be seen as facilitating such fudging.

Some authors discuss variability in terms of adaptation to fluctuating eco-logical conditions or environmental change (often the result of acculturativeforces). Variation in resource availability can pertain to the social as well asphysical environment. The previously discussed variation in core and peripheralsettlement location provides an example (4, 40, 225), and several discussions the determinants of household composition and residence rules reiterate thistheme (29, 75, 98). Munduructi residence rules show three types of variability:change due to acculturation pressures, variation between savanna and forestecotypes, and variation caused by differet~t stages in the domestic cycle of alocal group (187). Dole explains increasing endogamy among the Kuikuru terms of demographic changes largely produced from outside contacts (66).9

Dumont (68) gives another example, discussing the effects of trade goods traditional marriage exchange patterns among the cognatic Panarr. Morey,Morey & Metzger (174) see the bilateral organization of Guahibo bands adaptation to random variation in available resources. The flexibility of cognaticorganization becomes evident in two articles which deal with this type ofstructure regarding land-holding and inheritance patterns (see Howe 103 andStipek 240).

COGNATIC VERSUS LINEAL Interest in cognatic systems in lowland SouthAmerica has recently increased. A number of societies originally described asunilineal (Yekuana, Kr~kati and other G6, Piaroa, Kalapalo) have been re-classified, partly due to recent fieldwork in these societies and partly due toreanalysis of earlier data. One finds less tendency to assume that unilineality orcorporate descent groups are preconditions to prescriptive marriage rules. 10 W.Shapiro, discussing the case of the Sirion6 (227), concludes that they are cog-natically organized, without matrilineal descent or matrilineages, as wasclaimed by Needham (188, 189). The Sirion6 are a good example of what Lavehas called "the pervasive effects of matrilocal residence" (133) leading erroneous conclusions about matrilineality, such as Nimuendajtl’s for the cog-natic Krqkati. A general conclusion then is to question a priori assumptionsabout correlations. For example, two-section terminologies do not imply thaton-the-ground groups are exchanging women--these can be kindred-basedgroups which nonetheless incorporate a principle of exchange in their termi-nologies and are ordered by a positive marriage rule (119, 131). Nor does

aHer interpretation is contested by Basso (14), who also discusses structured vari-ability, stating that the Kalapalo select from two available sets of terms, referring either togenerational distinctions or "affinability," depending on the context of the situation.

1°"Were the marriage rule prescriptive, corporate descent groups of one sort or anothercould be postualted with virtual certainty; for marriage.., is always prescribed in termsof relationship category . . .’" (Lave 131, p. 187). "~... asymmetric alliance is possibleonly in unilineal descent systems . . ." (Needham 188, p. 240).


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


320" JACKSON

uxorilocality imply matrilineality (248), as we saw in the Sirion6 and Kfikati--infact, none of the Northern or Central G6 are matrilineal with the exception of theBororo (164). Similarly, earlier classification of the Maroni River Caribs matrilineal reflected their tendency towards matrilocality (211).

Some cases of lineages are similar, Yanomam6 patrilineages are not namedexcept by Chagnon, and in general seem to be merely "convenient analyticterms"~Needham’s definition of Sirion6 matrilineages (189).11 Although per-missible, the reality of such "lineages" in native classification schemes isquestionable. Futhermore, these are quite different situations from other areasin the world in terms of what lineages do. For instance, in China, actualgenealogical links between two individuals are crucial, and people are bothereda great deal about genealogical reckoning, including the degree of relatedness.The distinction concerns a basic contrast in’how kinship can operate: on aprinciple of exclusion (membership in a lineage vital for claims to property andprestige) versus one of inclusion (recruitment of support and loyalty or member-ship in settlements through agnatic or uterine principles). I would maintain thatunilineal clans and sibs, and segments thereof (which are not necessarily line-ages), fit situations where principles of inclusion more often operate. W. Shapirohas similarly criticized Maybury-Lewis’s use of "lineage" for the Shavante,noting that they have no native term for lineage, have little interest in gene-alogical reckoning, and that lineages "seem to be little more than contingentgroups of agnates" (228). "Lineage" perhaps should be restricted to gene-alogically reckoned unilineal descent groups. Where this is not the case, termssuch as principles of agnation (226), symbolic patrifiliation (248), contingentgroups ofagnates (228), or local descent groups (108) give a more accuratepicture of ethnographic reality.

The same need for terminological clarity applies to conclusions about resi-dence rules. Maybury-Lewis (164) discusses Sherente political strategies whichproduce a tendency towards local group endogamy. And, in a uxorilocal society,this can seem to imply a rule of patrilocality.

MULTIPLE MODELS Studies of decision-making also touch on the theme ofvariability. They frequently note the existence of several native models, all ofwhich mirror reality and provide rules for interacting in it and at times manip-ulating it. Turner discusses the Kayap6 kindred as a kind of social field which anindividual scans and then selects appropriate individuals for support or assis-tance (248). A number of works dealing with relationship terminologies touch this idea, contributing a different focus on earlier debate about "conscious"versus "unconscious" rnodels (144). This is related to Tyler’s (249) idea "context and variation" in kinship terminology, also the argurnent used byBasso (see footnote 9). Kensinger (121) discusses three models, each a differentapproximation to reality, all of which are expressed in Cashinauha behavior.

As stated in the preceding section, information on natives "deviating" from

~aRamos, however, states that the Sanum~ have named sibs and lineages, but gives nofurther information about them (199).


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



their rules and models of social behavior often results from ethnologists as-suming spurious correlations, ~suming only one model can exist, or applyingthe wrong analytic labels to their observations. For example, da Matta main-tains that the Trio model of their social structure is consistent and logical andthat Rivi~re’s "contradiction" results from his confusing genealogy and cate-gory (154). Authors often take it for granted that a lack of fit between a model andobserved cases is "deviation," at times offering apologetic explanations; thus,not all people marry their real cross-cousins because of demographic factorslz

[implying that they would otherwise (199)], and acculturation produces break-downs in "morality" (105). Sometimes it is not clear that such behavior isdeviant---that natives have in fact tried to comply with a particular model.Maybury-Lewis (164) discusses a Shavante representation of residence which not intended to diagram Shavante villages as they are or ought to be. Heconcludes that Nimuendajti might have misinterpreted a similar model amongthe Sherente. Da Matta notes that the Apinay6 have models which offer thepossibility of a great number of choices and that "this does not mean that adisparity exists between the plane of the code and that of the message" (156). also notes that models can be "monolithic," as is the case for Apinay6 termi-nology, or flexible, involving degree and gradation.

The entire G6 area is a gold mine for studies of variability in native classi-ficatory and behavioral models. For example, Krahr, Canela, Kr-~kati, Gavi6es,and Apinay6 (156) all have name transmission as an aspect of an individual’ssocial network. Da Matta notes that the existence of more than one category ofmembership leads to much wider possibilities for choice and variation in therelationship (132, 170). Bamberger presents three models of Kayap6 naming,each emphasizing different characteristics and all valid to some degree (10).Jackson (109) discusses "genealogical," "marital," and "socio-geographical"models used by the Barfi for classifying people in their social universe.

Scheffler & Lounsbury (217) also discuss variability in their tour-de-force Sirion6 kinship terminology. However, it is hardly the main focus of the book,which denies the assertions of theorists such as Needham (following Lrvi-Strauss) that the Sirion6 have an "asymmetric prescriptive alliance system ofsocial classification" rather than a kinship sytem. It also disagrees with theoristssuch as Leach who state that kin terms serve to designate a social category(following Radcliffe-Brown’s "unity of lineage" theory). Scheffler & Louns-bury affirm that the Sirion6 might have multiple models; if terms designate morethan one category (i.e. are polysemic): "it could be that some of these are kincategories [defined in terms of intercourse and birth, which produce gene-alogical relationships] while others are, perhaps, ’lineages as wholes’ or ’posi-tions’ within concrete alliance systems" (217, p. 33).

They maintain that theorists of other schools do not accept the idea of

lzSee Scheffler & Lounsbury (217, p. 224), who state it "seems only reasonable.., thatnot all marriages are regarded as serving to establish or to maintain interlineage alliances,that men are typically free to marry women who are not of the same kin category as MBD


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


322 JACKSON

polysemy. The field of formal analysis of kinship semantics needs a full dis-cussion of how to write a formal account of relationships occurring betweenvarious domains (kinship and otherwise) when they have overlapping termi-nology and are semanticaJly related to one another. If terms can de:signate morethan one category in a polysemic (rather than homonymous) manner, it followsthat the domains including several such terms can also be related to one anotherin a similar "polysemic" manner (e.g. the "kinship" and "concrete alliancesystem" domains in a language). 13 More attention paid to this would probablyclear up some of the debate over South American kinship terminologies (see 134)and related systems of classification.

ENDOGAMY AND ALLIANCE Several authors (118, 133,207, 227, 240) discussthe correlation between cognatic groups and endogamy. Arvelo-Jimenez (4)shows that, contrary to Murdock’s claims, kindreds do not necessarily tendtowards exogamy. Kaplan stresses the need to separate the concept of en-dogamy as expressed in a positive marriage rule from endogamy as expressed inmarriage with a close relative (119). J. Shapiro notes the usefulness of a contin-uum which places societies according to the degree to which they see marriageas an alliance between afl~es (brother-in-law is essentially and permanently anaffine) or between consanguines [brother-in-law is incorporated, if not alreadywithin a close circle of kinsmen (226)]. Some authors discuss the previouslymentioned idea that individual marriage strategies sometimes contradict generalpreferences for close marriage. Kaplan (I 19) notes that the Piaroa, who have ideal of "consanguine" marriage to closely related kinsmen, som,:times marrydistantly for political tea:sons. Arvelo-Jimenez (4) and Su~rez (24.2) also this point. Such politically advantageous "distant" marriages can., and usuallydo, lead to redefinitions ,of genealogical distance.

Discussions of political reasoning in marriage decisions frequently involve thenotion of alliance. Zuidema (262) argues that in hierarchically organized directexchange systems, marriage to a close kinsman will be more frequent at the topranks, giving examples of the Apinay6 and Inca (where close marriage comes tothe logical extreme, between siblings). Goldman (81) and Jackson (108) discusssib rank and marriage strategies in the central Northwest Amazon; Jackson alsoconsiders w.hether matrilaterally or patrilaterally close relatives are preferred ina bilateral exchange system. W. Shapiro (227) and Cardoso de Oliveira (3 l) discuss the questions of preferential marriage within a prescriptiw: system (seealso Lave 131).

Questions pertaining to marriage with close relatives are discussed in recenttreatments of ZD (oblique or avuncular) marriage. W. Shapiro’s (227) excellenthandling of the Sirion6 data treats it in terms of an alliance between twopatrilines, a point also made by RiviSre and da Matta for the Trio, the latter

~aScheffler & Lounsbury.even state that the structural primacy of a term is alwaysrelative to a particular domain: they do not adequately discuss how the relationshipsbetween domains having a polysemic term in common are to be described in a formalaccount, nor how the absolute primacy of a term is ascertained.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



noting that a short-cycle exchange of women occurs with either a ZD or a cross-cousin marriage and therefore a distinction between these is not made (154,207).It would be useful to have a review article on ZD marriage, showing the natureof the disagreement over such points as: the meaning of preferential/prescriptivemarriage rules; positive/prescriptive marriage rules and whether these implycorporate descent groups or unilineality; and the presence and function of"patrilines ~’ in cognatic groups with ZD marriage.

Approach and Method in Social Organization Research

As in research on intra- and intertribal trade and exchange networks, researchon various aspects of social structure needs a more regional approach. Unlikestudies confined to a single village or tribe, this approach defines a region interms of interdependence and interaction criteria. Regional studies provide anorientation which permits a clearer view of how various groups in a regioninteract while maintaining their autonomy and identity. One can define andspecify, using nonarbitrary criteria, the boundaries of the region and study thekinds of interaction occurring across these boundaries.

The extent and nature of intraregional variability can range from relativelyhomogeneous groups such as those in the Yanomam6 (see 4, 39,225) and Camparegions to more heterogeneous situations such as the systems found in theEcuadorian Montafia (90, 195), the central Northwest Amazon (ll 1,235), Guiana region (29), the upper Xingti (17), and some parts of the Northern Central G6 (143, 164). Regional analysis includes groups which are inter-dependent although they may remain culturally quite distinct and sometimesoccupy different ecological niches. Examples are the Munduructi and Apiaca(187), Tukanoans and Makti (110,230), Ye~cuana and Guaharibo (4), and situations reported in the literature, all of which need much more thoroughinvestigation. A regional approach becomes almost automatic in the study ofcontact situations between Indians and non-Indians, e.g. the Colombian Choc6(200, 239), the Rio Negro (79), the Guiana region (47, 70, 105,206, 207), other areas undergoing acculturation from colonization (see Leacock 136).

Regional surveys exist for many areas (122,205), and South America has hadits share of culture area schemes, beginning with Wissler and Kroeber throughSteward, to Murdock and Galvho (78, 80, I01). Such an approach concerns itselfwith origins and diffusions by looking at similarities in ethnic and linguistictraits, similarities in level of social and technological complexity, and geographi-cal proximity. Unfortunately, these schemes have no way of handling thepossibility of two historically similar units becoming more differentiated throughinteraction with one another. As Barth (13) has shown, interaction can result polarization along certain cultural or linguistic lines. Certain differences aremaintained and intensified and function as boundary-defining markers whichfacilitate rather than impede interaction. Chagnon’s conclusion regarding Yan-omam6 craft specialization is an example. The central Northwest Amazonprovides another example. Hcre language serves as the distinguishing fcaturefor each of the more than 20 exogamous partilineal descent units (ll2, 235).


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


324 JACKSON

These units are normally called tribes, but their intei-dependence and theircultural homogeneity do not warrant this classification. Undoubtedly, theclassification of different .social units as tribes, followed, by unwarranted as-sumptions about equivalences among them, has greatly hindered comparativeanalysis (106). Too frequently a researcher accepts the classification of a popu-lation identified by a distinct name or language as a tribe. Many times the term’sconnotations of autonomy, territoriality, or interaction primarily within the unitare not applicable (see 206). Cardoso de Oliveira & de Castro Faria (32) pointout that many researchers will implicitly conceive of a tribe as a biologicalisolate, although genetic research has disproved this (see 215).

The field of lowland South America needs a discussion analyzing the variousways in which native groups classify their neighbors. Potentially interestingexamples are the Waiwai and Mouyenna (70), Jivaro and Canelos (90),Sharanahua and Culina (232), and Ye’cuana and Piaroa, Arecuna, and Macushi(4).

Soeiolinguistics

In many South American societies, language and speech are used to conveysocial as well as referential meaning. For example, language affiliation, whetherin terms of distinct languages or distinct dialect groups, is a component ofidentity in several lowland areas (16, 39, 112,175). Speech behavior can signallanguage identity or can convey social meaning in other ways, for just likekinship terminologies, speech forms can be manipulated for various social,political, and economic ends. Two examples are the institution of oratory for theestablishment and maintenance of leadership positions (4, 74, 140, 162) andceremonial dialog (70,102,202,210). In some cases, social meaning is even morestrongly conveyed by an almost total absence of referential meaning for manyparticipants, as is the case of Kalapalo ceremonial dialog (17; see also 102,229).This is also the case for some esoteric shaman languages (104,229),, and perhapsin part explains the "mystic halo" of the Spanish language for the missionizedToba (173). Harner mentions the near-shouting of the Jivaro, noting that individual who lacks forcefulness of speech has lost his arutam power and isopen to enemy attack (90).

SYMBOLISM AND COSMOLOGY

Hallucinogens and Sharnanism

Arriving at a broadly applicable definition of shamanism for lowland SouthAmerica seems to be a particularly difficult task. This is in part due to localvariation, especially when more than one category of specialist exists and isgiven lexical recognition.. For example, the Jivaro distinguish between curingand bewitching shaman,, the Cashinahua (120) between herbalist and trueshaman, and among the Cubeo, one type can evolve into the other. The Krah6do not distinguish their two types of shaman in terms of either task (i.e. "curer"


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



and "sorcerer") or moral connotations (172). One type of Ye’cuana shaman like a headman, the other serves in a scapegoat capacity (4). The Tapirap~ seeshamans as necessary and good, yet all are eventually executed (7). Weiss (254)considers the possibility that the present-day Campa ayahuasca ceremony mayillustrate a transitory phase between shamanistic and priestly ceremonies. Henotes that influence from the Andean area as well as modern missionaries arepossible contributing factors. A composite picture emerges from these and otherdiscussions which, while perhaps not completely applicable to any one group,provides a general characterization of Amazonian shamanism and distinguishesit from priesthoods (which seem to be absent in the area at the present time). can characterize shamanism by (a) part-time versus full-time specialization; (b)horizontal as opposed to vertical power, which is individually acquired ratherthan invested by an institution; (c) power which tends to be viewed withambivalence or outfight suspicion rather than totally accepted and granted fullauthority; and (d) active interaction with other beings rather than a more passiveofficiating at ceremonies and rites. Shamans become personally involved; theytravel, or become possessed, or bring spirits or souls down to them. They engagein debate and combat, often using special techniques and equipment, in eventswhich have great suspense and melodrama (39, 145). The outcome is oftenuncertain, and sometimes many trials or rites must be performed to gain thedesired knowledge, cure, or bewitchment (28, 64). This contrasts with priestlyceremonies of worship and propitiation which involve much more routinization.Miller (173) deftly points this out in his analysis of the differences betweenmissionary and Toba ceremonialism. While shamans do participate in routinclyscheduled rituals, these are not for the purpose of worship [Weiss’s (254) use "god" is inappropriate]. For these reasons, Reichel-Dolmatoff’s (202) conclu-sion that the two types of Desana ritual specialist are "shaman" and "priest" isill advised.

Several authors demonstrate that differences in social structure betweensocieties are reflected in corresponding differences in various features of sham-anism such as beliefs about witchcraft, etiology and cure of disease in general,ceremonialism, and the acquisition of shamanistic power, wealth, and prestige.For example, while witchcraft is rare among the Campa and felt to be caused bychildren, usually girls (255), the vast majority of illness and death result fromwitchcraft among the Jivaro (90). While Shavante and Cubeo have witcheswithin the local group, in other societies witches belong to outside groups.Among the Makuxi (234) and Akawaio (28) the most feared witches are likely be strangers, while Kuikuru and Trio frequently suspect recently departed co-villagers (64, 209). Most Yanomam6 witchcraft occurs between groups cur-rently feuding with each other (19, 39). While Jivaro shamans cure by them-selves, Yanomam6 shamans will cure and bewitch in groups, and Kuikurushamans will take turns. Some shamans only cure and bewitch (39, 90), whileothers participate, singly or collectively, in rituals concerned with plant andanimal fertility (202). Butt discusses how the Akawaio sidestep the issue authority, considering the shaman only a medium for the spirits. She correctly


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


326 JACKSON

emphasizes the judicial implications of the shaman’s role as a diagnostician andrestorer of social order (28). While Ye’cuana shamanism cuts across villageboundaries, not entailing rigid status differences (4), the acquisition of exclusiveritual wealth and power as well as material wealth is remarkably institutionalizedamong the Jivaro. The ratio of one shaman inevery four people for the Jivarocontrasts greatly to otlaer societies showing a decrease in shamans (7).

An avalanche of literature has appeared recently on pscyhotropic substances--coca, tobacco, and the true hallucinogens (219)---and their social and culturalmeaning in lowland South. America. Coca use in the Vauprs region of Colombiais discussed by Moser & Tayler (181) for the Indians of the Piraparana, and Goldman (81) and Reich~el-Dolmatoff (202). Salser (214) maintains that Cubeo have become ’~a.cculturated" to coca only recently, which seemsdoubtful. In general, however, coca has received little attention. Hanna (89)states that coca use at sea level is nonexistent in Peru, leaving the impressionthat this is universally the case. R.T. Martin (153) gives a brief summary ofcocause in South America, with some interesting ethnohistorical notes as well assome doubtful ethnographic ones. For example, we are given the somewhatastonishing information that coca may enable Indians to live to 130 years of age.

Furst (77) correctly points out that researchers have neglected shamanisticuses of tobacco to produce a trance-like state (in contrast to other uses, such asblowing tobacco smoke in curing, or using ritual cigars). Trance produced bytobacco use, by ingestion or smoke inhalation, is mentioned by a number ofauthors (64, 91, 123,260).

Many articles and at least four books (59, 77, 91,218) have been publishedrecently on plant hallucinogens (consciousness-altering drugs). Some authors(77, 91,256) discuss Amerindian use in the context of the revolution in hallu-cinogen use in the West. Schleiffer’s book (218) is a source of documents of NewWorld use of "narcotic" plants; some of the papers are extremely difficult toobtain elsewhere. Two edited volumes of papers (77, 91) have appeared, bothcontaining interesting ethnographic material and both discussing the similaritiesin motifs reported by many users ofbanisteriopsis sp. (yajd, ayahuasca). Harner(92) and Reichel-Dolmatoff (203) rely on published sources, their own fieldwork, and their own experiences when taking the drug. Three possible ex-planations exist for similarities in motifs, none of which has been either com-pletely confirmed or discredited: (a) certain chemical properties produce thecommon themes (e.g. flight; metamorphosis into a mammal, bird, or fish; sepa-ration of soul from the body); (b) the drug makes apparent universal symbols the human psyche; and (c) the common cultural heritage of all New WorldIndians (see 127) lies belhind the commonality of the themes, and Westernresearchers have inadvertently learned then).

Dobkin de Rios has written several papers and a book (59, 60) on ayahuascause in the slum sections of Iquitos. Mestizo curers use the drug extensively fordivination, curing, and bewitching.

In addition to many articles by Schultes on virola and Piptadenia peregrina(see 219), several authors discuss snuff preparations made with these plants as


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



base (202, 230, 253). Although used only by shamans among the sedentary horticulturists in the Northwest Amazon, hallucinogenic snuff is taken by alladult Makti (and is an item of trade between these two groups) and is frequentlytaken by all adult Cuiva (51) and all adult male Yanomam6 (42)

Visual Symbolism, Dual Organization, and Other Topics14

Visual symbolism in graphic and spatial forms provides an especially interestingfocus in the field of symbolic analysis. Butt (27) and Fock (70) discuss painting and tatooing, as does Reichel-Dolmatoff (202). Turner has a well-written paper on Kayap6 body decoration and its relationship to the life cycleand social structure (247). Reichel-Dolmatoff (203) and Mallol de Racasens(151) analyze some of the banisteriopsis "themes" mentioned above by havingIndians draw scenes and feeling-states they experience while under theinfluence of the drug. Other authors analyzing native artwork include Wilbert(258), de Barandiaran (11), Siiverwood-Cope (230), Hugh-Jones (104), Torres LaBorde (246). Reichel-Dolmatoff (201) and Goldman (81) relate "paintings" to mythology. Da Matta (156), Basso (17) and Gregor (85) discussspatial symbolism in terms of the contrasts of center/periphery, public/private,and male/female (see also 187, 247). De Barandiaran (12) presents a thorough analysis of Yekuana house structure (see also Reichel-Dolmatoff202).

Food taboos have been dealt with specifically by Taylor (244) for the Sanuma(see also 19, 39, 199, 225 for Yanomam6 food taboos), Basso (15), and forthcoming dissertation by T. Langdon. Although almost all the literaturewhich contains a substantial amount on belief systems treat the topic of foodtaboos (e.g. 56, 70,104,123,202), the general subject needs to be pulled togetherin what could be an extremely interesting piece of work.

Unfortunately, in the literature on symbolic analysis, it is frequently im-possible to know when the native symbolism ends and the ethnologist’s begins.Some, symbolic analysis is both fascinating and methodologically sound,showing careful techniques of elicitation and verification, being careful to informthe reader when an interpretation is quite speculative. However, much recentliterature is characterized by sloppy methodology and disregard for the reader’sright to know sources of information and the techniques used in acquiring it.This, when coupled with an author’s explicit or implicit adherence to a particularsymbolist school (Freudian, Jungian, Lrvi-Straussian, Turnerian), rendersmuch fascinating material maddeningly vague and virtually useless for compar-ative work using any but the most prescientific methods [see Maybury-Lewis(163) and Morey (177) on these points]. Another criticism made by Butt (27) that symbolic analyses sometimes present an impoverished picture of nativesymbolic structures and interpretation, depriving them of much of their diversityand depth.

14Discussion of South American myth analysis is not included in this review: however,mention must be made of the methodological and theoretical impact made by L6vi-Strauss’s mythologiques (146, 147).


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


328 JACKSON

The belief in a many-leveled universe, characteristic for so many SouthAmerican cosmologies (see, for instance, 11, 70, 138,202,208, 230, 246, 250,255), needs a thorough co, mparative analysis. Some cultures for instance theWarao (259), Maroni River Caribs (123), and Shavante (162)--structure universe in terms of a single (although three-dimensional) level. Belief systemsinvolving the concept of a universe of several levels vary with respect to numberof levels and amount of interaction and ease of access between lewels. Possiblyresearchers can now draw correlations between these and corresponding differ-ences in social and economic structures. The related theme of a closed circuit ofenergy which is so often found in lowland groups deserves more comparativeresearch. This theme is frequently found in association with the theme of ownersor guardians of game animals (see Reichel-Dolmatoff 202).

Some revisions have been made on the concept of dual organization sinceLrvi-Strauss’s two paper.,; (143,144) on the topic as it applies to lowland SouthAmerica. In these he discusses dualities arising from (a) the distinction betweencross and parallel, (b) the merging of both kinds of cross-cousin, and (c) "prefer-ential" marriage between bilateral cross-cousins. Some authors, most notablyMaybury-Lewis and Rivi~re, have continued to find fundamental dualities in theorganization-of kinship and marriage. Rivi~re (212) maintains that all lowlandSouth American societies have an underlying two-section terminology, moi-eties, and a principle of direct exchange. Scattered references to a far vaguerconcept, what Maybury-Lewis (164) terms "the compulsion to set up binaryinstitutions," occur in the literature (e.g. 31, 187, 202), particularly for the area. Sometimes the idea of opposition to the point of hostility is found (53,133,156), while at others only a binary structure in symbolic structures, not neces-sarily antagonistic in nature, is implied. In an earlier paper (158), Maybury-Lewis uses binary structures as evidence for dual organization among theCentral G6, but in a later paper (164) he seems to limit "dual organization" to itsinstitutional manifestations, listing under a separate heading such binary con-trasts as the opposition between the politics-ceremonial-male sphere and theprivate-domestic-female sphere. Dual organization as a characte~Sstic featureperhaps should be limited to those societies which have a clear symbolism ofantithesis reflected in (a) on-the-ground organization such as village layout; (b)roles and behaviors such as male/female roles being highly elaborated intoopposing, even antagonislic domains; (c) societal institutions such as moieties;as well as in (d) much of the ideological and cosmological organization (seeMaybury-Lewis 161).

ACCULTURATION

Unfortunately, space allows only a cursory glance at a few of the recentlypublished materials on acculturation. Several books have recently appearedoffering comprehensive coverage of the present-day status of South AmericanIndians. The most impressive is edited by Dostal (67); it is probably the bestcurrent source of population estimates (see also 122) and contains good maps


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



and annotated bibliographies. The contributors compile hard, cold facts whichdocument the numerous ways possible to very quickly reduce members of intactsocieties to abject creatures or kill them off entirely. It is painful--physicallypainful--to read this book and others similar to it. The future for remaininglowland Indians seems a totally pessimistic one.

Two books by journalists Hanbury-Tenison (88) and Bodard (20) have peared. Bodard’s has made a substantial impact on segments of the readingpublic and is the more sensationalistic. General coverage by anthropologistsincludes Melatti’s (169) introduction to Brazilian Indians, which although notfocusing on the topic of culture contact per se, gives a good discussion of whiteviews of Indians and a bit on Indian views towards whites. Wagley’s AmazonTown (252) also presents non-Indian views about Indians, and gives a picture the milieu many Indians, uprooted and decimated, move into. Other well-written descriptions of the world awaiting the acculturated Indian can be foundin Siskind (232), Y. & F. Murphy (187), and Matthiessen (157). The Murphysgive a perceptive picture of the generosity of many mestizo Brazilians living inthe bleak and isolated backwoods.

Two books (97, 197) deaJing with "contemporary" peoples of Latin Americagive shockingly little space to lowland Indians: they are not represented at all inHeath’s collection. Wolf & Hansen (261), while giving only brief coverage present-day lowland Indians, have much to say about the conditions producedby increasing underdevelopment (brought about by growing dependence on theUSA and multinational interests) which directly affect the future of lowlandIndian groups. Particularly vivid examples of the effects of internal colonialismare found in Tavener (243), Cardoso de Oliveira (30), dos Santos (216), Junqueira (117).

Despite a number of recent writings dealing with Indian-misslonary relations(7, 24, 26, 173,204,225,230), we have few careful and adequate analyses interaction between Indians and missionaries or of the organization of missionsthemselves. Most work on this question discusses the effects of cathechismteaching on traditional Indian cosmologies. Considering that the impact of themissionary type of colonialism has been more pronounced in lowland SouthAmerica than anywhere else in recent history; this area deserves much moreresearch. Several interesting papers deal with syncretistic religions, an examplebeing Butt’s on the origin and dispersion of the Hallelujah religion in Guyana(26). Bodley (21) discusses a "transformative" movement (one which total change in the supraindividual system) among the Campa [see also Harner(94) on Peruvian messianic movements]. W. Crocker (55) and Melatti (171)discuss Canela and Krah6 messianic movements. A good analysis of lowlandmessianic movements is needed, to see if any regularities can be found betweentype of missionary effort and nature of movement.

Jaulin’s La Paix Blanche (113), on the Motilones-Bari, is a book which has hada significant impact already and should be translated into English. Like someother French writers (e.g. Clastres 44), Jaulin at times wanders off into preten-tious and obscure metaphysics, but he has written what is a thoroughgoing


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


330 JACKSON

condemnation of much of Western civilization, and his book deserves to be readfor this reason, as well as for its documentation of the extermination of asurprisingly poorly studied culture. While at times his arguments are totallyunconvincing, one agrees with many of his conclusions, particularly his crit-icisms of anthropology.

Many authors discuss native accommodation to white-introduced changes.Da Matta (155) discusses the impact of contact on Apinay6 mythology, consid-ering a certain myth as"anti-myth" since, contrary to real myth, it has historicaland ideological consciousness; it represents a" first moment" early attempt of agroup to include white men in the indigenous system of classification. Otherauthors (26, 55, 184) discuss how groups adapt and continue to function in theface of heavy outside pressures towards change. Kloos (123) in particularconsiders the incorporation of the Maroni River Caribs into the national society.Cardoso de Oliveira (30), Junqueira (117), and dos Santos (216) describe effects of Indian posts, which almost always turn out to be adverse. Tavener(243) gives an excellent discussion of the "greenhouse atmosphere" of a pre-sumably enlightened Indian post. His comments on the effects of competitionbetween more than one acculturative organization are very perceptive. A con-trasting situation is the Jivaro, who have had contact with, and therefore obliga-tions to, only one source of change (90).

Some authors offer reasonable and well-thought-out-suggestions for policymaking (3, 22,243). Groups such as International Work Group for IndigenousAffairs, Cultural Survived, and Survival International have published reportsand documentation regarding interethnic conflicts, also offering policy sug-gestions. Many deal specifically with land acquisition (3, 50), demonstrating clear understanding of tlae complexities of some of the situations-as well asdocumenting what is at times total disregard for law and human life. Indigenaand American Friends of Brazil have published a document (107) which is highlycondemnatory (some wo~ald say inflammatory) of present govermnental policyin Brazil, containing eye-opening quotes from various high-ranking officials anda moving document written by Brazilian Catholic clerics. Of special interest isthe chart in the back, which lists corporations and other groups; with vestedinterests, financial and otherwise, in Brazilian Amazonia.

Several authors (e.g. 135, 90, 136, 221) consider acculturation in terms technological change, most of them dealing with the impact of becoming in-volved in patron-client relationships in extractive industries. Varese (250)shows the impact of missions and secular Spanish (later Peruvian) interests the salt deposits in the territory of the Gran Pajonal Campa. This monograph (aswell as Murphy 184) demonstrates the advantages in a diachronic perspective.

CONCLUSION

In general, lowland ethnography has made significant advances in the past 15years in many areas of research. The overall picture, however, is a patchwork,with a theoretical contribution here and a methodological advance there. Re-


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


viewing the recent literature brings into focus the enormous amount remainingto be done, and shows how rapidly opportunities for future work are beingeliminated by the far-reaching effects of "progress" and "development" on allfronts, although seemingly most seriously in Brazil. To end this review on ahappy note only requires mentioning an area to which lowland South Americanresearch has contributed more than its share: personal accounts of living anddoing fieldwork among natives. It is true that most ethnographies are deplorablylacking in this area, 1~ but we do have excellent examples from Maybury-Lewis(160), Y & R. Murphy (187), a chapter from Siskind (232), occasional notes Goldman (81), and a novel by Matthiessen (157) which, although not at all aboutfieldwork, does succeed admirably in conveying the feel of tropical frontierareas. Chagnon’s work (39, 41) and an account by Valero (19) (who is extremelytalented as an observer although not an anthropologist) together result in what isone of the best first-hand views of life among an almost uncontacted people inlowland South America, maintaining the tradition begun by Staden and contin-ued by such luminaries as von Humboldt, Wallace, and Darwin.

l~Although even in one presenting a minimum of the ethnographer’s reactions, such asRivi&re’s, we are occasionally presented with gems like, "1 can vouch for this from myown experience, and add that she is a slut and that her bread is repulsive" (207, p. 167).

Literature Cited

I. Adams, M. J. 1973. Structural as-pects of a village art. Am. Anthro-pol. 75:265-79

2. Allen, W. L., Holshouser de Tiz6n,J. 1973. Land use patterns amongthe Campa of the Alto Pachitea,Peru. In Variation in Anthropology:Essays in Honor of John C.McGregor, ed. D. W. Lathrap, J.Douglas, 137-53. Urbana: Ill.Archaeol. Sur.

3. Arcand, B. 1972. The urgent situa-tion of the Cuiva Indians of Colom-bia. Int. Work Group lndig. Aff.Doc. 7. Copenhagen. 28 pp.

4. Arvelo-Jimenez, N. 1971. Politicalrelations in a tribal society: A study ofthe Ye’cuana Indians of Venezuela.PhD thesis. Cornell Univ., Ithaca,NY. 383 pp.

5. Baldus, H. 1968. Bibliografia Cri-tica da Etnologia Brasileira. Han-nover: Nieders~ichsische Landes-museum. 864 pp.

6. Baldus, H. 1970. Tapirapg: TriboTupi do Brasil Central. S~.o Paulo:Co. Ed. Nac. and Ed. Univ. $5oPaulo. 510 pp.

7. Baldus, H. 1974. Shamanism in theacculturation of a Tupi tribe ofCentral Brazil. See Ref. 150, 385-90

8. Bamberger, J. 1971. The adequacyof Kayap6 ecological adjustment.Proc. 38th Int. Congr. AmericanistsStuttgart 3:373-79

9. Bamberger, J. 1974. The myth ofmatriarchy: Why men role in prim-itive society. In Woman, Cultureand Society, ed. S. Rosaldo, L.Lamphere, 263-80. Stanford Univ.Press. 352 pp.

10. Bamberger, J. 1974. Naming andthe transmission of status in a Cen-tral Brazilian society. Ethnology13:363-78

11. de Barandiaran, D. 1962. Shama-nismo Yekuana o Makiritare. Antro-pol6gica 11:61-90

12. Ibid 1965. El habitado entre losIndios Yekuana. 16:3-95

13. Barth, F., Ed. 1969. Introduction.In Ethnic Groups and Boundaries,1-38. New York: Little, Brown. 153PP.

14. Basso, E. B. 1970. Xingu Carib kin-ship terminology and marriage: an-other view. Southwest. J. Anthro-pol. 26:402-16

15. Basso, E. B. 1972. The Kalapalo di-etary system. Proc. 40th Int. Congr.Americanists, Rome, 62%37

16. Basso, E. B. 1973. The use of Por-


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.

332 JACKSON

tuguese in Kalapalo (Xingu Carib)encounters: Changes in a Central Bra-zilian communications network.Lang. Soc. 2:1-19

17. Basso, E. B. 1973. The Kalapalo In-dians of Central Brazil. New York:Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 157 pp.

18. Beckerman, S. 1974. The MotilonesBari: reactions to land pressure.Presented at 73rd Ann. Meet. Am.Anthropol. Assoc., Mexico

19. Biocca, E. 1970. Yanorma: Thenarrative of a White Girl Kidnappedby Amazonian Indians. New York:Dutton. 382 pp.

20. Bodard, L. 1971. Green Hell. NewYork: Ballantine. 374 pp.

21. Bodley, J. H. 1972. A transforma-tive movement among the Campa ofEastern Peru. Anthropos 67:220-28

22. Bodley, J.H. 1972. Tribal survivalin the Amazon: the: Campa case.Int. Work Group Ind,;g. Aff. Doc. 5.Copenhagen. 15 pp.

23. Bodley, J. H. 1973. Deferred ex-change among the Campa Indians.Anthropos 68:589-96

24. Bonilla, V. D. 1972. Servants ofGod or Masters of Men? The Storyof a Capuchin Mission in Amazo-nia. London: Penguin. 304 pp.

24a. Boserup, E. 1965. The Conditions ofAgricultural Growth: The Econom-ics of Agrarian Change under Pop-ulation Pressure. Chicago: Aldine.124 pp.

25. Brfizzi, Alves da Silva, A. 1962. ACivilizaq~o Indlgena do Uaup~s.S~o Paulo: Linogr~ifica Editrra. 496PP.

26. Butt, A. J. 1960. Birth of a religion.J. Roy. Anthropol. ir~st. 90:66-106

27. Butt, A. J. 1961. Symbolism and rit-ual among the Akawaio of BritishGuiana. Nieuwe West-lndische Gids2:141-61

28. Butt, A.J. 1965/66. The shaman’slegal role. Rev. Mus. Paulista 16:151-86

29. Butt, A. J. 1970. Land use and so-cial organization of tropical forestpeoples of the Guianas. In HumanEcology in the Tropics, ed. J. P.Garlick, R.W.J. Keay, 33-49. NewYork: Pergamon. 112 pp.

30. Cardoso de Oliveira, R. 1960. Therole of Indian posts in the processof assimilation: two case studies.Am. Indig. 20:89-95

31. Cardoso de Oliveira, R. 1961. Ali-anqa interclfinica na sociedade Tu-ktina. Rev. Antropol. 9:15-32

32. Cardoso deOliveira, R., de CastroFaria, L. 1971. Interethnic contactand the study of populations. SeeRef. 215, 41-59

33. Carneiro, R. L. 1960. Slash-and-burn agriculture: a closer look at itsimplications for settlement patterns.In Men and Cultures: SelectedPapers of the Fifth InternationalCongress of Anthropological andEthnological Sciences, ed. A.Wallace, 229-34. Philadelphia:Univ. Pennsylvania

34. Carneiro, R. L. 1961. Slash-and-burn cultivation among the Kuikuruand its implications for cultural de-velopment in the Amazon Basin.See Ref. 257, 47-67

35. Carneiro, R. L. 1964. Logging andthe patr6n system among the Ama-huaca of Eastern Peru. Proc. 35thInt. Congr. Americanists Mexico 3:323-27

36. Carneiro, R. L. 1970. The transitionfrom hunting to horticulture in theAmazon Basin. Proc. 8th Int.Congr. Anthropol. Ethnol. Sci., To-kyo 3:244 48

37. Carneiro, R. L. I97,1. Factors fa-voring the development of politicalleadership in Amazonia. Presentedat 73rd Ann. Meet. Am. Anthropol.Assoc., Mexico

38. Chagnon, N. A. 1967. Yanomam6social organization and warfare. SeeRef. 73, 109-59

39. Chagnon, N. A. 1968. Yanomamr:The Fierce People. New York: Holt,Rinehart & Winston. 142 pp.

40. Chagnon, N.A. 1970. The culture-ecology of shifting (pioneering)cultivation among the Yanomam6 In-dians. Proc. 8th lnt. Congr. An-thropol. Ethnol. Sci. Tokyo 3:249-55

41. Chagnon, N. A. 1974. Studying theYanomamr. New York: Holt, Rine-hart & Winston. 270 pp.

42. Chagnon, N. A., Le Quesne, P.,Cook, M. 1971. Yanomam6 halluci-nogens: anthropological, botanical,and chemical findings. Curt. An-thropol. 12:72-74

43. Chrostowski, M. S. 1973. The eco-geographical characteristics of theGran Pajonal and their relationshipsto some Campa Indian culturalpatterns. Proc. 39th Int. Congr.Americanists Lima 4:145-60

44. Clastres, P. 1972. Chronique desIndiens Guayaki: Ce que savent lesAchd, Chasseurs Nomades du Para-guay. Paris: Librairie Plon. 366 pp.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



45. Clastres, P. 1972. The Guayaki. InHunters and Gatherers Today, ed.M. Bicchieri, 138-74. New York:Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 494 pp.

46. Clastres, P. 1973. l~lrments de Dr-mographie Arnrrindienne. L’Homme13:23-36

47. Colson, A. B. 1971. Comparativestudies of the social structure ofGuiana Indians and the problem ofacculturation. See Ref. 215, 61-126

48. Colson, A. B. 1973. Inter-tribaltrade in the Guiana Highlands. An-tropolrgica 34:5-69

49. Coppens, W. 1971. Las relacionescomerciales de los Yekuana delCaura-Paragua. Antropolrgica 30:28-59

50. Coppens, W. 1972. The anatomy ofa land invasion scheme in Yekuanaterritory, Venezuela. Int. WorkGroup lndig. Aff. Doc. 9. Copen-hagen. 23 pp.

51. Coppens, W., Cato-David, J. 1971.Aspectos etnogr~ificos y farmacolr-gicos: el yopo entre los Cuiva-Gua-jibo. Antropolrgica 28:3-24

52. Crocker, J. C. 1969. Men’s houseassociates among the Eastern Bo-roro. Southwest. J. Anthropol. 25:236-60

53. Crocker, J. C. 1971. The dialecticsof Bororo social inversions. Proc.38th Int. Congr. Americanists Stutt-gart 3:387-91

54. Crocker, W. 1964. Extramarital sex-ual practices of the Ramkokamekra-Canela Indians: an analysis of so-cio-cultural factors. See Ref. 150,184-94 (reprinted)

55. Crocker, W. 1967. The Canela mes-sianic movement: an introduction. InAtas do Simpsio sObre a BiotaAmazrnica, ed. H. Lent. Antropolo-gia 2:69-83

56. Crocker, W. 1971. The Canela (Bra-zil) taboo system: a preliminaryexploration of an anxiety-reducingdevice. Proc. 38th Int. Congr.Americanists Stuttgart 3:323-31

57. Crosby, A. W. 1972. The Colum-bian Exchange: Biological and Cul-tural Consequences of 1492. West-port, Conn.: Greenwood. 268 pp.

58, Denevan, W. M. 1971. Campa sub-sistence in the Gran Pajonal, East-ern Peru. Geogr. Rev. 61:496-518

59. Dobkin de Rios, M. 1972. VisionaryVine: Psychedelic Healing in thePeruvian Amazon. San Francisco:Chandler. 161 pp.

60. Dobkin de Rios, M. 1973. Curing

with ayahuasca in an urban slum.See Ref. 91, 67--85

61. Dobyns, H. F. 1966. Estimating ab-original American populations.Curr. Anthropol. 7:395-416

62. Dole, G. 1960. Techniques of pre-paring manioc flour as a key to cul-ture history in tropical America.See Ref. 33,241-48

63. Dole, G. 1962. Endocannibalismamong the Amahuaca Indians.Trans. NY Acad. Sci. 24:567-73

64. Dole, G. 1964. Shamanism and po-litical control among the Kuikuru.See Ref. 86, 294--307 (reprinted)

65. Dole, G. 1966. Anarchy withoutchaos: alternatives to politicalauthority among the Kuikuru. InPolitical Anthropology, ed. M.Swartz, V. Turner, A. Tuden, 73-87. Chicago: Aldine. 309 pp.

66. Dole, G. 1969. Generation kinshipnomenclature as an adaptation toendogamy. Southwest. J. Anthropol.25:105-23

67. Dostal, W., Ed. 1972. The Situationof the Indian in South America:Contributions to the Study of Inter-Ethnic Conflict in the Non-AndeanRegions of South America. Geneva:World Council of Churches. 453 pp.

68. Dumont, J.P. 1974. L’AllianceSubstiture. L’Homme 14:43-56

69. Fittkau, E. J., Ed. 1968. Biogeog-raphy and Ecology of South Amer-ica. The Hague: Junk. 2 vols. 946pp.

70. Fock, N. 1963. Waiwai: Religionand Society of an Amazon Tribe.Copenhagen: Etnografisk Roekke.316 pp.

71. Fock, N. 1971. Authority--its mag-ico-religious, political and legalagencies--among Caribs in North-ern South America. Proc. 38th Int.Congr. Americanists Stuttgart 3:31-34

72. Fosberg, F. R. 1973. Temperatezone influence on tropical forestland use: a plea for sanity. See Ref.167, 345-50

73. Fried, M., Harris, M., Murphy, R.,Eds. 1967. War: The Anthropologyof Armed Conflict and Aggression.Garden City: Natur. Hist. Press.262 pp.

74. Frikel, P. 1974. Notes on the pres-ent situation of the Xikrin Indiansof the Rio Caetetr. See Ref. 150,358-69

75. Fuchs, H. 1962. La estructura resi-dencial de los Maquiritare del "El


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


334 JACKSON

Corobal" y "Las Ceibas" Terri-torio Federal Amazonas, Vene-zuela. Am. lndig. 22:169-90

76. Ibid 1964. El sistema de cultivo delos Deukwhuana (Maquiritare) delAlto Rio Ventuari, Territorio Fed-eral Amazonas, Venezuela. 24:171-95

77. Furst, P., Ed. 1972. Flesh of theGods: The Ritual Use of Hallucino-gens. New York: P, rae.ger. 304 pp.

78. Galvfio, E. 1960. Areas culturais in-digenas do Brasil: 1900-1959. Bol.Mus. Para. Emilio Goeldi, N. S. An-tropol. No. 8. 41 pp.

79. Galv~,o, E. 1964. Encontro de soci-edades tribal e nacional no RioNegro, Amazonas. Proc. 35th Int.Congr. Americanists Mexico 3:32%

80. GalvS.o, E. I%7. Indigenous cultureareas of Brazil, 1900-1959. See Ref.101, 167-207

81. Goldman, I. 1963. The Cubeo: Indi-ans of the Northwest Amazon. Ur-bana: Univ. Illinois. 31)5 pp.

82. Goldman, I. 1964. The structure ofritual in the Northwest Amazon. InProcess and Pattern in Culture: Es-says #~ Honor of Julian H. Steward,ed. R. A. Manners, 111-22. Chi-cago: Aldine. 434 pp.

83. Gregor, T. 1970. Exposure and se-clusion: a study of institutionalizedisolation among the MehinacuIndians of Brazil. Ethnology 9:235-50

84. Gre~or, T. 1973. Privacy and extra-marital affairs in a tropical forestcommunity. See Ref. 86, 242-60

85. Gregor, T. 1974. Publicity, privacyand Mehinacu marriage. Ethnology13:333-49

86. Gross, D. R., Ed. 1973. Peoplesand Cultures of Native South Amer-ica. New York: Doubleday. 566 pp.

87. Guyot, M. 1972. BibliographieAmdricaniste. Publications Mus~ede L’homme. Paris: Mus6e deL’Homme. 234 pp.

88. Hanbury-Tenison, R. 1973. A Ques-tion of Survival .for the Indians ofBrazil. NewYork: Scribner’s. 272 pp.

89. Hanna, J. M. 1974. Coca leaf use inSouthern Peru: some biosocial as-pects. Am. Anthropol. 76:281-96

90. Harner, M.J. 1972. The Jivaro:People of the Sacred Waterfalls.New York: Doubleday. 233 pp.

91. Harrier, M. J., Ed. 19"73. Hallucino-gens and Shamanisrn. New York:Oxford. 200 pp.

92. Ibid. Common themes in SouthAmerican Indian Yag,~ experiences,155-75

93. Harner, M.J. 1973..4 test amongthe Achuara of Engels" model forhusband-wife equality in primitivesociety. Presented at 72nd Ann.Meet. Am. Anthropol. Assoc.,New Orleans

94. Harner, M.J. 1974. Waiting forInca-God. Presented at 73rd Ann.Meet. Am. Anthropol. Assoc.,Mexico

95. Harris, D. R. 1971. The ecology ofswidden cultivation in the upperOrinoco rain forest, Venezuela. Ge-ogr. Rev. 61:475-95

96. Harris, M. 1971. Culture, Man, andNature: An Introduction to GeneralAnthropology. New York: Crowell.660 pp.

97. Heath, D. B., Ed. 1974. Contempo-rary Cultures and Societies of LatinAmerica. New York: RandomHouse. 572 pp.

98. H¢inen, H.D. 1972. Residencerules and household cycles in aWarao subtribe: the case of theWinikina. Antropol6gica 31:21-86

99. Holmberg, A. R. 1969. Nomads ofthe Long Bow: The Siriono of East-ern Bolivia. New York: Doubleday.294 pp.

100. Holshouser, J. 1972. Some aspectsof economic change among theCampa of the W. Montafia of Cen-tral Peru as reflected in land usepatterns. Proc. 39th Int. Congr.Americanists Lima 4:181-88

101. Hopper, J., Ed. 1967. Indians ofBrazil in the Twentieth Century.Washington: Inst. Cross-Cult. Res.256 pp.

102. Howe, J. 1974. Village Political Or-ganization among the San BlasCuna. PhD thesis. Univ. Pennsyl-vania, Philadelphia. 442 pp.

103. Howe, J. 1974. Communal land ten-ure and the origin of descent groupsamong the San Bias Cuna. Pre-sented at 9th Ann. Meet. S. An-thropol. Soc., Blacksburg

104. Hugh-Jones, S. 1974. Male Initia-tion and Cosmology among theBarasana Indians of the VaupOsArea of Colombia. PhD thesis.Univ. Cambridge, England. 310 pp.

105. Hurault, J. 1968. Les lndiens Wa-yana de la Guyane Frangaise:Structure Sociale et CoutumeFamiliale. Paris: Off. Rech. Sci.Tech. Outre-Mer. 152 pp.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



106. Hymes, D. 1968. Linguistic prob-lems in defining the concept of’tribe.’ In Essays on the Problem ofTribe, ed. J. Helm, 23~18. Seattle:Univ. Washington. 227 pp.

107. Indigena and American Friends ofBrazil 1974. Supysdua: A Docu-mentary Report on the Conditionsof Indian Peoples in Brazil. Berke-ley. 64 pp.

108. Jackson, J. E. 1972. Marriage andLinguistic ldentiy among the BardIndians of the Vaup~s, Colombia.PhD thesis. Stanford Univ,Stanford, Calif. 299 pp.

109. Jackson, J.E. 1972. Bard zero-generation terminology and mar-riage. Presented at Conf. FormalMethods Kinship Semantics, Riv-erside

110. Jackson, J. E. 1973. Relations be-tween semi-sedentary and nomadicIndians of the Vaup~s, Colombia.Presented at Ann. Meet. South-west. Anthropol. Assoc., San Fran-cisco

111. Jackson, J. E. 1976. Vauprs mar-riage: A network system in an undif-ferentiated region of the NorthwestAmazon. In Regional Analysis:Social Systems, ed. C. Smith. NewYork: Academic. In Press

112. Jackson, J. E. 1975. Language iden-tity of the Colombian Vaupds Indi-ans. In The Ethnography of Speak-ing, ed. J. Sherzer, R. Bauman, 50-64. Cambridge Univ. Press. 501 pp.

113. Jaulin, R. 1970. La Paix Blanche:Introduction a L’Ethnocide. Paris:l~ditions du Scull. 421 pp.

114. Johnson, A. 1973. El uso de tierraen la alia selva Peruana: el casoMachiguenga. Lima: Inst. Nac. In-vest. Soc. 19 pp.

115. Johnson, A. 1974. Ethnoecologyand planting practices in a swiddenagricultural system. Am. Ethnol.1:87-102

116. Johnson, A. 1974. Carrying-capac-ity in Amazonia: problems in theoryand method. Presented at 73rd Ann.Meet. Am. Anthropol. Assoc.,Mexico

117. Junqueira, C. 1973. The Brazilianindigenous problem and policy: theexample of the Xingu NationalPark. Amazind/IWGIA Doc. 13. 28PP.

118. Kaplan, J. O. 1972. Cognation, en-dogamy, and teknonymy: the Piaroaexample. Southwest. J. Anthropol.28:282-97

119. Kaplan, J. O. 1973. Endogamy andthe marriage alliance: a note oncontinuity in kindred-based groups.Man 8:555-70

120. Kensinger, K. 1974. Cashinahuamedicine and medicine men. SeeRef. 150, 283-88

!21. Kensinger, K. ,M. 1975. Studyingthe Cashinahua. In HaffenrefferMus. Anthropol. Stud. Anthropol.Mater. Cult., Vol. 1, ed. J. P.Dwyer. Providence: Brown Univ.Press

122. Kietzman, D. W. 1967. Indians andculture areas of twentieth centuryBrazil. See Ref. 101, 1-69

123. Kloos, P. 1971. The Maroni RiverCaribs of Surinam. Assen: VanGorcum. 304 pp.

124. Kolata, G. B. 1974. !Kung hunter-gatherers: femhfism, diet, and birthcontrol. Science 185:932-34

125. Koz~ik, V. 1963. Ritual of a Bororofuneral. Natur. Hist. 72:38-49

126. Kracke, W.H. 1974. Kagwahivheadmanship in peace and war.Presented at 73rd Ann. Meet. Am.Anthropol. Assoc., Mexico

127.La Barre, W. 1972. Hallucinogensand the shamanic origins of religion.See Ref. 77,261-78

i28. Lathrap, D. W. 1968. The "hunt-ing" economies of the tropical for-est zone of South America: an at-tempt at historical perspective. SeeRef. 137, 23-29

129. Lathrap, D. W. 1970. The UpperAmazon. New York: Praeger. 256PP.

130. Lathrap, D. W. 1973. The antiquityand importance of long distancetrade relationships in the moist trop-ics of pre-Columbian South Amer-ica. World Archaeol. 5:170-86

131. Lave, J. C. 1966. A formal analysisof preferential marriage with thesister’s daughter. Man 1:185-200

132. Lave, J.C. 1969. Social structuralimplications of naming among theKr~katL Presented at 68th Ann.Meet. Am. Anthropol. Assoc., NewOrleans

133. Lave, J. C. 1971. Some suggestionsfor the interpretation of residence,descent, and exogamy among theEastern Timbira. Proc. 38th Int.Congr. Americanists Stuttgart 3:341-45

134. Lave, J. C. 1973. A comment on AStudy in Structural Semantics: TheSiriono Kinship System. Am. An-thropol. 75:314-17


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


336 JACKSON

135. Layrisse, M., Wilbe~’t, J. 1966. In-dian Societies of Venezuela: TheirBlood Group Types. Fundaci6n LaSalle de Ciencias Naturales No. 13.Caracas: Ed. Sucre. 318 pp.

136. Leacock, S. 1964. Economic life ofthe Mau6 Indians. Bol. do Mus.Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Antropolo-gia No. 19. 30 pp.

137. Lee, R. B., DeVore, I., Eds. 1968.Man the Hunter. Chicago: Aldine.415 pp.

137a.Lee, R. B., DeVore, I., Eds. 1975.Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers. Inpress

138. Leeds, A. 1960. The ideology of theYaruro Indians in relation tosocioeconomic organization. Antro-poldgica 9:1-10

139. Leeds, A. 1961. Yaruro incipienttropical forest horticulture. See Ref.257, 13-46

140. Leeds, A. 1962. Ecological determi-nants of chieftainship among theYaruro Indians. Proc. 34th Int.Congr. Americanists. 597-607. Vi-enna: F. Berger, Hon~

141. Leeds, A. 1964. Some problems ofYaruro ethnohistory. Proc. 35th Int.Congr. Americanists Mexico 2:157-75

142. Lgvi-Strauss, C. 1963. StructuralAnthropology. New York: BasicBooks. 410 pp.

143. Ibid. Social structures of Centraland Eastern Brazil, 120-31

144. Ibid. Do dual organizations exist?132--63

145. Ibid. The sorcerer ~tnd his magic,167-85

146. Lgvi-Strauss, C. 1969. The Raw andthe Cooked. New ~(ork: Harper.387 pp.

147. L6vi-Strauss, C. 1973. From Honeyto Ashes. New York: Harper. 512 pp.

148. Lowenstein, F.W. 1968. Some as-pects of human ecology in SouthAmerica. See Ref. 69,389-412

149. Lowenstein, F. W. 1973. Some con-siderations of biological adaptationby aboriginal man to the tropicalrain forest. See Ref. 167, 293-310

150. Lyon, P. J., Ed. 1974.. Native SouthAmericans: Ethnology of the LeastKnown Continent. Boston: Little,Brown. 433 pp.

151. Mallol de Recasens, M. R. 1963.Cuatro representaciones de las imfi-genes alucinatorias originadas por latoma de yaj. Rev. Colombiana Folk-lore 8:61-81

152. Martin, M. K. 1969. South Ameri-can foragers: a case study in cul-tural devolution. Am. Anthropol.71:243-60

153. Martin, R.T. 1970. The role ofcoca in the history, religion andmedicine of South American In-dians. Econ. Bot. 24:422-37

154. da Matta, R. 197 . Review ofRivi~re, Marriage among the Trio:A Principle of Social Organisation.Man 5:550-51

155. da Matta, R. 1971. Myth and anti-myth among the Timbira. In TheStructural Analysis of Oral Tradi-tion, ed. P. Maranda, E. K6ngasMaranda, 271-91. Philadelphia:Univ. Pennsylvania. 3124 pp.

156. da Matta, R. 1973. A reconsidera-tion of Apinay6 social morphology.See Ref. 86, 277-91

157. Matthiessen, P. 1965. At Play in theFields of the Lord. New York:Random. 373 pp.

158. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1964. TheAkwe-Shavante: a test case of ’dualorganization" in Central Brazil.Summary. Proc. 35tt~ Int. Congr.Americanists Mexico 3:135-36

159. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1965. Somecrucial distinctions in Central Bra-zilian ethnology. Anthropos 60:340-58

160. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1965. The Sav-age and the Innocent. London:Evans. 270 pp.

161. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1966. Structuralanthrop.ology and the problem ofcomparison. Proc. 7th Int. Congr.Anthropol. Ethnol. Sci. Moscow 4:179-90

162. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1967. Akwe-Shavante Society. London: OxfordUniv. 356 pp.

163. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1969. Reviewof Mythologiques: du miel aux cen-dres. A m. A nthropo I. 71 : 114-21

164. Maybury-Lewis, D. 1971. Someprinciples of social organizationamong the Central G,L Proc. 38th.lnt. Congr. Americanists Stuttgart3:381-86

165. Meggers, B.J. 1971. Amazonia:Man and Culture in a CounterfeitParadise. Chicago: Aldine. 182 pp.

166. Meggers, B.J. 1973. Some prob-lems of cultural adaptation in Ama-zonia, with emphasis on the pre-European period. See Ref. 167,311-20

167. Meggers, B.J., Ayensu, E.S.,


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.



Duckworth, W.D., Eds. 1973.Tropical Forest Ecosystems in Af-rica and South America: A Com-parative Review. Washington:Smithsonian. 350 pp.

168. Meggers, B. J., Evans, C. 1973. Aninterpretation of the cultures ofMaraj6 Island. See Ref. 86, 39~7

169. Melatti, J.C. 1970. Indios do Bra-sll. Brasilia: Ed. Brasilia. 208 pp.

170. Melatti, J. C. 1971. Nominadores egenitores: um aspecto do dualismoKrahr. Proc. 38th Int. Congr.Americanists Stuttgart 3:347-53

171. Melatti, J. C. 1972. O messianismoKrahr. S~.o Paulo: Ed. Herder, Ed.Univ. Sao Paulo.

172. Melatti, J.C. 1974. Myth and sha-man. See Ref. 150, 267-75

173. Miller, E. S. 1970. The Christianmissionary, agent of secularization.Anthropol. Quart. 43:14-22

174. Morey, N.C., Morey, R.V.,Metzger, D. J. 1973. Guahibo bandorganization. Antropolrgica 36;83-

175. Morey, R. V. 1969. Guahibo lin-guistic classifications. Anthropol.Ling. 11:16-23

176. Morey, R.V. 1971. Guahibo time-reckoning. Anthropol. Quart. 44:22-36

177. Morey, R. V. 1971. Review of De-sana: Simbolismo de los lndios Tu-kano del Vaup~s. Am. Anthropol.73:393-94\

1’78. Morey, R. V. 1972. Warfare pat-terns of the Colombian Guahibo.

~. Proc. 39th Int. Congr. Americanists~1 Lima 4:59-68

179. Morey, R. V. 1972. Notes on the S~-liva of Eastern Colombia. Curr. An-

’ thropol. 13:114-47180. Morey, R. V., Morey, N. C. 1974.

The early trade system o.f the Orinocollanos. Presented at 41st Int. Congr.Americanists Mexico

181. Moser, B., Tayler, D. 1963. Tribesof the Piraparaml. Geogr. J. 129:437-49

182. Miinzel, M. 1973. The Ach6Indians: genocide in Paraguay. Int.Work Group Indig. Aft. Doc. 11.Copenhagen. 82 pp.

183. Murdock, G. P. 1968. The currentstatus of the world’s hunting andgathering peoples. See Ref. 137,13-22

184. Murphy, R.F. 1960. Headhunter’sHeritage: Social and EconomicChange among the Munduruct~ lndi-

ans. Berkeley: Univ. CaliforniaPress. 202 pp.

185. Murphy, R. F. 1961. Deviance andsocial control I: what makes Wardrun? See Ref. 150, 195-202 (Re-printed)

186. Ibid 1962. Deviance and socialcontrol II: Borai. See Ref. 150, 2024(Reprinted)

187. Murphy, Y., Murphy, R. F. 1974.Women of the Forest. New York:Columbia Univ. 236 pp.

188. Needham, R. 1961. An analyticalnote on the structure of Sirion6society. Southwest. J. Anthropol.17:239-55

189. Needham, R. 1964. Descent, cate-gory, and alliance in Sirion6 so-ciety. Southwest. J. Anthropol. 20:229-40

190. Neel, J. V. 1970. Lessons from a"primitive" people. Science 170:815-22

191. Neel, J. V. 1971. Genetic aspects ofthe ecology of disease in theAmerican Indian. See Ref. 215,561-91

192. Ned, J. V., Chagnon, N. A. 1968.The demography of two tribes ofprimitive, relatively unacculturatedAmerican Indians. Proc. Nat.Acad. Sci. 57:680-89

193. Neel, J. V., Salzano, F. M., Jun-queira, P. C., Keiter, F., Maybury-Lewis, D. 1964. Studies on theXavante Indians of the BrazilianMato Grosso. Am. J. Hum. Genet.16:52-140

194. Neel, J. V., Ward, R. H. 1970. Vil-lage and tribal genetic distancesamong American Indians and thepossible implications for humanevolution. Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci. 65:323-30

195. Oberem, U. 1974. Trade and tradegoods in the Ecuadorian Montafia.See Ref. 150, 346-57

196. O’Leary, T. 1963. EthnographicBibliography of South America.New Haven: HRAF. 387 pp.

197. Olien, M. D. 1973. Latin Ameri-cans: Contemporary Peoples andtheir Cultural Traditions. NewYork: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.408 pp.

198. Owen, R. 1965. Patrilocal band: alin.guistic and cultural heterogeneousunit. Am. Anthropol. 67:675-90

199. Ramos, A. R. 1974. How the Sa-num~i acquire their names.Ethnology 13:171-86


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


338 JACKSON

200. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. 1960. Notasetnogr~ificas sobre los. indios delChoc6. Rev. Colombiana Antropol.9:75-158

201. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. 1967. Rockpaintings of the Vauprs: an essay of~nterpretation. Folklore Am. 27:107-13

202. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. 1971.Amazonian Cosmos: The Sexualand Religious Symbolism of theTukano Indians. Univ. ChicagoPress. 290 pp.

203. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. 1972. Thecultural context of art aboriginalhallucinogen: Banisteriopsis Caapi.See Ref. 77, 84-113

204. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. 1972. El mis-ionero ante las culturas indigenas.Am. Indig. 32:1137-49

205. Ribeiro, D. 1967. Indigenous cul-tures and languages of Brazil. SeeRef. 101, 77-167

206. Rivi~re, P. G. 1966/67.. Some eth-nographic problems of SouthernGuyana. Folk 8/9:301-12

207. Rivibre, P.G. 1969. Marriageamong the Trio: A Principle of So-cial Organisation. London: OxfordUniv. 353 pp.

208. Rivi~re, P. G. 1969. Myth and ma-terial culture: some symbolic in-terrelations. In Forms of SymbolicAction, ed. V. Turner, 151-66.Seattle: Univ. Washington. 233 pp.

209. Rivi~re, P.G. 1970. F’actions andexclusions in two South Americanvillage systems. In WitchcraftConfessions and Accusations, ed.M. Douglas, 245-56. London: Tav-istock. 387 pp.

210. Rivi~re, P.G. 1971. The politicalstructure of the Trio Indians asmanifested in a system of cere-monial dialogue. In The Translationof Culture: Essays to E. E. Evans-Pritchard, ed. T. O. Beidelman,293-311. London: Tavistock. 440Pp.

211. Rivi~re, P. G. 1973. Review of Ma-roni River Caribs of Surinam.Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land- enVolkenkunde 129:359-63.

212. Rivi~re, P. G. 1973. The lowlandSouth American culture area: to-wards a structural de.~inition. Pre-sented at 72nd Ann. Meet. Am. An-thropol. Assoc., New Orleans

213. Rodrigues, A. D. 1974.. Linguisticgroups of Amazonia. See Ref. 150,29-39

214. Salser, J. K. 1970. Cubeo accul-turation to coca and it,’~ social im-plications. Econ. Bot. 24:182-86

215. Salzano, F. M., Ed. 1971. The On-going Evolution of Latin AmericanPopulations. Springfield: Thomas.717 pp.

216. dos Santos, S.C. 1970. A lnte-gra~o do [ndio na Sociedade Re-gional: A Fungdo dos Postos Indi-genas em Santa Catarina.Florianopolis: Univ. Fed. SantaCatarina. 138 pp.

217. Scheffler, H. W., Lounsbury, F. G.1971. A Study in Structaral Seman-tics: The Siriono Kinship System.Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.260 pp.

218. Schleiffer, H. 1974. Sacred Plantsof the New World Indians: AnAnthology of Texts from the Six-teenth Century to Date. Riverside:Macmillan. 156 pp.

219. Schultes, R. E. 1972. An overviewof hallucinogens in the WesternHemisphere. See Ref. 77, 3-54

220. Schwabe, G. H. 1968. Towards anecological characterisation of theSouth American continent. See Ref.69, 113-35

221. Schwerin, K.H. 1966. Oil andSteel: Processes of Karinya CultureChange in Response to Inter-national Development. Los An-geles: Univ. California. 273 pp.

222. Schwerin, K. H. 1970. Apuntes so-bre la yuca y sus origenes. Bol.Inform. Antropol. 7:23-2:7

223. Service, E.R. 1962. Primitive So-cial Organization. New York: Ran-dom. 211 pp.

224. Service, E. R. 1967. War and ourcontemporary ancestors. See Ref.73, 160-67

225. Shapiro, J. R. 1972. Sex Roles andSocial Structure among the Yano-mama Indians of Northern Brazil.PhD thesis. Columbia Univ., NewYork. 209 pp.

226. Shapiro, J. R. 1974. Alliance ordescent? Some Amazonian con-trasts. Man 9:305-6

227. S.hapir.o, W. 1968. Kinship and mar-nage ~n Siriono society: a re-ex-amination. Bijdragen Tot de Taal-,Land- en Volkenkunde 124:40-55

228. Shapiro, W. 1971. Structuralismversus sociology: a review of May-bury-Lewis’s Akwe-Shavante Soci-ety. Mankind 8:64-66

229. Sherzer, J. 1974. Namakke, Sun-


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


makke, Kormakke: three types ofCuna Speech event. In The Ethnog-raphy of Speaking, ed. J. Sherzer, R.Bauman, 263-82. Cambridge Univ.Press

230. Silverwood-Cope, P. 1972. AContribution to the Ethnography ofthe Colombian MaktL PhD thesis.Cambridge Univ., England. 326 pp.

231. Sioli, H. 1973. Recent human activ-ities in the Brazilian Amazon regionand their ecological effects. SeeRef. 167,321-34

232. Siskind, J. 1973. To Hunt in theMorning. New York: Oxford Press.214 pp.

233. Siskind, J. 1973. Tropical foresthunters and the economy of sex.See Ref. 86, 226-40

234. Soares Diniz, E. 1971. O Xama-nismo dos Indios Makuxi. J. Soc.Am~ricanistes 60:65-73

235. Sorensen, A. P. Jr. 1967. Multi-llngnalism in the NorthwestAmazon. Am. Anthropol. 69:670-84

236. Sorensen, A.P. Jr. 1973. SouthAmerican Indian linguistics at theturn of the seventies. See Ref. 86,312-46

237. Sternberg, H. O., 1968, Man andenvironmental change in SouthAmerica. See Ref. 69, 413-41

238. Steward, J., Ed. 1948. Handbook ofSouth American Indians. Washing-ton: Smithsonian. 7 vols.

239. Stipek, G. Jr. 1974. lnterethnicrelations and boundary maintenancein the Colombian Chocr. Presentedat 41st Int. Congr. Americanists,Mexico

240. Stipek, G. Jr. 1974. The kindred asa corporate group: the Ember~ ex-ample. Presented at 73rd Ann.Meet. Am. Anthropol. Assoc.,Mexico

241. Su~irez, M.M. 1968. Los Warao:lndlgenas del delta del Orinoco. Ca-racas: Inst. Venez. Invest. Cient.311 pp.

242. Su~irez, M. M. 1971. Terminology,alliance, and change in Warao So-ciety. Nieuwe West-lndische Gids48:56-122

243. Tavener, C.J. 1973. The Karaj~iand the Brazilian frontier. See Ref.86,433-59

244. Taylor, K. I. 1972. Sanuma (Yano-area) Food Prohibitions: The Multi-ple Classification of Society andFauna. PhD thesis. Univ. Wiscon-sin, Madison. 230 pp.

245. Thomas, D. J. 1972. The indigenoustrade system of Southeast EstadoBolivar, Venezuela. Antropol6gica33:3-37

246. Torres Laborde, A. 1969. Mito yCultura entre los Barasana, unGrupo Indigena Tukano del Vaup~s.Bogot~i: Univ. los Andes. 182 pp.

247. Turner, T.S. 1969. Tchikrin: aCentral Brazilian tribe and its sym-bolic language of bodily adornment.Natur. Hist. 78:50--59

248. Turner, T. S. 1971. Northern Ka-yap6 social structure. Proc. 38thInt. Congr. Americanists Stuttgart3:365-71

249. Tyler, S. A. 1969. Context and var-iation in Koya kinship terminology.In Cognitive Anthropology, ed. S.Tyler, 487-503. New York: Holt,Rinehart & Winston. 521 pp.

250. Varese, S. 1968. La Sal de los Cer-ros: Notas Etnogrdficas e ttistrri-cas sobre los Campa de la Selva delPer~. Lima: Univ. Peruana de Ci-.encias y Tecnologia. 161 pp.

251. Vayda, A. P. 1961. Expansion andwarfare among swidden agricultur-alists. Am. Anthropol. 63:346-58

252. Wagley, C. 1964. Amazon Town: aStudy of Man in the Tropics. NewYork: Knopf. 316 pp.

253. Wassen, S.H. 1965. The Use ofSome Specific Kinds of SouthAmerican Indian Snuff and RelatedParaphernalia. Etnol. Stud. 28.Grteborg: Etnografiska Museet. 132PP.

254. Weiss, G. 1973. Shamanism andpriesthood in the light of the CampaAyahuasca ceremony. See Ref. 91,40-47

255. Weiss, G. 1972. Campa cosmology.Ethnology 11:157-72

256. Whitten, N. E. Jr. 1974. Betterthings in culture through chemistry?Review of Harner, Hallucinogensand Shamanism. Rev. Anthropol. 1:234-38

257. Wilbert, J., Ed. 1961. The Evolutionof Horticultural Systems in NativeSouth America, Causes andConsequences: A Symposium. An-tropolrgica Suppl. 2. Caracas: Ed.Sucre. 128 pp.

258. Wilbert, J. 1962. Dibujos de IndiosVenezolanos: 48 obras originales delas tribus Sanema o Shirishana yWarao. Antropoldgica 11:30-60

259. Wilbert, J. 1972. The fishermen:The Warao of the Orinoco Delta. In


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


340 JACKSON

Survivors of El Dorado: Four IndianCultures of South America, ed. J.Wilbert, 65-115. New York:Praeger. 212 pp.

260. Wilbert, J. 1972. Tobacco and sha-manistic ecstasy among the WaraoIndians of Venezuela. S.ee Ref. 77,55-83

261. Wolf, E., Hansen, E. C. 1972. TheHuman Condition in Latin America.New York: Oxford Press. 369 pp.

262. Zuidema, R.T. 1969. Hierarchy insymmetric alliance systems.Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land enVolkenkunde 11:134-39


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.


Ann

u. R

ev. A

nthr

opol

. 197

5.4:

307-

340.

Dow

nloa

ded

from

arj

ourn

als.

annu

alre

view

s.or

gby

CA

PES

on 1

2/08

/07.

For

per

sona

l use

onl

y.

Jackson - Recent Ethnografy on Indigenous Northern Lowland Southamerica

Documents

Transcript of Jackson - Recent Ethnografy on Indigenous Northern Lowland Southamerica