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Introduction to the AntifederalistsWho were theAntifederalistsand what did they stand for?

Why the name Antifederalist?

The name, Antifederalists, captures both an attachment to certain political principles as well as

standing in favor and against trends that were appearing in late 18th century America. It will help in

our understanding of who the Antifederalists were to know that in 1787, the word federal had two

meanings. One was universal, or based in principle, and the other was particular and specific to the

American situation.

The first meaning of federal stood for a set of governmental principles that was understood over

the centuries to be in opposition to national or consolidated principles. Thus theArticles of

Confederationwas understood to be a federal arrangement: Congress was limited to powers

expressly granted, the states qua states were represented equally regardless of the size of their

population, and the amending of the document required the unanimous consent of the state

legislatures. A national or consolidated arrangement by contrast suggested a considerable relaxing of

the constraints on what the union could and could not do along with a conscious diminution in the

centrality of the states in the structure of the arrangement as well as the alteration of the binding

document.

The second meaning of federal had a particular American character. In the 1780s, those folks who

wanted a firmer and more connected union became known as federal men. People likeGeorge

Washington.,Gouverneur Morris,James Madison.,Alexander Hamilton.,andJames Wilson.were

known as federal men who wanted a firmer federal, or even national, union. And those people

likePatrick Henry., Richard Henry Lee., George Clinton., Melancton Smith.,andRoger Sherman.,

who opposed or who raised doubts about the merits of a firmer and more energetic union acquired

the name of antifederal men who opposed an inclination to strengthen the ties of Union with a focus

on centralized direction.

In the rough and tumble of American politics, the name by which one is known is often not of ones

own doing. TheAntifederalistswould have preferred to be known as democratic republicans or

federal republicans, but they acquired the name antifederal, or Anti-federal, or Antifederal as a result

of the particular events of American history. If we turn to principles to define what they stood for, the

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content of their position was what was known in history as an attachment to federal principles: a

commitment to local government and limited general government, frequent elections and rotation in

office, and to writing things down because our liberties are safer as a result.

Put differently, the actual name Antifederalists did not exist before 1782. It is a 1780s American

contribution to the enduring American issue of what should government do, which level of

government should do it, and which branch of which level should do it. This problem in

nomenclature has led scholars over the ages to suggest, we think unfortunately, that the pro-

constitutional nationalists likeMadison.andHamilton.,actually consciously stole the name

Federalist for propaganda purposes to improve their chances of persuading the electorate and the

delegates to the ratifying conventions to adopt the Constitution. Rhetoric, both on behalf of, and in

restraint of, the role of the federal government, is built into the very fabric of the American system.

And the controversy over the name Antifederalist reflects that inherent quarrel.

Matching up the Antifederalist essays with The Federalistessays

There were no three Antifederalists who got together in New York, or Richmond, and said, Lets

write 85 essays in which we argue that the Constitution should be either rejected or modified before

adoption. Thus, in contrast to the pro-Constitution advocates, there is no one booklikeThe

Federalist(Papers) to which the modern reader can turn to and say, Heres The Antifederalist

(Papers). Their work is vast and varied and, for the most part, uncoordinated.

There is thus a sense in which The Federalistmakes our understanding of the American Founding

relatively easy: here is the one place to go to get the authoritative account of theConstitution.One

purpose of this website is to recover the arguments of the opposition. This recovery is based on a) a

conversation that took place over several years and in which no blood was spilled, and b) the views of

the Antifederalists, which are deeply embodied in theConstitutionand the American tradition.

TheAntifederalists,as we argue in the section on the Antifederalist Legacy, are still very much alive

and well in 21st century America.

An attempt to create an imaginary The Antifederalist Papers, to put along side The Federalist

Papersfor comparison purposes, is actually doing two contrary things: a) creating an impression

that this specific Federalist paper matches up with that specific Antifederalist paper and b) capturing

the worthwhile and accurate fact that a conversation of vital importance took place and both sides

did address the concerns of the other side. TheTimelineencourages the reader to see the following

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interplay: the pro-constitutional Caesar essays were responded to by the Antifederalist Brutus and

Cato essays and these in turn were responded to with the launching of the essays by Publius that

became The Federalist Papersin 1788. And this sort of interplay continues throughout the

ratification process.

In certain places, as we show in the Brutus entries inthe Essential Antifederalist section,one can

certainly match up several Antifederalist essays withessential essays in The Federalist.The

Antifederalists, as Herbert Storing has correctly suggested, criticized theConstitutionand The

Federalistcriticized the Antifederalists. It makes sense, on the whole, however, to argue that the

conversation took place at the founding at a thematic level rather than try to portray a conversation

that took place at an individual specific essay-by-specific-essay level.

As theTimelineindicates, the Antifederalists were active in their opposition to the adoption of

theConstitutioneven before the signing on September 17, 1787. And by November and December,

they were actually winning the out-of-doors debate at least in terms of the sheer number of

newspapers who carried their message in the key states of Massachusetts, New York, and Virginia.

And if we take a look at theSix Stages of Ratification table,we can see the impact of their pamphlet

war on the selection of the delegates in these three key states.

Three Kinds of Antifederalists

There are three kinds ofAntifederalists,but each voice is an important one in the creation and

adoption of theConstitutionand the subsequent unfolding of American politics. For a more detailed

analysis of the coherence and relevance of the Antifederalists, see the link entitled The Legacy of the

Antifederalists.

The first kind is represented by politicians such asRoger Sherman.andOliver Ellsworth.of

Connecticut. They entered the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia with a suspicious

disposition toward the Virginia Plan and its attempt to give sweeping powers to Congress and to

reduce the role of the states in the new American system. This first group achieved considerablesuccess in modifying this national plan back in the direction of federal principles. Thus, in the final

document, the powers of Congress are listed, each state is represented equally in the Senate and

composed of Senators elected by the state legislatures, the president is to be elected by a majority of

the people plus a majority of the states, theConstitutionis to be ratified by the people of nine states,

and theConstitutionis to amended by 2/3 of the House plus 2/3 of the Senate plus 3/4 of the state

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legislatures. Put differently,Sherman.andEllsworth.secured the federal principles in the

veryConstitutionitself and thus theConstitutionis actually partly national and partly federal. In the

end,Sherman.andEllsworth.supported the adoption of theConstitutionand thus secured the

presence of the Antifederalist position in the American tradition.

The second kind of Antifederalist is one who was not privy to the debate in Philadelphia, and has

some deep concerns about the POTENTIALITY of theConstitutionto lead to the concentration of

power in the new government. We are talking about people such asMelancton Smith.,Abraham

Yates.(Brutus), andGeorge Clinton.in New York,Richard Henry Lee.(Federal Farmer) in Virginia,

Samuel Bryant (Centinel) in Pennsylvania, and John Winthrop (Agrippa) in Massachusetts. They

warned that without certain amendments, including a bill of rights that stated clearly what the new

government could and could not do, the newConstitutionhad the POTENTIALITY to generate a

consolidated government over a large territory in which one of the branches of governmentthe

Presidency and the Judiciary were the leading candidates would come to dominate. They warned

that the partly national and partly federalConstitutionwould veer naturally in the direction of

wholly national unless certain precautions were put in place to secure the partly-national and partly-

federal arrangement. These Antifederalists are the ones we have included in our selection of

theEssential Antifederalistson this website. Although we have to knit together their position from a

number of sources, and although the Constitution was unconditionally ratified, their views entered

the amended Constitution by way ofJames Madison.and the First Congress.

The third and final group of Antifederalists was those who wanted as little deviation from

theArticlesas possible and saw the partly-national and partly-federal compromise as totally

unsustainable. The arrangement was doomed to produce a wholly national outcome unless radical

amendments were secured that altered and abolished the very structure and powers that the Framers

took four months to erect. Ratifying delegates likePatrick Henry.come to mind; he deliberately

made a nuisance of himself at the Virginia Ratifying Convention disrupting the orderly process of

debates at will.George Mason.andElbridge Gerry.also come to mind. They started off as warm

supporters of a stronger national government but within twelve months had become open opponentsof even the friendly amendments proposed by the second type of Antifederalist. Within this third

type of Antifederalist, we would also include Philadelphia delegatesLuther Martin., John

Lansing., Robert Yates.,andJohn Mercer..We have not included them in theEssential Antifederalist

listings.Their legacy, as we have tried to capture in The Antifederalist Legacy, is probably to be

found in the Calhoun movement in favor of secession from the American founding.

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So I would argue, in the spirit of Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, that while The

Federalist Papersare among the best essays ever written on representative government, they would

not be as good as they are, or as many essays as there are, if it were not for the persistent critique of

theAntifederalistswho helped define the American conversation over what should government do,

which level of government should do it, and which branch of that level of government should do it.

Those questions are what theEssential Antifederalistsbring to the conversation.

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