History of the International Monetary System and Its Potential Re
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Transcript of History of the International Monetary System and Its Potential Re
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University of Tennessee Honors Thesis Projects University of Tennessee Honors Program
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History of the international monetary system andits potential reformulationCatherine Ardra KarczmarczykUniversity of Tennessee, [email protected]
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Recommended CitationKarczmarczyk, Catherine Ardra, "History of the international monetary system and its potential reformulation" (2010). University ofTennessee Honors Thesis Projects.http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/1341
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HistoryoftheInternationalMonetarySystem
anditsPotentialReformulation
CatherineA.Karczmarczyk
HonorsThesisProject
Dr.AnthonyNownesandDr.AnneMayhew
02May2010
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Karczmarczyk 2
HISTORYOFTHEINTERNATIONALMONETARYSYSTEMANDITSPOTENTIAL
REFORMATION
Introduction
Theyear1252markedthemintingoftheveryfirstgoldcoininWesternEurope
sinceRomantimes.Sincethislandmark,theinternationalmonetarysystemhas
evolvedandtransformeditselfintothemodernsystemthatweusetoday.The
modernsystemhasitsrootsbeginninginthe19thcentury.InthisthesisIexplore
fourmainideasrelatedtothishistory.
Firstistheevolutionoftheinternationalmonetarysystem.WithinthisIwill
explorethedifferenterasthatmakeupthistime.Firstistheclassicgoldstandard,
thentheinterwarperiod,andfollowedbyBrettonWoods.Thissectionconcludes
withadiscussiononthecurrentera,alsoknownasthedirtyfloat.
Thesecondsectionwillexplorethetransitionperiodofthe1990s.This
sectionexplorestheAsianFinancialCrisisindetailandalsodiscussestheoriginsof
theeurozone.Thesesectionsbegintheanalysisportionofthethesis,andwhilethey
dogiveacertaindegreeofbackground,thesectionlargelyservesasatransitional
section.
Thethirdsectionisananalysisofthecurrentmonetarysystem.Theworldis
facingtwomajorissuesrightnow,thepotentialcollapseoftheeurozoneandthe
ChineseholdingofUSTreasurydebt.Inthissection,Iwillexploretheseissuesin
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depthandhighlighthowthehistoryoftheinternationalmonetarysystemhasledus
tothispoint.
Inthefourthandfinalsection,Ihighlightseveralpossibilitiesforreform.This
isnotacomprehensiveplanofaction,butratherideasofwhereIseereformis
needed.Actualreformpossibilitieshavebeencirculatingforyears,andtheseideas
representacombinationofthese.
EvolutionoftheInternationalMonetarySystem
TheClassicGoldStandard(18701914)
Inthissection,IwilldiscusstheriseandimportanceofthegoldstandardinGreat
Britain,theBankofEnglandasalenderoflastresort,andtheresultsofthe
continentjoiningthegoldstandard.Iwillconcludewithabriefdiscussionoftheend
oftheprewargoldstandardandtheoverallimportanceofitsevolutiontoboththe
interwarandpostwarperiodsbutalsotothemodernmonetarysystemtoday.
TheRiseoftheGoldStandardinGreatBritain
Theclassicgoldstandardstartedformostcountriesinandaroundthe1870s,but
forGreatBritain,itwasfarearlier.Manydatetheadventofthegoldstandardin
Britainto1717,whenSirIsaacNewtonsetthepriceofgoldattoolowarate,
causingsilvertodisappearfromthecountryentirely.Theactualdateof
demonetizationdidntoccuruntil1774,theyearwhengoldwasrecoined,silverwas
recognizedassubsidiary,andlimitsweresetontheuseofsilvercoinsinexcessof
25pounds.
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Intheyearsleadinguptotheadoptionofthegoldstandardbycontinental
Europe,Britainfacedseveralinstancesofconvertibilityissues.WhentheReignof
Terrortookplaceinearly1793,therewasasharpoutflowofcapitalintheformof
bothgoldandsilverfromFrance.Thisproducedlargeamountsofliquidityin
Britain,fuelinganongoingmaniatoitspeak.Eventuallytheassignat,theFrench
papercurrencyofthetime,collapsed,forcingareflowofmoney.TheBritishpeople
panicked,andabankrunensued.Inresponse,theBritishgovernmentorderedthe
BankofEnglandtosuspendconvertibility,wellbeforereservesranoutinaneffort
tokeepgoldreservesfrombecomingexhaustedifalltheincreasednotestofinance
thewarwerecashedin.In1825,notlongafterconvertibilityresumption,Britain
onceagainfacedthethreatofabankrun.TheBankofFrancesteppedintoaidthem
atthistime,easingthefearofsuspension.
Britainrecognizedtheneedtoact.Suspensionofthecurrencyledtoan
inconsistentsystemalwaysfacingbankruns.Atthistime,however,thereweretwo
schoolsofthought,theCurrencySchoolandtheBankingSchool,eachwithdiffering
ideasonhowthemoneysupplyshouldbehandled.Theintricaciesofthesetwo
schoolsarebeyondthescopeofthispaper,butletitsufficetosaythattheBanking
Actof1844wasacompromisebetweenthetwo.FortheBankofEngland,itcreated
anIssueDepartment,whichwasresponsiblefortheissueofpapercurrency,andit
wouldalsocreateaBankingDepartment,responsibleformakingloansand
discountsuptoamultipleofitsreservesofbanknotesthathadbeenproducedby
theIssueDepartment(Kindleberger59).
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ApartfromafixedinitialquantityofBanknotesbackedbygovernment
securities,everynoteissuedhadtobebackedbybullioninthevaultoftheIssue
Department.ThislimitedthequantityofBanknotesinanefforttoadheretothe
principlethatthewaytoassureasoundpapercurrencyistorequireanyincrease
initsquantitytobebackedpoundforpoundbyincreasesinbullionreservesheldby
thecentralbank(Dillard378).Basically,atthispointinthehistoryofbankingin
England,securitywasmoresacredthanflexibility.Choosingthispath,however,
madeitdifficultfortheBankofEnglandtosupplycreditintimesofemergency.
WhentheCrisesof1847,1857,and1866erupted,theBankofEnglandwasgiven
permissionbygovernmenttobreakthelawbyissuingnotesnotbackedbybullion.
TheBankActof1844hadanevenmorefundamentalissuehowever.It
presumedthatcontrolofthequantityofbanknotes,andthereservesbehindthem,
wasthechieffunctionofcentralbanking(Dillard378).Britishbanking,however,
wasenteringanewphase,thecheckingsystem.
TheBankofEnglandasaLenderofLastResort
Inthenewcheckingphaseofbanking,themostimportantfunctionoftheBankof
Englandwasastheholderofthecentralreservessupportingthecheckingsystem
andasalenderoflastresortinemergencies(Dillard379).Therehadlongbeen
debateinEnglandoverwhetherthelenderoflastresortshouldbetheExchequeror
theBankofEngland,buttheactionsoftheBankActof1844,leftlittledoubtasto
whomthejobwouldfall.Itwasaroundthistimeofthisnewphasethatitbecame
startlinglyclearthattheBankofEnglandwasnolongerjustanyotherbank.Its
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reservesweretoolargeanditsroleasacreditcustodiantoowidelyaccepted.Ithad
tostandreadytolenditsreservesfreelyincriticalcreditsituations;formere
reluctanceonitspartwouldmakecrediteventighterandprecipitateacrisisor
makeanexistingcrisisworse(Dillard379).
Privatebanksandothersuchinstitutionsneededbanknotes(thelegal
tender)toprovidefortheircustomers.Inordertodothis,however,theyhadto
haveaccesstothecentralbank.SuchanecessitygavetheBankofEnglandacertain
degreeofpower.TheBankofEnglandcouldmakethebankersandbillbrokerspay
fornewmoneybyraisingtherateofinterest,but[atthesametime]itcouldhardly
refusetolend,providedtheborrowershadgoodsecuritiestosellorpledgeagainst
theirloans(Dillard379).Thepower,andresponsibility,comesinbecausenow
becausetheBankingDepartment(nowthepowerfuldepartmentduetotheriseof
checking)washeldresponsibleforthecreditofallbanks,astheirabilitiesdepended
ontheliquidityofthecentralbank.
ContinentalEuropeJoinstheGoldStandard
ThegoldstandardinEnglandhadbeenaroundforseveralyearsbeforecontinental
Europedecidedtoalsojoinin.DuringthetimethatBritainhadbeenbuildingand
redefiningits(andeventuallytheworlds)bankingsystem,theyhadalsobeen
experiencingtheIndustrialRevolution.Thisindustrializationleftthemasthe
worldsleadingeconomicpowerandthemainsourceofforeignfinance
(Eichengreen17).Countriesdesperatelywantedtotradewithsuchaneconomic
resource,andthebimetallicstandardsofmanyofthesecountriesdidntfacilitate
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easytrade.Portugalhaddecidedearlyonin1854thatitstradewithBritainwas
crucial,andtheyinresponseadoptedthegoldstandardin1854.Othercountries,
however,hadyettocometothatconclusion.
Whenaseriesofevents,includingabriefboutofinconvertibility(associated
withtheFrancoPrussianWar),decliningtransportationcosts,andlargesilver
discoveriesinthe1850s(inplacessuchasNevada),considerationsofjoiningthe
goldstandardwerepushedevenfurther.Ultimately,thefinalincentivecamein
1871,whenGermany,theleadingindustrialpowerofcontinentalEurope,choseto
liquidateitssilverholdingsinanefforttoopenupmoretradewithGreatBritain.
Theresultwasachainreactioncausedbytheincentiveforeachcountrytoadopt
themonetarystandardsharedbyitscommercialandfinancialneighbors
(Eichengreen17).Bytheendofthenineteenthcentury,Spainwastheonly
Europeancountrystilloninconvertiblepaper.Intherestoftheworld,theUnited
States,Japan,Russia,India,andLatinAmericaallalsoinstitutedgoldconvertibility.
SilverremainedthemonetarysystemonlyinChinaandafewothersmallcountries.
Underthegoldstandard,theexchangeratesofthesemajorindustrial
countrieswerefirmlypeggedwithinnarrowbands(thegoldpoints)inan
environmentfreeofsignificantrestrictionsoninternationalflowsoffinancial
capital(Bayoumi165).Therateofconvertibilityandpriceofgoldwasfixed,and
underthisfixedsystem,theworldenteredaperiodoftradeandglobalization
previouslyunmatchedinhistory.Thestabilityofexchangeratesunderthissystem
ledtotheopennessofthemarketsandbuoyancyoftrade,whichinturnoffered
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supportwithinthemselvesofthegoldstandard.Therewere,however,pressureson
theBankofEnglandwiththisincreaseduseoftheirreserveservices.Sameasinthe
domesticmarket,theinternationalgoldstandardrequiredondemandpaymentto
depositors.AsBanknoteswerentlegaltenderinthisnewfoundinternational
exchange,goldhadtobeexportedifsodesiredbythedepositor.Increasesinthe
rateofinterestbroughtaboutbyincreasesintheBankratewereusedtoattract
moneytoLondonandtopreventadrainofEnglishreserves(Dillard379).
InstabilityandFailure
Theoperationofthegoldstandardsystemrestedoncentralbanksoverriding
commitmenttothemaintenanceofexternalconvertibility(Eichengreen34).There
was,however,akeyproblemwiththis.Notallcountrieshadestablishedcentral
banks.EvenintheUnitedStatesFederalReservewasntestablisheduntil1913.This
resultedfrequentlyincountriesbeingforcedtosuspendgoldconvertibilitytoallow
theircurrenciestodepreciateproperly.Yetthiswasjustoneissue.
Thebiggesttensionandpressureassociatedwiththegoldstandardwasthat
oftheroleoftheBankofEngland.Aspreviouslymentioned,theBankofEngland
wasoperatingasthestewardofthegoldstandard,andthusBritishparticipationin
thesystemwascritical.Itisntcoincidentalthatontwoseparateoccasions,1890
and1907,Britainreceivedforeignsupportwhenfacedwithinconvertibility.Yetby
theturnofthecentury,Britainsrolewasbeingunderminedbythemorerapid
paceofeconomicgrowthandfinancialdevelopmentinothercountries
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(Eichengreen42).LessofitslendingreturnedtoLondonintheformofforeign
deposits.
Ultimately,noneoftheseissuesresultedinthedeathofthegoldstandard
despitetheirincreasinglyworrisomepossibilities.InJulyof1914WorldWarIbroke
out,andwhenEuropebecameentrenchedinthewar,goldexportsweresuspended
inordertopreventtheflightofgold[and]moreover,theenormousincreasesin
thequantityofpapercurrencyandbankcreditmadeimpossibletheirfree
convertibilityintogold(Dillard510).TherealityofWorldWarIwasacomplete
shutdownininternationaltradeandtheendofthegoldstandard.
TheInterwarPeriod(19191939)
Theevolutionofourmodernpoliticalsystemhasamarkeddiscontinuityduetothe
outbreakofwarin1914.Inanefforttobeconcise,Iwillnotdiscusstheeconomics
oftheactualwar,asitisbeyondthescopeofthispaper.Instead,Iwillmoveon
directlytotheInterwarPeriod,whichcanbedividedintofourdistincttimes:
RecoveryandReparations(19191925),theBoom(19251929),theCollapse
(19291933),andStruggledRecovery(19331939).
RecoveryandReparations(19191925)
Reparationpayments,territorialchanges,hyperinflation,andadesiretoreturnto
goldcharacterizedtherealityofthistimeperiod.IntheArmisticeConventionsigned
onNovember11,1918,itwasagreedthatGermanywastopayreparationtothe
victoriousAllies(Kindleberger290).Theamountofsuchreparationswasleft
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undecided,butGermanywasforcedtosignthetreaty,takingonanyandall
responsibilityforthewar.Itwasgenerallyagreeduponatthistimethatsince
Germanywasresponsibleforthewar,theyshouldberesponsibleafterthewar,
meaningthattheywouldberequiredtopayforit.Becauseofextremedifferencesof
opinionontheAlliedsideabouthowmuchthisshouldbe,aspecialReparations
Commissionwascalledupon.InApril1921,theReparationsCommissionfixedan
amountof132billiongoldmarksplus26percentinexporttaxesoveraperiodof
fortytwoyears(Kindleberger290).Germanswerenthappywiththisarrangement
asitwas,butgiventheirrelativepositionintheworldatthistime,therewaslittle
thattheycouldsay.ThewilltopayonthesideofGermanywasweak,andattimes,
completelymissing.
TerritorialChanges.Typically,economicrelationsarenotbasedonsuch
internationalrelationsissuesasterritorychanges.TheaftermathofWorldWarI
wasanexception.Germanylostapproximatelyonethirdofitscoalresources,
locatedinthekeyareaoftheSaarandUpperSilesia(Dillard511).France,underthe
provisionsontheVersaillesTreaty,hadtakenoverthisareapostwarinorderto
providecoaltoproducesteelintheLorraine,anareatakenbyGermansduringthe
war.Additionally,GermanywasobligatedundertheTreatytosupplyadditionalcoal
toFrancetocompensateforthewardamagetocoalmines(Dillard511).Thiswas
partofthegeneralreparationsthatGermanywastopay,buttheremainingcoalleft
aftersuchrepaymentswasntenoughtosupplyGermanysrebuildingeffortsand
postwarindustry.CoalwasnttheonlyresourcethatGermanyoncehadbutnow
lacked.TheLorrainewasalsorichinironore.Thesepostwarchangeshadinterfered
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withtheproductionsystem,andtheresultwasdisorganizationandlossofefficiency
intheEuropeansteelindustry.
InJanuary1922,GermanscalledforaconferenceinCannestodiscussa
potentialmoratoriumandtoreopenthereparationquestion.Britainhadbeen
pushingforarevisedandreducedschedule,largelyinfluencebyKeynes,and
openedtheconferenceupfortheideaofaninternationalloantoGermany.InApril
theReparationsCommissionmettofurtherexplorethispossibility,butinJune,the
committeedecidedthatgiventhereparationschedule,Germanyscreditwasnot
sufficientlyhightojustifyaninternationalloan(Kindleberger293).
Hyperinflation.Latethatsummerandintothefollowingfall,Germanys
reparationpaymentsfellcompletelyoffschedule.Germanshadnowayofmeeting
thedemandsplaceduponthem.Theywerelackingterritory,andevenmore,the
FrenchdidntwantthecompetitionofGermanworkerstakingjobsawayfrom
domesticworkersintheirreconstructionefforts(Mayhew1).Thesituation
worsened.FrenchandBelgiantroopsweresenttooccupytheRuhrinanattemptto
enforcereparationpaymentdelivery.ThisresultedonlyinastrikeofGerman
workers,andinanefforttoaidtheseworkers,theGermangovernmentsimply
beganprintingmoremoney.Averagewholesalepricesrosefromanindexof1,400
(wherepricesweremeasuredas100in1913)to126,000,000,000,000inDecember
of1923(Mayhew1).Themarkwasrenderedworthlessandwasreplacedin
November(aftergreatdamagetothemiddleclass)bytheRentenmark,anentirely
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newcurrency.TheGermangovernmentalsoraisedtaxesatthistime.The
RentenmarkwasthenlaterreplacedbytheReichsmarkwiththeDawesPlan.
TheDawesPlan,createdbyaninternationalcommitteeofbothmoderates
andextremists,waskeyforGermany.AnnouncedinApril1924,itcreateda
reparationschedulebeginningwith1billiongoldmarksforthefirstyear,2.5
billioninthefifth[and]providedroomforchangesifgoldpricesmovedupor
downby10percent(Kindleberger294).Theprovisionsincludedbotha
ReparationsAgency,establishedinBerlintooverseefinances,andareorganization
oftheReichsmark.Finally,andmostimportantly,theDawesPlancreateda
provisionthatallowed800Reichsmarktobesoldonvariousmarkets.Despite
protestsonthesideoftheFrench,thegovernmentsofbothFranceandBelgium
appliedheavypressuretoprivatebankerstohavethemhandlethesharesofthe
loan.Forawhile,thissolutionseemedtowork,andGermanywasabletomakeits
paymentsonschedule.
Asitturnsout,thiswasadeceptivereality.Americanprivateinvestors,
particularlyoutofNewYorkCity,hadbeenmakinglargedollarloanstoGermany.It
wasthesedollarsthatwereusedtomakereparationpayments,whichtheAlliesin
turnusedtomakewardebtpayments(Dillard520).Wardebtswereincurredfor
assistanceandforshipmentfromtheU.S.ofgrain,cotton,andothersuppliesduring
thewar(Mayhew2).TheAmericansinsistedonthese,notfromGermany,butfrom
theAlliedforces.TheAmericangovernmenthad,however,madeitabundantlyclear
thattheydidntwishtoreceiverepaymentintheformofgoodsbyinstituting
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ridiculouslyhightariffs.Withthiscycleofloansandwardebtpayments,theUnited
Stateswasessentiallypayingitself.
ReturntoGold.Duringthisinterwarperiod,thegoldstandardhadbeenlargely
abandonedwithonlyUnitedStatesandafewothersmallcountriesstillmaintaining
it.Thereasonforthisisthatcrucialaspectofthegoldstandardnolongerexisted:
moneywasnolongerexchangeableintogold.However,therewasstillastrong
desiretoreturntotheprewarsystemduelargelytothefactthatithadfacilitated
largeamountsofinternationaltradeandglobalization.Sobetween1923and1928
morethanthirtynationsrestoredthegoldstandardinsomeform(Dillard538).
Thegreatestdecisionconcerningthis,however,wasnotwhethertorestore
thegoldstandard,butratheratwhatleveltosetit.InGreatBritainthisdebates
existedoverwhethertheyshouldfixthepoundsterlingtoitsprewargoldcontent
orattheexistingpostwarvalueinrelationtoothercurrencies(Dillard538).
EventuallyitwasdecidedthatBritainwouldreturntothegoldstandardatthe
prewarlevel.Theyweretodothisbypermittingfreeexportofgoldbullionafter
April1,1925.Yetwhenthisdecisionwasmade,thepoundwasnowhereasstrong
asithadbeenintheprewaryears.Prewar,thepoundwasvaluedat$4.40,butin
thisinterwarperiod,itwasaround$4.87(Dillard538).Toreturntogoldmeantthat
thepoundwouldhavetoappreciate,andsotorestoretheparratiobetweenthe
dollarandpoundmeantthatpricesneededtoeitherriseintheUSorfallinthe
UnitedKingdom.GiventhestabilityoftheUnitedStatesinthepostWWItime
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period,thisfelltoBritain.Essentially,inordertomakethegoldstandardwork,
GreatBritainwouldhavetodeflateitspricelevels.
TheBritishwereencouragedtothenrelymoreheavilyonimportsasthe
Britishpoundsterlingwouldnowbuy10percentabroadmorethanbeforeandvery
littlemoreathome(Dillard539).Thisledtoanadversebalanceoftrade,but
meetingthisadversebalancebypermittinggoldtobeexportedwasundesirabledue
tothelowlevelsofgold.SotheBankofEnglandthenoptedtoincreasethebankrate
inordertoattractloanstoBritaintocoverthedeficitinthebalanceofpayments
(Dillard539).Thisultimatelyledtohousingshortages,unemployment,andlittle
construction.TheBritisheconomydidnotenjoytheexpansionofproductionthat
tookplaceelsewhere(Mayhew3).
TheBoom(19251929)
Withmostcountriesnoweitheronthegoldstandardormovingtowardsit,
normalcyseemedtoberestored.Butthistimewasnotwithoutitstensions.Inthe
timebeforetheWorldWar,Londonhadbeenthecenterofthefinancialworld,and
theBankofEnglandwasthelenderoflastresort.Duringthe1920s,however,
Europebecameunabletofunctionastheworldsbanker.Britainhadcontinual
difficultyofmaintainingthepoundat$4.87whilehighinterestandunemployment
ratespersisted.Importanttonoteisatthesametimeofthisovervaluationofthe
pound,therewasanunderevaluationoftheFrenchfranc,whichhadledtoapileup
ofsterlingintheFrenchmonetarysystem(Kindleberger354).
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RoleoftheUnitedStates.Inlightofthis,theUnitedStatessteppedinto
replaceBritainastheworldsbankerbyofferinglongtermloans.Americanbanks
lentinverylargesumsandtheseloansledtoahighdependencylevelofEuropeon
theUnitedStates.Atthesametime,however,Americaneconomicpolicyplaced
majorobstaclesinthewayofrepaymentofloans(Dillard541).Havingbeenin
suchalargecreditorrole,theUnitedStatesshouldhaveincreaseditsimportsin
orderforforeignerstohavetheopportunitytoearndollarswithwhichtheycould
thenservicetheirdebt.Loweringtariffswouldhavedonethis.TheUnitedStates,
however,didjusttheopposite.Inboth1922and1930,tariffsreachedtheirhighest
pointinhistory.Thoseforeignerswhohadreceivedloanspaidtheinterestontheir
debtstemporarilyoutoffurtherloansratherthanfromincreasedproductivity
(Dillard541).
Theboom,however,existedbecauseofanddependedlargelyuponthe
UnitedStates,whoseeconomywasbeginningtoshowsignsofweakening.
Consumerbuyingwasslowing,debtreacheditshighestlevelyetseen,and
constructionslowedconsiderablyasthedemandofnewhousingevaporated
(Mayhew4).Theseconditionsontopofthehightariffsputtheportionoftheworld
thatdependedontheUnitedStates(whichatthetimewasaconsiderableamount)
inaprecarioussituation.
Reparations.Reparationswerealsobecomingincreasinglyworrisomeduring
thistime.Theywerebeingfinancedbyborrowing,buttheyremaineddifficultto
maintain.Germanyinparticularwasbeginningtocrackunderthestrain.Inorderto
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meettheimmenseobligationsofthereparationagreements,Germanywouldhave
to(1)builduptremendouslyitsindustrialproductivecapacity;(2)haveexportsin
excessofimportsbyatleasttheamountofreparations;(3)disposeofthehuge
exportsurpluseitherdirectlytotheAlliesorsellincompetitiveworldmarkets;(4)
keepdomesticconsumptionfarbelowdomesticproductionforseveralgenerations
byheavytaxation(Dillard517).Eachoftheseprovedtobeultimatelyimpossible,
anditwasntlonguntilGermanywasnolongerwillingtoproducegreatsurplus
wealthforthebenefitoftheirvictoriousenemieswhiletheGermanstruggledator
nearsubsistence(Dillard519).Thesedeterioratingconditionsledtotensionsthat
wouldultimatelyresultinacollapse.
Primaryproductinventories.Asafinalnote,Europeanrecoveryinthe
productionofprimaryproducts,suchasgrain,hadledtopricestoturnsoftas
earlyas1925(Kindleberger355).Thismeansthatasinventoriesofsuchproducts
begantogrow,pricesbegantofall.Theconsequencesofthishadthegreatest
ramificationsincountriessuchasAustraliaandNewZealandwhodependedon
exportoftheseproductsandforagriculturalregionsoftheUS.Essentially,theworld
hadmorecapacitytogrowfoodthanithadcapacitytobuyfood(Mayhew4).
TheCollapse(19291933)
Thetensionsduringtheboomperiodwererealizedwhenin1928foreign
lendingfromtheU.S.begantodrop.Schachtscampaign,anattemptagainstGerman
borrowinginNewYork,resultedinaswitchtoshorttermloans.Depressionin
Germanyhadstartedalittleearlier(around1927)andthehigherinterestrates
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necessarytoattractshorttermfundspushedproductionstilllower(Kindleberger
355).Unemploymentroseexponentially,andtheFrankfurtInsuranceCompany
failedinAugust1929.IntheUnitedStates,thestockmarket,despitetheFedsbest
efforts,begantorise.Inanefforttocombatthis,theFedraisedthediscountrate.
ThisWallStreetboominU.S.stocksledtostillafurtherdropinlongtermlending.
Aroundthesametime,theBankofFrancepulledgoldoutofLondondueto
irritationovertheYoungPlan,whichinturnresultedinatightersituationinBritain.
TheBankofEnglandraiseditsdiscountratefrom5percentto6percenton
September26,1929.ThisledtopressureinScandinaviawherediscountrateswere
alsoraisedinanefforttokeepinlinewithBritain.Therewasacertainworryatthis
pointthatGreatBritainwouldbeforcedoffthegoldstandard,butsuchfearswere
delayedwiththestockmarketcrashonOctober24andthesubsequentBlack
TuesdayonOctober29(Kindleberger355).
DeclineinProduction.Bymid1929productionofgoodsandservicesbegan
tofallsharplyworldwide(Mayhew5).Itbecameincreasinglydifficulttonegotiate
thetermsonwhichgoodscouldbeconvertedintomoney,andsoonlossesreplaced
profits,meaningthatattheendofaturnoverofcapitaltheproducershadless
moneythanatthestartoftheturnoverperiod(Dillard543).Thegoalbecameto
conserve,notexpand,andgoodswhichcouldnolongerbeconvertedeasilyto
moneybecameworthless,atleasttothecapitalisticnotionsofthistime.Thisidea
playedoutinternationallyintheformofgold.Creditwasnolongeraworthy
substituteofmoney,andthusproductionhaltedinanefforttokeepgoldcloseto
home.Thisledtohugedeclinesinproductionandinemployment.Asthecycle
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continued,thesituationworsened.Considerthefollowingchart(whichassumesa
standardproductionof100for1929):
Mayhew,Anne.NotesontheInterwarEconomiesofWesternEurope.
DeparturefromtheGoldStandard.AslongtermAmericanloansendedand
internationaltradefell,debtornationssoughttoborrowshorttermathighinterest
ratesinanefforttocovertheirdeficits.Suchactionsmighthavebeensuccessfulif
thedepressionhadendedsoonthereafter,butwiththecontinuationofsuchadeep
depression,thehighinterestratesonshorttermloansjustdrovethedepression
deeper.
PanicreachednewlevelsintheworldmoneymarketsinMay1931whenthe
largestbankinAustriacrashedduetothebadloanstheyhadmadetothe
agriculturalregionsofcentralEurope.Thisinturncausedacompletelackof
confidence,andmoneymarketsbegantocrashallovertheworld.London,New
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
U.K. France Germany U.S.A.
1929
1932
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Karczmarczyk 19
York,andBerlinwereamongthem.Priortothiscrash,itisimportanttonotethat
duringtheearlymonthsof1931,theReichsbankhadlostninetenthsofitsgold
reserve,whichhadresultedinseveralGermanbanksclosureandadiscountrateof
15percent(Dillard542).Germanyundernormalcircumstanceswouldhavegone
offthegoldstandardandallowedthecurrencytoreachitsnaturallevelin
internationalexchanges,buttherecenthyperinflationkeptthispolitically
impossible.Instead,Germanysuspendedallforeignpaymentsandimposedrigid
exchangecontrols(Dillard542).
SuspensionofpaymentsinGermanyhadramificationsinBritain,where
Britishcreditswerenowfrozenanduncollectable.DepositorsoftheBankof
Englandbecamealarmedandbegantowithdrawheavily,despitetheBankof
Englandseffortsinraisingthediscountrate.Ultimately,theylostmorethan200
millionpoundswithinjusttwomonthsofGermanysforeignpaymentsuspension
(Dillard543).ThefinalblowcameonSeptember20,1931,afteraweeklonggold
rushwheregoldreservesdroppedtodangerouslevels.TheBankofEngland
decidedtosuspendgoldpayments,andofficiallytooktheUnitedKingdomoffofthe
goldstandard.Reparationshadalsostoppedentirely.
ReactionandRecovery(19331939)
Manycountriesquicklyfollowedsuitandtookthemselvesoffofthegoldstandard.
By1932,thirtyfivecountrieshadcomeoffofthegoldstandard,eachwithdifferent
results.IntheUnitedKingdom,therewasasighofrelief.Theyenteredaperiodof
milddomesticinflation,increasedemployment,andrisingbusinessexpectations
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Karczmarczyk 20
(Dillard544).Ofthelargenations,onlyFranceandtheUnitedStatesattemptedto
stayongold,andthey,inturn,sufferedforit.FrenchandAmericanexportersfound
thatnoonewantedtobuytheirgoodsbecausetheircurrencywasvaluedmuch
higherthanothers,andwhentheyfuthererectedhightariffsandimportquotas,
theysealedthemselvesofffromworldtrade.Theyimposedonthemselves
continuingdeflationofdomesticpricestotheaccompanimentofrising
unemploymentandstilldeeperdepression(Dillard544).
TheUnitedStatesfaceddeeperproblemsstillwhenforeignwithdrawals
coupledwithincreasingdomesticdemandforgoldcausedagoldcrisisduetothe
lackofcredit(Dillard544).Bankrunsbecameincreasinglymorecommon,andin
turn,thehoardingofgoldledtoaliquiditycrisis.Whenmorethan5000banksfailed
intwoyears,theUnitedStatestemporarilyclosedallbanksinMarchof1933.Soon
thereafter,theU.S.suspendedgoldandwasforcedoffthegoldstandard.France
collapsedsoonafterward,anactionwhichwouldresultinadecadeofmoderately
inefficiencyonthepartoftheFrenchgovernment.SowithFranceandtheUnited
Statesnowofficiallyoffgold,thegoldstandardandinternationaltradecrumpled.
AroundthistimetheNazis,however,werebeginninganactiveprogramof
recoverytoadepressedaGermany.Theunemployedwereputtoworkbuildingup
domesticinfrastructure.UnderthesecondFourYearPlan,beginningin1937,
rearmamentbecamethemostimportantaspectofGermanpolicy.By1938,
Germanysindustrialproductionhadmorethandoubledits1932output(Dillard
558).TheeconomyduringWorldWarIIisbeyondthescopeofthispaper,butletit
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sufficetosaythattheGermansgaveanincredibleeconomicperformanceduringthe
war.Theaftermath,however,leftEuropeonceagaininruins.
TheBrettonWoodsEra(19441971)
Inanefforttokeepthishistoryconcise,Iwillnotbediscussingthewartime
economy,asitwithinitselfhadnodirecteffectontheevolutionoftheinternational
monetarysystem.Iwillinsteadmovedirectlytothepostwarperiod,whichbegan
in1944.TheBrettonWoodsEracanbedividedintothreesubperiods:
Preconvertibility(19441958),thePrimeYears(19591967),andtheCollapse
(19681971).Beforeexploringeachofthese,Iwillfirstdiscussthevisionofthe
architectsofBrettonWoods,asitisatellingstatementofthementalityofthe
period.
TheVisionoftheBrettonWoodsArchitects
Thesituationdirectlyfollowingthewarandtheexperienceoftheprevious
monetarytimeshadadirecteffectontheideasaboutanewinternationalmonetary
order.TheoriginalgoaloftheBrettonWoodssystemwastocombinethe
advantagesoftheclassicalgoldstandardwiththeadvantagesoffloatingrates.At
thesametime,theplanningofanewinternationalorderwaspredicatedonthe
beliefthatthemistakesoftheinterwarperiodweretobeavoided.Europewasalso
strugglingwiththerecoveryfromthedevastationofthewar,andhavingjustcome
offatimeoftwoworldwars,theinternationalcommunitysoughtasystemthat
wouldpromotepeaceandinterdependence.
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Karczmarczyk 22
WorldWarIIresultedinpowershiftsthatinturnslanteddiscussionsofthe
creationofanewsystem.TheUnitedStateshademergedfromthewarasthe
strongestandrichestpowerintheworld,butGreatBritainhadbeenseverely
weakened(Bordo31).Againstthebackdropofwartimediplomaticnegotiations,
thesetwocountriesagreedtobeofassistancetoeachotherinthepostwarworld.
JohnMaynardKeynesoftheBritishTreasuryandHarryDexterWhiteofthe
AmericanFederalReserveeachdraftedtwoplansofwhattheybelievedthepost
wareconomyshouldlooklike.Acompromisebetweenthesetwoplans,followinga
periodoftoughnegotiations,ledtotheJointStatementbyExpertsonthe
EstablishmentofanInternationalMonetaryFund,whichinturnservedasthe
workingdraftattheBrettonWoodsconferenceandleddirectlytotheArticlesof
AgreementoftheInternationalMonetaryFund.AlongwiththeIMF,BrettonWoods
alsocreatedtheWorldBank.
TheArticlesofAgreement.TheArticlesofAgreementwasacompromiseand
incorporatedaspectsofbothplans,butultimately,duetoitsnewworldpower
status,theUnitedStatesdominatedtheconcerns.Theobjectivesofthefundwere
topromoteinternationalmonetarycooperation,tofacilitatethemaintenanceoffull
employmentandrapidgrowth,toproveamultilateralpaymentssystemand
eliminateexchangerestrictions,toprovideresourcestomeetbalanceofpayments
disequilibria,andtoshortenthedurationandlessenthedegreeofpayments
disequilibria(Bordo35).
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Karczmarczyk 23
Themethodthatthissystemwastoworkwasthreefold.First,allcurrencies
weretobetreatedasequalinthearticles.Ideally,eachcountrywasrequiredto
maintainitsparvaluebyinterveninginthecurrencyofeveryothercurrency,butin
reality,theUnitedStateswastheonlycountrythatpeggeditscurrency(intermsof
gold).Theotherssimplyfixedtheircurrencyintermsofthedollarandintervened
onlytokeeptheirexchangerateswithin1%ofparitywiththedollar(Bordo37).
Second,countrieswouldusetheirreservesordrawreservesfromtheFundto
financepaymentsdeficits.Third,capitalcontrolswererequiredtoprevent
destabilizingspeculationfromforcingmembertoaltertheirparitiesprematurelyor
unintentionally(Bordo37).Intheend,however,thegoalsofBrettonWoodsrealin
manywaysnotrealized,andtheinternationalmonetarysystemevolvedintoagold
dollarstandard.
Preconvertibility(19461958)
Reparations,whichwereoneofthemostdifficultproblemsinpostWWI,were
mostlyeliminatedafterWorldWarII(Kindleberger413).Yetevenstillthe
transitiontofullconvertibilitywasmuchmoredifficultthanhadbeenpreviously
thought.Thiscanbeattributedinitiallytotwointerrelatedproblems:bilateralism
andthedollarshortage.
Bilateralism.Duringthewar,manycountrieshadutilizedasystemof
exchangecontrols,whichwasatechniqueusedtoregulateinternationaltradeand
capitalmovements.Governmentswouldrequiresuchactionsasrequiringexporters
tosurrendertheforeignmoneyreceivedfromsalesabroadandrequiringimporters
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Karczmarczyk 24
topurchaseforeignexchangefromauthorizedbanks(Dillard546).Suchcontrols
tendedtopromotebilateralarrangementsinforeigntrade.Themottowasifwe
buyfromyou,youmustagreetobuyfromus(Dillard547).NearlyallEuropean
countriesusedthissystem.
Withthecreationofanewinternationalorder,thegoalwastoeventually
eliminatethese.UnderArticleXIVoftheBrettonWoodsagreement,countriescould
continuetouseexchangecontrolsforanindefinitetransitionperiodafterthe
establishmentoftheIMFof1March1947(Bordo38).Therationalegivenfor
continuingtheseduringthistransitionperiodwastheshortageofinternational
reserves.Controlswereneededtoallocateashortageofbothimportsandexports.
AsianandEuropeaneconomieswereinruinsafterthewar,andinordertoincrease
theirexportcapabilities,theyneedednewandimprovedcapital.Atthesametime,
therewasashortageofimportsineverythingfromcapitalequipmenttothe
necessitiesoflife(i.e.food).Thebilateralagreementshelpedcreateatemporary
systemoflicensesandquotasforimportsandexportsthroughthecentralbank.
TheDollarShortage.Europespostwarbalanceofpaymentscrisiscame
aboutduetothebreakdownoftheinternationalfinancialsystem.Reasonsinclude
thestrengthoftheUnitedStates,theEuropeanliquidationofforeigninvestments
earlyinthewar,thecutofftoEuropeschiefsourceofprewardollarsupplyin
southeastAsia,increasesinpopulationinunderdevelopedareas,theriseofpricesof
theprimaryproductimportedrelativetopricesofthemanufacturedgoods
exported,andthesplitbetweenEasternandWesternEurope(Dillard657648).The
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Karczmarczyk 25
shortenedversionbeingthatEuropehadforyearsbeendependentuponexternal
marketsforexportsandforeignsourcesofsupplyforfoodandrawmaterials,andit
wasarguedthatthebalanceofpaymentsdeficitsfacingmostcountriesreflectedthe
incapacityoftheirexportindustries(Dillard645).Sinceatthistime,theUnited
Statesheldtwothirdsoftheworldsmonetarygoldstock,theysuppliedtheneeded
imports(Bordo38).TheIMFwasalsopressuringmemberstodeclareparvalues.
Manybelievedthissituationtobepermanentduetothelargeamountofreservesin
theUnitedStatesandthedepletedamountinEurope.Suchargumentswerebased
ontheideathatEuropewouldneverreachtherateofproductivityofthatofthe
UnitedStates.
SuchasituationwasnotpreferableforeitherEuropeortheUnitedStates.In
ordertoachieveastronginternationalsystemandrestoreEuropesequilibriumin
internationalpayments,theUnitedStatesimplementedtheMarshallPlan.Shortly
thereafter,aEuropeanPaymentsUnionwasformed,dollarconvertibilitywas
restored,andthedollarbecamethekeycurrency.
TheMarshallPlan.InanefforttoaidEurope,theAmericanSecretaryofState,
GeorgeC.Marshall,proposedaboldplantorestoreEuropesequilibriumthrough
massiveAmericanfinancingandintraEuropeanplanning(Dillard648).All
Europeannations,withtheexceptionofGermanyandSpain,wereinvitedtojointhe
conference,atwhichthelogisticsoftheplanwouldbeworkedout.Itwaswell
receivedinWesternEurope,butinEasternEurope,theysnubbedtheidea,largely
duetoSovietinfluence.Thus,itbecameawesternEuropeanRecoveryPlan,whose
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Karczmarczyk 26
maingoalwastocoordinatetherecoveryeffortsofseventeencountriesand
financetheirdollarneeds(Dillard649).
TheUnitedStatespassedtheEconomicCooperationActof1948,which
officiallycreatedtheMarshallPlan.Inordertoadministertheplanfromthe
Americanside,theEconomicCooperationAdministration(ECA)wascreated.The
MarshallPlanchanneledabout$13billioninaidtoWesternEuropebetween1948
and1952(Bordo41).Thiswasconsiderablylessthantheprojectedoutlaysof17
billion(Dillard649).ItspurposewastohelptheEuropeancountriesexpandtheir
economies,restoretheirexportcapacity,andbycreatingeconomicstability,
preservepoliticalstability(Bordo41).Itrequiredthatallparticipantscooperatein
tradeandpaymentliberalization.
Thus,aEuropeancounterparttotheECAwasneeded,andinresponsetothis
needtheOrganizationforEuropeanEconomicCooperation(OEEC)wascreated.Its
responsibilitywastocreateaprogramforachievingabalanceofinternational
paymentswithinthefouryearsallocatedintheMarshallPlan(Dillard649).It
managedtheallocationoftheborrowedmoniestotheindividualnations,whichwas
donebasedonsizeoftheiraccountdeficits.Therecipientswererequiredtothen
matchthefundsintheirlocalcurrencytohelpinproductivityinvestmentin
infrastructure,industry,andagriculture.Asafinaloverarchinggoal,theOEECtried
topromoteeconomicinterdependencewithinWesternEurope,anideathatwould
takeonmorecreditatalaterdate.TheEPUwasalsocreatedontheEuropeanside,
whichisanorganizationIwilldiscussinmoredetaillater.
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Karczmarczyk 27
TheMarshallPlanwasincrediblysuccessfulinaveryshortamountoftime.
By1952,theOEECcountrieshadachieveda39%increaseinindustrialproduction,
adoublingofexports,anincreaseinimportsbyonethird,andacurrentaccount
surplus(Bordo42).ThechartbelowshowsindustrialrecoveryinWesternEurope
from1938until1950.Itstartsatbasepoint100.
COUNTRY 1938 1947 1948 1949 1950
Belgium 100 106 114 116 120
France 100 92 108 118 121
Germany,West 100 33 50 75 96
Italy 100 86 91 96 109
Netherlands 100 95 113 127 139
UnitedKingdom 100 115 128 137 150
Average 100 88 101 111 122
Dillard,Dudley.IndustrialRecoveryinWesternEurope.
EuropeanPaymentsUnion.EuroperespondedtotheECArequirementofthe
liberalizationoftradebycreatingtheEuropeanPaymentsUnion(EPU)in
September1950.Itspurposewastosimplifybilateralclearingandmovetowards
multilateralism,whichitdidbyactingthepartofacommercialbankclearinghouse.
Meaningthatitprovidedeachmembercountrywithonlyonesinglenetcreditor
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Karczmarczyk 28
debitwiththeEPU.CreditsearnedbysellingtooneEuropeanmemberoftheEPU
couldoffsetdebitsincurredinbuyingfromsomeothermember(Dillard649).The
formeroperationofbilateralagreementswassuppressed,asitdoesntfunctionas
wellwithaneconomicalallocationofresources.TheECAcontributed$350million
totheEPUtobeusedforinitialworkingcapital.
TheEPUwasincrediblysuccessfulandsoonbecamethecenterofa
worldwidemultilateralsettlementarea(Bordo43).Italsoprovidedthemiddle
steptowardcurrencyconvertibility.Europeancurrencyatthistimewasnoteasily
transferrableintodollarduetothepersistentdollarshortage.Sowhilethis
organizationfosteredintraEuropeantrade,internationalworldtrade,particularly
withthosenationspeggedtothedollar,wasdifficult.
RestoringConvertibilityandtheRiseoftheDollar.Depreciationofthepound
sterling,theDeutschemark,andseveralothercurrenciesagainstthedollarin
September1949helpedmanyEuropeancurrenciesmovetowardsconvertibility.At
theendofthe1950s,thefinalstepwastaken.PresidentCharlesdeGaulle(France)
depreciatedthefrancandshiftedtothenewfranc(Kindleberger430).Britain
tookthisopportunitytorestorethepoundtoconvertibility.OnDecember27,1958,
eightcountriesdeclaredtheircurrenciesconvertibleforaccounttransactions
(Bordo43).Withthisnewconvertibility,theEPUwasnolongeruseful,andthe
EuropeanMonetaryArrangementwouldsoonreplacetheEPUasameansof
currencyconsultation.
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Karczmarczyk 29
Sowiththis,thedollarbecamethecurrencyofchoice,anditwasfrequently
thoughtthatthedollarwasasgoodasgold.Theriseofthedollarcanbeattributed
tothesizeoftheroleoftheUnitedStatesinthisnewworldeconomy,itsimportance
inworldtrade,anditsopencapitalmarkets(Bordo47).Thedollarwastheofficial
internationalmoneyofthistime,anditsimportanttonotethesimilaritiesbetween
thisandthegoldstandard.Insteadofpeggingcurrenciestogold,countriespegged
themtothedollar,anditwasnolongerGreatBritainasthefinancialcenterofthe
world,buttheUnitedStates.Thesekeypointsareimportanttorememberandwill
shapetheremainderofthehistoryoftheinternationalmonetarysystem.Itisalso
importanttonotethattheoriginalvisionofthearchitectsattheBrettonWoods
Conferencewasnotmet.TheoriginalroleoftheIMFhadbeen,inmanyways,
replacedbytheEPU.Withconvertibilityrestored,however,thesystemseemedto
beoperatingsmoothly.
ThePrimeYears(19591967)
OneofthemostimportanteventstohappenduringtheprimeyearsofBretton
WoodswastheeconomicintegrationofEurope.Additionally,therewasaseriesof
issues,whichwouldleadtoanevenfurtherdeviationfromtheoriginalgoalsofthe
BrettonWoodsarchitects.Thesewereadjustment,liquidity,andconfidence.Inthis
section,IwillfirstexplorethebeginningsofEuropeaneconomicintegration,and
thenmovetodiscusstheseproblemsthatplaguedthisheydayera.
EuropeanIntegrationundertheCommonMarket.TheideaofEuropean
integrationhadbeenaroundformanyyears,butwiththenewpoliticalspheresafter
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Karczmarczyk 30
thesecondWorldWar,thepossibilitybecamereality.Themostimportant
predecessoroftheEuropeanCommonMarketwastheEuropeanCoalandSteel
Community.Itwasestablishedin1952byFrance,Germany,Italy,Belgium,the
Netherlands,andLuxembourg.Theobjectivesetforthwasthemostrational
distributionofproductionatthehighestlevelofproductivity(Dillard654).They
didsooriginallybyabolishingallcustomsandtradebarriersamongthenations.
Tariffsatthebordersweremadeuniform,andownershipoffacilitiesinanyofthe
nationscouldbemadepublicorprivate(Dillard654).Politically,theunionfaced
difficulties,mostadamantlythatbetweentheoldrivalriesofGermanyandFrance.
Thesepoliticaldiscoursesarebeyondthescopeofthispaper,butletitsufficetosay
thattheeconomicintegrationlentapeacetothecountriesthathadyettobe
experienced.
ThisexperimentthenledtotheEuropeanEconomicCommunity(EEC),also
knownastheCommonMarket.ItincludedtheoriginalsixmembersoftheEuropean
CoalandSteelCommunity,butbroadeneditsscopebeyondcoalandsteel.Themain
purposesweretheeliminationsofcustoms,duties,andquantitativerestrictionson
importsandexports;acommonexternaltarifftotherestoftheworld;thefree
movementofproductionfactorswithinthesixcountries;andageneralclose
economicintegrationthroughdomesticpolicies,includingagriculture,employment,
andtaxation(Dillard565).
TheTreatyofRomesolidifiedtheseeconomicgoals,andwhileitdidnt
specificallyprovideforpoliticalintegration,itdidprovidethepoliticalinstitutions
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Karczmarczyk 31
forimplementingeconomicpolicies.TheseinstitutionsincludetheEuropean
Commission,aCouncilofMinisters,anAssembly(themoderndayParliament),and
aCourtofJustice.ThesecreatedthemoderndayBrusselsandhelpedfacilitatea
laterpoliticalintegration.
ProblemsofthePrimeYears.Thethreeproblemsofadjustment,liquidity,and
confidencewereallinterconnected.TheUnitedStateswasnotoverlyconcerned
withitsbalanceofpaymentsinthe1950s.Thecurrentaccountbalancewaspositive,
andtheexcessliquidityandlendingoftheearly1950sledtoastrongconfidencein
thedollarbytheendofthe1950s.Thisconfidence,however,wasbeginningtoebb.
EconomistsbegantoworrywhatwouldhappenwhentheUnitedStatescorrected
itsliquiditydeficit.Bythis,theymeanthatintheUnitedStates,noaccountwas
takenofU.S.shorttermorlongtermclaimsontherestoftheworld.Itwas
implicitlyassumedthatforeignclaimsonthedollarwerelikelytobeencashed
momentarily,whileU.S.shorttermassestswereilliquid(Kindleberger453).Thisis
problematicbecauseunderaliquiditydefinition,theUnitedStateshadbeenina
balanceofpaymentsdeficitasearlyas1951.
Manyarguedthattheidealsolutionwasreplacingbothgoldanddollarswith
SpecialDrawingRightsfromtheIMF.Othersstillarguedthatthisbalanceof
paymentswasmisleading.Theysaidthatbankingcenterswerenotindeficitwhen
theylentlongandborrowedshort,providingliquiditytotherestoftheworld
(Kindleberger453).ThiswouldmeanthattheUnitedStatesitselfwasactingasa
bankandthatbankswerenotindisequilibriumwhentheirdepositsroseeachyear
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Karczmarczyk 32
alongwiththeirloans.Overall,thesewerebothoverlyoptimisticideas.Inorderfor
thistooperateeffectively,bankswouldneedaparallelriseofreservesalongwith
theirincreasesinloansanddeposits.
Giventhelosstheconfidence,thisgolddidntresultinariseofreserves,but
insteadwassoldtohoarders.Centralbankstookadditionstoreservesandeven,at
somepoints,wereconvertingthedollarsintogold.CentralbanksacrossEurope,
andtheworld,withdrewfromthegoldpoolin1960toholddownthepriceofgold.
TheFrenchgovernmenttookparticularaction.Theyoptedtoconvertdollarsinto
goldasameansofdiscipliningtheUnitedStates(Kindleberger453).Thisworked
untiltheyfoundthemselvesindireneedofdollarsasameanstosupportthefranc.
Yettheywerestillhesitanttosellgoldfordollars,soinsteadtheyundertookofficial
borrowingofdollarsintheEurobondmarket.
TheCollapse(19681971)
IntheUnitedStates,itwasdecidedthattheidealactionwouldbetobreakup
thegoldpoolandadoptatwotiersystemforgold.Thispermittedtheprivateprice
toriseabouttheofficial$35.00anounce.Atthesametime,strongforeingpressure
wasexertedagainstforeigncentralbankchangingdollarsforgold,andanumber
offinancialinstrumentswithexchangeguaranteesweremadeavailablebytheU.S.
Treasurytoofficladollarholderstoforestallgoldpurchases(Kindleberger453).
TheUnitedStateswasfacingaseriouslossofconfidencethatthreatenedto
underminetheentiresystem.
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Karczmarczyk 33
Comparabletothesummerof1931thesmallcountriesofEuropewent
aheadwiththeconvertingofdollarstogold.ThisinturnledtotheConnollyshockof
August1971,whichthenledtothesecretaryofthetreasuryimposinga10percent
importsurtaxinanefforttodevaluethecurrency.TheUnitedStatesfirstraisedthe
goldpricethento$38.00andthento$42.50,anditalsowideneditspermissiable
rangeoffluctuationagainstthedollarfrom1.5%to2.25%.
Errorsinmonetarypolicyandalsotheenormousoutflowofdollarstothe
Eurocurrencymarketin1970contributedtothebreakdownofBrettonWoodsas
well.RichardNixonsreelectioncampaignhadhiseconomistsveryanxiousabout
creatingaprosperouseconomyby1972.Tothisend,theFederalReservesystemin
1970startedtolowerinterestrates.Thishappenedatthesametime,however,that
theBundesbankofGermanywasseekingtorestrictinflationinWestGermany.They
didsobyraisingtheirinterestrate.Thesepolicieswerentseparatedbygeographic
region,butwereinsteadinterconnectedthroughtheEurodollarmarket.The
resultingflowofdollarsultimatelylefttheliquiditydefintionbalanceofpayments
deficitintheUnitedStatesatamuchhigherrate.It,infact,rosefroma$24billion
ayearaverageinthe1960stoa$20billionin1970anda$30billionin1971
(Kindleberger454).
Noneofthemeasurestakencouldcombattheeventsunfolding.The
confidenceinthedollarhadfallentoanalltimelow.Thesepressureseventually
causedPresidentNixontoendallgoldconvertabilityonAugust15,1971.This
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Karczmarczyk 34
effectivelyendedtheBrettonWoodsera.Severalattemptsweremadetofixthe
systeminthenextfewyearsbutwithoutanysuccess.
TheDirtyFloat(1971present)
Therecentyearshavebeenmarkedbyseverecrisesandunevenmonetary
policy.Manyofthesespecificsarebeyondthescopeofthispaper,butIwillinstead
giveabriefoverview.InFebruaryof1973,thecurrencywassetfreetofloat.This
meansthatnolongerwascurrencypeggedtogold,butinsteadtheexchangerates
againstothercurrencieswereallowedtobedeterminedbythemarket.Many
economistsweresurprisedbyitseffects.Manythoughtthatitwoulddothesameas
ithadinthe1930s,andthatflexibleexchangerateswouldinhibitcapitalflows
becauseoftheuncertaintyofexchangerisk.Thisturnedouttonotbethecase.Ifone
neededasubstantialamountofcapital,itwasnecessarytoborrowdollars
(Kindleberger455).Quantityturnedouttobemoreimportantthanquality.
Economistsalsothoughthatthefloatingdollarwouldloseitspreeminence
anditsroleoftheinternationalunitedofaccount,standarddeferredpayment,store
ofvalue,andmeansofpyaments.Again,thesepredictionswereprovedtobewrong.
Itwasperhapsnotasstrongasithadbeeninthepast,butintheimmediate
aftermathoffloatingexchangerates,thedollarstillmaintaineditsrole.TheSDRof
theIMF,whichwaspreviouslymentioned,neverwasseenassatisfactory
alternative,andnevergainedanypositionintheinternationalmonetarysystem.
Atthesametime,however,thisperioddidbeginatimeofseverecrisesand
monetaryupheaval.ItisimportanttonotethatEuropeandependenceonthedollar
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Karczmarczyk 35
hadbeenwellnotedbytheEuropeansafterthecollapseoftheBrettonWoodsera.
Afterthisseriesofevents,theEuropeanideaofacurrency(theEuro)beganto
reallyformulate.TheEuropeanMonetarysystemwasbasedlargelyonGerman
fiscalsense,afactthatwillbecomeincreasinglyimportantinlateryears,andwillbe
discussedatalaterpoint.
Itsalsoimportanttonotethatworldbanks,whichwerefullofnewfunds,
afterthebalanceofpaymentsproblemintheUnitedStates,startedtolookfornew
opportunitiestolend.Thisinitiatedtheboominsyndicatedbankloanstosovereign
states,especiallyinLatinAmerica.Theboominlendingwentunnoticedthroughthe
1970s.Bankerstrustedthatthesedevelopingcountrieswouldnotrepudiateon
theirloans.ThisawakeningoccurredinAugust1982forthefirsttimewhenMexico
failedtomakeitsinterestpayment.
ConclusionsfromtheDirtyFloat.Overalltheinabilityoftheinternational
monetarysystemtoreconstructasystemofpeggedbutadjustableexchangerates
failedrepeatedly.Thesourceofthefailurewastheineluctableriseininternational
capitalmobility,whichmadecurrencypegsmorefragileandperiodicadjustments
moredifficult(Eichengreen183).Growingnumbersofgovernmentsfound
themselvesforcedtofloattheircurrenciesduetotheheightenedreluctanceoftheir
strongcurrencycounterpartstoprovidesupport(Eichengreen183).
Developingcountriesinparticularhavesuffered.Theyfounditverydifficult
inthesethinfinancialmarketstoendurethevolatileeffectsofrapidexchangerate
fluctuations.EvenEuropeandtheUnitedStateshavefelttheeffects.TheEuropean
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Karczmarczyk 36
marketeffortswereinterruptedatvarioustimesduetothis.EventheUnitedStates
andJapantemporarilylostfaithintheabilityofthemarketstodrivetheirbilateral
exchangeratestoappropriatelevelsintheabsenceofforeignexchangemarket
intervention(Eichengreen184).Suchdissatisfactionsledtoavarietyofpartial
measurestolimitcurrencyfluctuations
TheFluctuationsofthe1990s
The1990swereahighlyturbulenttimeofglobalimbalancesandfinancialcrises.In
ordertounderstandthevolatilityoftoday,itisfirstnecessarytounderstandthe
transitionalperiod.InthissectionIwillbrieflyexaminetheAsianfinancialcrisis
andtheEuro.Thesesectionswillnotnecessarilybeanhistoricalbackground
section,butwillinsteadfocusonhowtheydirectlyrelatetheinstabilityofthe
systemtodayandhighlightitsneedforchange.Afterexaminingthetransitional
periodofthesetimes,Iwillthenmovetoanentirelynewsection,whichwill
examinethecurrentsituation.
TheAsianFinancialCrisis.Asiahadforalongtimeseemedveryinsulatedfromthe
exchangeratevolatilitythatwasaffectingtherestoftheworld.Stronggovernments,
capitalcontrols,andrapidgrowthledbyexportskeptconfidencehighintheregion.
TheremarkablepartofthiscrisisisthattheAsiancrisisoccurreddespitethese
securities.
ForeigninvestmentwashighlyfavoredinAsiaduetothisstrongeconomic
record.YetcapitalwasflowingtotroubledcountrieslikethePhillipines,which
indicatedthatadditionalfactorswereatplay.Themostimportantofthesewerethe
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Karczmarczyk 37
lowinterestratesinthemajorfinancialcenters.Thecostofborrwinginyenfellto
lowlevelsasaresultofdepressedconditionsinJapan,whileyieldoninvestmentin
theUnitedStatesweredepressedbyasoaringstockmarket(Eichengreen192).
Investorsturnedtotheseemergingmarketsasameansofreliefbyborrowingin
yenanddollarstoinvestinsuchhighyieldingAsiansecuritiesasthecarrytrade.Its
importanttonotethatbankswereusedasaninstrumentofeconomicdevelopment
inAsiaatthistime.Foreigninvestorsusedthistotheiradvantageandlent
extensivelytoAsianbanks,allthetimebelievingthattheywouldnotbeallowedto
fail.Theimportantthingtotakeawayhereisthatnotforthefirsttime,global
conditionshelpedsetthestageforproblems.
Theareawasalsoplaguedwithaninconsistencyofcapitalaccountpolicy,
exchangeratepolicy,andpoliticalinstability.Theregionhadlargeand
unmanageablecapitalflowsandrelaxedbankingregulations.Atthesametime,
governmentsalsoopenedthecapitalaccountbeforemovingtoamoreflexible
exchangerate.Economictheoryandhistoryitselfdictatesagainstthis.
Againstthisbackdropthecrisishitwithaseriesofshocks.Itbeganin
ThailandwiththefinancialcollapseoftheThaibaht.Thiswascausedbythe
decisionoftheThaigovernmenttofloatthebahtandcutitspegtothedollar.The
governmenthadinthepastoverextendeditselfinanefforttosupportitandcould
nolongeraffordtodoso.Thailandhadalsoacquiredalargeamountofforeigndebt,
whichessentiallybankruptedthecountryevenbeforeitscurrencycollapsed.The
IMFhadwarnedtheThaigovernmentthatitscurrencywasseverelyovervalued,but
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itcontinuedalongitspathofdestruction.TheThaicollapsewasnosmallsurpriseto
theinternationalcommunity.ThesurprisecamelaterwhenotherAsiancountries
followeditslead.
PressurewasimmediatelyfeltinthePhilippines,acountrythatwasultimatelynot
stabletobeginwith.Thecountrywashighlydependentuponcapitalinflowsand
hadaveryrigiddollarpeg(keepinmindthatatthistimemostcountrieswereno
longerpeggedtothedollar).ThePhilippineauthoritiesdecidedtofloatthepeso
onlytendaysafterthebaht.ThisthenputpressureonIndonesiaandMalaysia,
whereinvestorstherereallybegantofaceaconfidencecrisis.Koreaalsofaceda
panic,buttheG7helpedstopthiscrisisbyconvincinginternationalbankstoextend
shorttermloanstoKoreainanefforttorenewtheircreditsandeffectivelybuying
timeforthegovernmenttoputreformsinplace.Indonesia,however,faceda
completebankingandfinancialsystemfailure,resultinginadisruptionin
productionandapainfulrecession.OnlyChinaremainedimmune.
Thecrisishighlightsjusthowvolatilethemarketsareandhowcontagioncan
spreadthroughoutaregion.ThecrisiscausedsharpdropsinoutputallacrossAsia.
Avarietyofreformsresultedfromthecrisis,includingcurrencydevaluation,
recapitalizedandrestructedbanks,andenhancedlendingprocedures.Eventoday,
someoftheseeconomieshavenotrecoveredtotheirprecrisisstateofproduction.
YetoneinterestinginitiativethatcameoutofthecrisiswastheChiangMai
Initiative,orCMI.Underthisagreement,Asiancentralbanksagreedtoprovide
financialsupportfortheirneighborsinthesamewayoftheEuropeanMonetary
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Ssytem.Thegloalwasthatnexttimeacountrysufferedacpitalflowreversalandits
currencycameunderattack,officlafundingwouldbeavailabletoreplaceprivate
funding(Eichengreen197).Theproblemwithsuchasystemisthatgovernments
areoftenunwillingtolendwithoutassurances,asIwilldiscussinmoredetailandin
adifferentcapacityatalatertime.
Asiaisnottheonlyplacewehaveseensuchcrisesandvolatility.Theroleof
theexchangerateandthefalsesenseofsecurityisremarkablysimilarinother
emergingmarketcrisis.Eachnationalcontextisuniqueofcourse,butArgentina,
Brazil,andTurkeyhaveallexperiencedhighinflationrootedinlargebudget
deficitsandcompoundedbystructuralproblems(Eichengreen199).
TheEuro.AfterthecollapseofBrettonWoods,theneedanddesirefora
Europeancurrencywasincreased.Despiteearlyfinancialproblems,Europewasset
onthiscoursesincetheearly1990s.TheUnitedKingdomandDenmarkdropped
outoftheprocessearlyon,buttheotherspersistedandtheMaastrichtTreatywas
formed.AtGermaninsistence,theTreatysettargetsforinflation,interestrates,
exchangeratestability,andfiscalstabilityforcountriesseekingtoqualifyfor
particpationintheunion.Fiscalcriteriawassetatabudgetdeficitofnotmorethan
3percetnofGDPandapublicdebtofnotmorethan60percent.Thesewereinsisted
uponmoststringently.Theideabehinditwastopreventweakeconomiccountries
fromenteringandpossiblyendangeringtheentiresystem.
Thechangeoverfromdomesticcurrencytothissupranationalcurrencywas
plannedwithexcruciatingdetail.Theoriginalmonetaryunionwasverysmalland
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centeredonFranceandGermany.Yetthefinalplanwasmuchlargerthanplanned
andincludedcountriessuchasIreland,Italy,SpainandPortugal,whohadnot
alwayshadthestrongestfinancials.Despitethis,therewastobeaEuropeanCentral
BankandaStabilityPactthatwasdesignedtoprovidecontinuedoversightof
nationalbudgets.Theprospectivemembersoftheeuroareaagreedthatthey
wouldirrevocablylocktheirexchangeratesasofJanuary1999atthesamelevel
prevailinginmid1998(Eichenreen221).Thechangeoverwascompletedatthe
beginningof2002.
Theeurowasweakagainstthedollarforitsfirstfewyears,andmany
complainedthatthecentralbankwastootightonitsrequirements.Despitethis,the
monetaryunionransmoothlyandseeminglycreatedasenseofEuropeannessthat
hadyettobeseen,despitetheeffortsoftheUnionitself,formedover40years
before.Theeuroultimatelyinthecomingyearsenhancedpricetransparency,
encouragedcrossbordertrade,andcreatedacurrencytoeventuallyrivaltheeuro.
Itseemedalmosttoogoodtobetrue,andasrecenteventshighlight,
TheCurrentSituation
Since1971,theworldhasbeeninaperiodoffloatingexchangerates,whichinturn
hasledtohighlevelsofinstabilityandincreasedfinancialcrises.Inorderto
illustratethis,Iwillexaminetwotroublingcurrenteventsinourmonetarysystem:
thecurrentcrisisintheEurozoneconcerninggovernmentdebtinGreeceandthe
ChineseholdingofU.S.Treasurydebt.Togetherthesetwoeventshighlighttheneed
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forchangeandunderlinethecurrentproblemsfacingoursystem.Iwilldothis
througheconomicanalysisofcurrentnewspaperarticles.
GermanyandGreece:StrugglesintheEurozone
EuropeanenlargementhasbeenachallengeplaguingEuropeforthepast50years.
Sincethe1958TreatyofRome,whichestablishedtheEuropeanEconomic
Community,Europehastakenleapsandboundstowardstheirgoaloffullpolitical
andeconomicintegration.TherecentcrisisintheEurozone,whichisthe16
countrieswithintheEuropeanUnionthatoperatewiththeEuroastheircurrency,
hashighlightedthesinglemostimportantproblemtheyhavealwaysfaced:the
absenceofasinglegovernment.Theeurozoneisnotanoptimalcurrencyarea,
andthusitlackstheimportanttoolstodealwithasymmetricshocks,meaning
shocksthataffectsomemembersmorethanothers.Inthissense,Imeantoolstobe
atreasurywithpowerstotaxandborrowandacentralbankthatcanactaslender
oflastresorttomemberbanks(Skidelsky1).Soinanefforttoillustratethis
problem,Iwillfirstanalyzethecomingofthiscrisis,theGreeksituation,theGerman
response,thepossibilitiesandramificationsofIMFinvolvement,andfinallywhat
thismeansfortheworldasawhole.
TheEncroachingCrisis.TheEuropeanMonetaryUnion,whichformedthe
basisoftheeurozone,beganwithgrandideasandplans.Therewerecountriessuch
asAustria,Finland,theNetherlands,andGermanywhohadstrongcurrencies
domesticallyandinternationally,buttherewerealsocountriessuchasFrance,
Belgium,Italy,Portugal,Spain,Greece,andItaly,whosecurrencieswereconsistently
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depreciatinganddidnotmaintainahighvalueinternationally.Suchasituation
createdanaturalinequality,buttheEuropeanintegratorsinsistedandtheunion
wasdevisedasonesizefitsall(Sorkin1).
Thecriteriatoentertheunionwerestrict,duelargelytotheGerman
influence,andmanyofthesecountrieswithdepreciatingcurrencieswereunableto
fitthecriteriatoentertheunion.Instead,theyreliedonwhathascometobeknown
ascreativeaccounting,andsomecountries,forexampleGreece,evenwentsofar
astofalsifyitsdebtanddeficitnumbers(Sorkin1).Inthebeginning,however,this
didntposemuchofaproblem.Theunionitselfismadeupof27countriesandhas
formedwhatmanycalledtheworldsmostformidableeconomicbloc,
incorporating491peopleinanintegratedmarketthatproducesnearlyathirdmore
thantheUnitedStates(Erlanger1).Granted,theunionhaditsissues,butthey
weatheredthestorminadmirablefashion.Itwasntuntilthe2008financialcrisis
thatthecracksbegantoshow.
Beforebeginningthediscussionofthecrisisitselfitisimportanttorecognize
thatthecentraltensionintheEuropeanUnionhasalwaysbeenbetweennational
prioritiesandcentralinterests(Erlanger2).TheideaofEuropeanhasneverbeen
asstrongasnationalism,andtheideaofcedingnationalpowerswitheverything
fromcurrencytocustomshasneverbeenaneasyonetodealwith.Whencrisesor
panicshit,theautomaticreactionistoturnnationalbyprotectingtheirown
resourcesandindustries.Whilethishasntdelayedintegrationuptothispoint,it
hasrecentlybegunascalingdownofambitions(Erlanger2).
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TheGreekSituation.ThesemountingtensionshavebeenrealizedintheGreek
economyrecently.Aspreviouslymentioned,Greecebenttherulesoftheeurozone
inanefforttobeadmitted,andalltheyearsofunrestrainedspending,cheap
lending,andafailuretoimplementanyfinancialreformshavecaughtupwith
them.Inearly2010,theideaandfearofasovereigndebtcrisisreallybeganto
developinmanytroubledeurozonecountries,includingSpainandPortugal,butthe
crisisdevelopedmostfullyinGreece.Thecrisisthenledtoaconfidenceproblem,
whichasshowninthebackgroundsectionhascausedseriousproblemsinour
monetarysysteminthepast,andthiswasnoexception.Italsoledtothewidening
ofbondyieldspreadsandriskinsuranceoncreditdefaultswapswithintheeuro
zone.Thesituationwasfurtherworsenedwhena500milliongovernmentbond
auctioninPortugalfailedtoraisethatamount.Insteadofthe500million,the
Portuguesegovernmentonlysuccessfullyraised300million.Panicensued,and
thesefearscombinedtoaweakenedeuroandawidespreadglobalcommodity
selloff.
Withthissituationintheworld,Greecesdebtandfiscalissuescametolight.
Nationaldebtissaidtobeataround300billion,whichislargerthanthenations
economyitself.Someeconomistsarepredictingthatthedebtwillreach120
percentofgrossdomesticproductin2010(CNN1).Thecountriesdeficit,meaning
howmuchmoreitspendsthanittakesin,isat12.7percent.Thesenumbersare
incrediblyhighandwellbeyondtheboundsoftheeurozone.Inresponse,Greeces
creditratinghasbeendowngradedandisnowamongthelowestofallmembersof
theeurozone.ThisdoesntbodewellforGreece,asitisnowafinancialblackhole
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toallforeigninvestors(CNN1).Thecountryisstrugglingtopayoffthesedebtsand
tomakegoodontheircurrentbills,butitsdifficultconsideringthatinterestrates
arerisingontheexistingdebts.TheGreekgovernmenthasrespondedthrough
PrimeMinisterGeorgePandreoubyimplementingspendingcuts,anactwhichis
incrediblyunpopularamongtheGreekpopulace.Theyhavealsoimplemented
austeritymeasuresaimedatreducingthedeficitbymorethan10billioneuro.Taxes
havebeenincreasedonsuchproductssuchastobaccoandalcohol,theretirement
agehasbeenraised,publicsectorpaycutshaveensued,andtaxevasionregulations
havebeenstrengthened(CNN2).LiquidityisamajorissueinGreececurrently,and
thesedomesticactionswontbeenough.Greecealonecannotpullitselfoutofthis
financialhole.
TheEuroZoneResponse.InanApril9,2010article,CNNwrotethatGreeceisin
dangerofdefaultingonitsnationaldebtasitsbondmarketcomesunderincreasing
pressure,unlessitsEuropeanneighborsintervene(Smith1).Thisstatementsums
upthethoughtsheldnotonlyacrossEuropebutalsoacrosstheglobe.Thepressure,
however,doesntfalluponeitherofthese,butinsteadonthemembersoftheeuro
zone,specificallyGermany.Greecesfinanceministerhassaidthatyieldofalmost7
percent[onthesebonds]arehighenoughtogiveinvestorsagoodreturnfortherisk
involved(Sorkin2).Butevenasthiswassaid,theGreekgovernment,as
highlightedabove,wasraisinghalfofitsfundingrequirementof53billionEuros
throughoutthespring.Inamarketsuchastheprevailingone,thisisntgood.
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Originally,theEuropeanUnionsetoutwithachallengetotherelativelyweak
governmentstoimposehightaxesandspendingcuts,whichGreece,asstatedabove,
did.Theaction,however,provedtonotbeenoughtogettheirdeficitsdownfrom
over10percentofGDPtothebenchmarklevelscloseto3percentofGDPascalled
forintheEuropeantreatythatcreatedtheeuro(Sorkin2).JosephStiglitz,an
economistandcurrentadvisortoGreece,pointedoutthehypocrisyofthesituation
here.RichercountriesinEuropehasbeenallowedtoborrowheavilytopull
themselvesoutofrecession,butthepoorercountrieswereforcedtotakeaknifeto
theveryprogramsintendedtosoftentheblowofaneconomicdownturn(Sorkin
2).InsteadoftakingcareofthesolutiondomesticallyStiglitzproposesthatEuropes
richestcountries,suchasGermanyandFrance,taketheleadinaidingGreece.
Stiglitzsadvicewouldeventuallybetakentoheart,butnotwithoutmuch
debate.Afterafulltwomonthsofdiscussion,theEuropeanUnionunveiledthe
detailsofitsGreekfinancialrescueplanonApril11th.Itsinvolvedthe16eurozone
members,andofferedGreeceupto30billionEurosinbilateralloansinthefirst
year,withmoreavailableinsubsequentyears.Interestratesweretobesetaround
5%forthreeyearloansinitially.Thenumberwasacompromisebetweenthesmall
ratesthatthemarketsaredemandingandtheinterestratesbeingpaidbythe
weakestmembersofeurozone,likePortugalorSpain.Themembersoftheeuro
zoneareremainingfirmthatthisisnotabailout,andthatthenobailoutclause
shouldremainintact.Theydothisbystatingthattheloansarerepayableand
containnoelementofsubsidy(TheSkiesBrighten2).
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Ofallthecountriesoftheeurozone,Germanywillcontributethemost,an
actionthatcametopassafterconsiderableresistance.AngelaMerkel,theGerman
chancellor,ledatoughresistancetotheideaofthebailout.Merkelwasbackedby
bothAustriaandtheNetherlands.InBrussels,theEUgovernanceagreedthatthe
eurozonestandsbyitsfoundingprinciplethatprofligatememberscannotbebailed
out,butthatGreecewouldalsonotbeallowedtofallvictimtoasovereigncredit
crunch(TheSkiesBrighten2).Ultimately,Germany,withthecurrentaccount
surplus,decidedtocontributetotheEuropeanproject,ifonlyduetotheclose
financialtiesbetweenthecountries.GermanbanksholdlargeamountsofGreek
governmentdebtandintheeventofaGreekdefaultwouldsufferlargely(TheSkies
Brighten2).
Thebailoutplanisbeingofferedasalastresort,andasidefromthebilateral
loans,theIMFhasofferedfundsandtechnicalassistance.ThedetailsofIMF
involvementwillbedetailedinthenextsection.
IMFInvolvement.TheGreekbailoutinvolvesfundsfrombothinternalsourcesand
alsotheIMF.IMFinvolvementwasheavilypushedbyAngelaMerkel,whowaseager
toshowGermanythattheircountrywouldnothavetofoottheentirebilltohelp
Greece(EUapproves1).NotallwereasexcitedoversubstantialInternational
MonetaryFundfinancing,however,astheGermans(1).EUleadershadbeen
hesitantuptothispointoverinvolvingtheFund,astheywerenttechnically
European.IMFinvolvementcouldweakentheeurofurther,resultinginitsfall
againstothercurrencies.
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Despitetherisk,theIMFispreparedtolendGreecearound10billionEuros.
EuropeanUnionnationsoutsideoftheeurozone,suchasHungaryandRomania,
haveallreceivedsupportfromtheIMF,whichthenpromptlyimposedvarious
fiscalrequirementsintendedtoinsuretheycanpaybacktheloans(Sorkin3).The
differencenowistheeurozoneboundary,andIMFinvolvementmakestheEUlook
weak.MirandaXafa,aformerexecutiveboardoftheIMF,makesagoodpoint,
however.ShebelievesthatthetimehascomeforEuropetoacknowledgethatithas
neitherthetechnicalexpertisetomonitorgovernmentbehaviornortheabilityto
raiserescuefunds(Sorkin3).ItsbelievedbytheIMFthattheirinvolvementwould
helptheothercountriesandrestoreconfidence.InBrussels,theviewistheexact
opposite.
WhatThisMeansfortheFutureofEuropeandtheWorldasaWhole.ForGreece,the
bailoutwasanecessaryaction.Itcouldnothavealleviateditsdebtwithoutsome
formofinvolvementfromeithertheIMFortheEuropeanUnion.Inrecentdays
Greecehascontinuedtostruggle.MarketanxietyhaspushedGreeceslongterm
bondyieldstotheirhighestlevelssincethecountryjoinedthesinglecurrency
nearlyadecadeago(TheSkiesBrighten2).Fitch,acreditratingagencyalso
downgradedthecountrysdebtbytwonotchestothelowestinvestmentgrade,one
gradeabovejunkstatus.FitchhasalsorecentlycastdoubtontheGreek
governmentspoliticalvowstocutthepublicdeficitbyathirdthisyear.Essentially,
therecessionisdeepeningandthecostsofservicingtheirhighdebtareincreasing.
So,asIseeit,itisonlyamatteroftimebeforeGreecemustimplementtheEuropean
rescuemechanism.OnceGreecehasdecidedthatthereisnothingmoretheycando
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domestically,officialsfromtheEuropeanCentralBankandtheEuropean
CommissionmustagreethatGreeceisoutofoptions(TheSkiesBrighten3).Once
thisdecisionismade,theeurozonewillbewhippedintoafrenzyofaction,asthings
arepredictedtomoveveryfast.
Fortheeurozone,thishasplacedtensionontheinternalrelationships.
Germany,intheirreluctancetoaid,isturningevermoreinwarddomestically.As
theyhavesincethehyperinflationalwaysbeenveryfiscallysound,such
irresponsibilityfinanciallydoesnturgethetypeofinternationalcooperationand
integrationthatispromotedbythetreatiesoftheEuropeanUnion.
Asthisisthefirsttimethishashappened,Germanydidprovidethereliefthat
Greeceneeded.Whathappens,however,ifthishappensagainandsoon?TheGreek
crisiscouldbeonlythefirstofpredictedmultipletremors.Theconfinesoftheeuro
zonehavecreatedproblems.IfGreecehadbeenoutsidetheeurozone,forexample,
itcoulddevalueitscurrencytomakeitmorecompetitive,anditsforeigndebts
couldberenegotiatedinaninternationalconference(Starbatty1).Instead,wehave
enteredintoasovereigndebtcrisiswiththestrongestcurrencyintheworld
threateningtoplummet.SpainandPortugalarentfarbehindGreeceistheirrelative
weakness.Italyisalsoaconcernasitisthethirdlargestsovereigndebtor.Ifit
comestopassthatthesecountriesalsoneedabailout,andGermanyandFranceare
supposedtoprovide,whothenwillrescuetherescuers?
Inanefforttokeepthesecrisesfromhappeningagain,TheEuropean
CommissionisdiscussinggivingtheEUexecutivepowerstorecommendeconomic
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overhaulprogramstoindividualscountries,andtonameandshamelaggardsby
sendingwarningsincasesofinadequateresponses(Taylor2).Ontheoutside,this
isasolidplan,butintherealitiesoftheeurozone,countriesdontwanttocede
authoritytoalargersupranationalbody.GermanyasthebiggestEuropean
economy,hasmadeitclearthatitdoesnotwantEUscrutinyofitsownexport
orientedpolicies,whichgeneratebigcurrentaccountsurplusesthateconomistssay
arepartlyresponsibleforwideningimbalancesintheeurozone(Taylor2).
Furthermore,ithasbeensuggestedthattheEUneedstocreateaEuropean
monetaryfundwhosefunctionistooperatelikeanIMFstyleassistanceprogram,
butonlyforeurocountriesinfiscaldanger.Yet,thisrunsagainstthefoundingideas
oftheEuropeanUnion.ThetreatiesoftheEUforbidsuchbailoutactions,andasthe
recentLisbontreatyhasshown,itisnoteasytogetchangestotreatiespassedin
Europe.
Atthesametime,shouldGreecedefaultonitsloansandachainofbank
insolvenciesensue,perhapstheEuropeanUnionwouldbemadestronger.Nations
oftencometogetherintimesofcrisis,andahitontheEurowouldcertainlyqualify
asacrisisinthissense.Thisseemsoverlyoptimistic,however,asthetrendin
Europehasforyearsbeentoveertowardsnationalinterestsintimesofcrisis.
Despiteallofthis,itisunlikelythatanycountrywouldleavetheeurozone.The
effectsarenationalizedandthereforebeyondthescopeofthispaper,butletit
sufficetosaythattheseeffectswouldbedisastrousandenormousforthecountry
thatoptedtodoso.
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Overall,theGreekeconomy,asIseeit,willbeeventuallybailedoutbythe
plancreatedbytheEuropeansandtheIMF.IMFinvolvementiscrucialasitshows
thecontinuedusageoftheinstitution.Whenimplementinganypotentialreform,it
isnecessarytokeepthisideaofaninternationallenderoflastresortatthe
forefront.Itprovidesadegreeofstabilityandequalizationinthishighlyglobalized
world.TheeffectsandpossibilitiesoftheGreekbailoutarestillunfolding,asthe
crisisisongoing.Regardlessofwhathappens,however,ithighlightsadeeper
problemwithintheinternationalmonetarysystem.IftheEuroweretofail,itwould
causetremorsacrosstheglobe.Iftheeuroistomakeit,thenwillitsoonreplacethe
dollarastheprimarycurrency?Allofthesequestionsareunanswerablenow,but
theybearscrutinywhendiscussingtheformingofanewinternationalmonetary
system.
ChinaandtheUnitedStates:ToughEconomicRelations
Europeisnttheonlycountryfacingaformofdebtcrisis.TheUnitedStateshasa
verylargepublicdebt(ofwhichitisnotalone).Yetthisinandofitselfisnt
concerning.Theconcerningfactoristhataroundtwentyfivepercentofthisdebtis
inthehandsofforeigninvestors,whomaychosetosellitoffatanygivenmoment.
Naturally,therearereasonsthatthishasnthappenedyet,butasthefinancialcrisis
hitstherealityofthebusinessworld,theseconcernsarebecomingevermore
prevalent.Iftheseconcernswereevertobecomeareality,thenentireinternational
monetarysystemcouldcollapse.Theironyisthatitsthecurrentinternational
monetarysystemthatledtothisprobleminthefirstplace.Inanefforttoillustrate
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thisissue,IwillfirstanalyzethenatureoftheUSpublicdebtanditsbuyers,other
factorsintheUSChineserelationship,thecurrentsituation,theroleofsovereign
wealthfunds,andfinallywhatthismeansfortheworldasawhole.
TheNatureofUSPublicDebtanditsBuyers.ThebiggestholderofTreasury
debtistheUnitedStatesgovernment,witharound52percent(Schoen1).Mostof
theseholdingscomeintheformofSocialSecurityandMedicare.Thisleavestherest
inpublichands,ofwhichthelargestpercentageisheldbyforeigngovernments.In
2007,thiswasaround25%of$8.5trillion(Schoen1).Otherholdersincludestate
andlocalgovernmentsandindividualinvestors,butthesefactorsarebeyondthe
scopeofthispaper,asthissectionwillfocusontheinternationalsphere.Before
goingintothedetails,however,itisimportanttounderstandthebasicsofthe
treasurydebtbuyingprocess.SchoendescribesTreasurysecuritiesasabigbatch
ofIOUsthatareauctionedoffeverythreemonths(1).Thisistrueinitssimplest
form.Astheauctiondateapproaches,theTreasurydecideshowmuchitwillneedto
coverthegovernmentsneeds.Whentheauctionarrives,buyerssubmitbidsinthe
formoftheinterestratetheyarewillingtoaccept(1).Theyaregivenachoice
betweenmakingacompetitivebid,whichisaskingforaspecificrate,oranon
competitivebid,whichisacceptingtheaveragerateofotherwinningbids.Oncethe
bidsarein,theTreasurystartsacceptingthebidsatthebottomofinterestrate
spectrum,andcontinuestoacceptthemuntiltheyhaveenoughmoneytocover
theirborrowing.
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ThelifeoftheTreasurybonddoesntstopthere.Onceissuedatauction,
Treasurysecuritiesenjoyahealthysecondlifewhentheyretradedinthesocalled
secondarymarket(akathebondmarket)(2).Thepricesofbondsboughtonthis
openmarketvaryasthemarketreactstooutsidefactors(includingspeculation,
inflation,etc).Oncethebondisbought,however,regardlessofthepriceaperson
paysforit,thegovernmentowesthefullamountthatwasborrowedwhenthedebt
wasfirstauctionedandborrowed.Thisfactisimportanttotherestofthissection.
Sothen,thequestionbecomeswhichforeigninvestorsexactlyownthese
Treasurysecurities.Inordertodisplaythisinformation,Ihavecompiledachart
fromtheTreasurywebsite:
MajorHoldersofTreasurySecurities(inbillionsofdollars)
Country Feb10 %ofTotal 9Feb %ofTotal
China 877.5 23.40% 744.2 23.54%
Japan 768.5 20.49% 661.9 20.90%
UnitedKingdom 231.7 6.18% 129 4.08%
OilExporters 218.8 5.83% 181.8 5.75%
Brazil 170.8 4.55% 130.8 4.14%
HongKong 152.4 4.06% 76.3 2.41%
CaribBankingCntrs 144.5 3.85% 189.5 5.99%
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Taiwan 121.4 3.24% 72.6 2.30%
Russia 120.2 3.20% 130.1 4.11%
Allothers 944.2 25.18% 845.3 26.74%
GrandTotal 3750.5 3161.5
MajorForeignHoldersofTreasurySecurities,www.treas.gov/tic/mfh.txt
Asthetableillustrates,ChinaandJapanarethetwolargestholdersofforeigndebt,
withatotalofaround44%.TheyallowtheUnitedStatestorunsuchahighdebt
becausetheUSissuchastrongeconomyandsuchalargecustomerthattheywant
themtocontinuebuyingexports.Overall,theamountofforeigninvestinginUS
Treasurysecuritieshasincreasedbyalmostdouble.Thecurrentfigure,as
previouslymentioned,is25%,butitwaslessthan13%in1988(TreasuryReport
5).Governmentdebtisinherentlynotaproblem.Theproblemiswhentheseforeign
securitiesturnintoanationaleconomicandsecurityissue.
ChinaandU.S.EconomicRelations.TheChineseeconomywasaround$8.8
trillionin2009,thusmakingChinatheworldsthirdlargesteconomy,rightafterthe
UnitedStatesandtheEuropeanUnion(Amadeo1).Itisalsotheworldssecond
largestexporter(rightaftertheEU),andtheU.S.inparticularreliesheavilyonthe
Chineseexports.Reversely,theChinesealsorelyheavilyontheUnitedStates,butas
timegoeson,thislessens.ChinahasrecentlybeenincreasingtradewithHongKong
andJapan,aswellastheAfricanandLatinAmericancountries.Yetthestandardof
livingisrelativelylowinChina,whichtheyuseasamethodtokeeplabor,andin
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turnexports,cheap.Itdependsonkeepingthevalueoftheyuanlow,andinorderto
dothis,itneedstokeepthevalueofthedollarhigh.Alowyuanensurescheaplabor,
andtheChinesehavemanagedtokeepthisarealitydespiteUSpressuretoraisethe
competivenessoftheyuaninanefforttoimproveAmericancompetitiveness.China
hasalsofixedthevalueofitscurrencytothedollar.Currently,thedollarisworth
around6.8yuan(Amadeo1).IfChinaweretolettheircurrencyfloat,manyanalysts
believeitwouldbemorevaluablethanthedollarduetothestrongChinese
economy.YetChinakeepitspeggedinorderto,onceagain,ensurecheaperproducts
thantheUS,thuskeepingexportandtradedeficitwiththeU.S.
EvenbeyondtheUSTreasurysecuritiesdebate,theeconomicrelationship
betweentheUnitedStatesandChinaistense,atbest.Whilethedetailsofthese
tensionsarebeyondthescopeofthispaper,themoodsurroundingthesecurities
debateplayalargerole,andthepasttensionsplayaroleinthismood.Soits
importanttounderstandthelevelofcompetitionthatexistsbetweenthetwo
countries.TheUnitedStatesistheleadingworldpower,andChinaistherapidly
growingthreat.TheUnitedStateshasdevelopedtothepointthatitisnolongera
hugemanufacturerandisinsteadmovingtowardsaservicebasedsociety.China
manufacturersthegoodsthattheUnitedStatesneedsandatthesametime,relieson
themoneytheUSpaysforthegoods.CongressiscontinuallyaccusingChinaof
surpassingimportquotas,andChinaisconstantlyaccusingtheUnitedStatesof
protectionism.Thistenseeconomicrelationshipwillcontinuetoexistforsolongas
thetwocountriesneedeachother,butthequestioniswhathappenstotheUSif
ChinareachesapointwheretheynolongerareinneedoftheUS?
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TheCurrentSituation.Withallthesefactorscomingintoplay,thecurrent
situationisparticularlytense.Thefinancialcrisishashighlightedthesetensionsto
thepointthatmanyeconomistsareconcerned.Earlythisyear,Chinabegantosell
U.S.securities,andtheyhavecurrentlyfallenby$62.4billionsincelastJuly(Craft1).
BondmarketshaventyetcrashedduetoJapan,theUK,andoilexportingcountries
pickinguptheslackandaddingaround$258billiontotheircombinedholdings
(Craft1).EvensorecentlyasFebruary,ChinatrimmeditsholdingofUSTreasury
debtby1.3percent,makingitthefourthconsecutivedecline(Crutsinger1).
InanarticlebytheAssociatedPress,WinThin,aseniorcurrencystrategistat
BrownBrotherHarriman&CompanysaidthathebelievedtheMarchreportcould
wellshowareboundinpurchasesbyChina[and]thatpartofthechanges[inthe
pastterms]reflectedadecisionbyChinatorebalanceitsholdingsawayfrom
shortertermTreasurybills(Crutsinger1).HemaintainsthatChinaisstillastead
buyerofU.S.Treasurynotesandbondsbuthas[simply]beenparingbackits
Treasurybillholdings(1).AnotherexplanationisthatChineseinvestorsmaybe
simplybuyingtheirsecuritiesthroughBritainandHongKong(Crutsinger1).
Despitethesereassurances,however,theproblemremains.Unlessforeign
demandforU.S.Treasurydebtremainsstrong,theinterestratesthatthe
governmentpaysonthedebtcouldriseexponentially,thusmakingthedeficitofthe
UnitedStatesevenworse.Theserisinginterestrateswouldalsoputanupward
pressureonprivatedebt(Crutsinger1).Thisupwardtrendinborrowingcosts
wouldaffectU.S.businessesandconsumers.Highercostsleadtolowerconsumption
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andlowerborrowing/lending.Itcouldultimatelyfreezeupthecreditlanes,which
wouldaddanotherrisktotheU.S.economy.
Furthermore,asthedebateaboutwhatChinaisdoingwiththeir
holdingsragesonward,theUnitedStatesisalsoincreasinglyconcernedaboutthe
Chineseallowingtheyuantoriseinvalueagainstthedollar.Bydoingso,theyare
keepingthecurrencyartificiallylowandharmingUSeconomicinternational
growth.Itisestimatedthatbydoingso,itwouldaddanestimated$2.4trilliontothe
worldssupplyofTreasurydebtthisyear(Craft1).PresidentBarackObamahas
addressedthisissue.HemetwithPresidentHuJintaoofChinatheweekofApril13th
inanefforttomovetowardamoremarketorientedexchangerate(MrObamaand
Mr.Hu1).Mr.HureportedlyrespondedthatChinadidplantomoveawayfromthe
fixedcurrencypeg,butdidnotsaywhen.Chinadidreportthattheywouldnotbe
respondingtoforeignpressure,thedecisionwouldbemadeontheirowntime
frame.
TheRoleofSovereignWealthFunds.Anotherpointofcontentionintermsof
ChineseUSeconomicrelationsaresovereignwealthfunds.Untilrecently,China,
Japan,andotherexportershavebeencontentwithkeepingmostoftheirtrillionsof
dollarsinreservesinsafeinvestmentslikebankdepositsandUnitedStates
Treasurydebt(Times1).Aspreviouslydemonstrated,theseholdingsarecurrently
indoubt,butanalystsarententirelysurewherethenextstepforChinawouldbe.As
theinvestmentinUStreasurydebtdeclines,theinvestmentintotheprivatesectors
forhigherreturnsisincreasing.Withthishugebase,governmentinvestorsdiversity
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moreandcanriskhigheryieldingoptions.Thesehighlydiverse,nationalfundsare
calledsovereignwealthfunds.
Theterm,accordingtotheNewYorkTimes,appliestogovernmentowned
fundssetupbytheworldsleadingexporters,especiallyChinaandthemajoroil
producers,thatarebeingemployedmoreassertivelyforinvestmentinbanks,
privatecompanies,equityfunds,realpropertyandotherassets(1).Thefunds
gainedinpopularityduringtheprefinancialcrisisyearsof2006and2007.Many
sawthefundsasengagingincrossbordernationalization(SovereignWealth
Funds1).Thiswasconcerningduetothepowerthatthehomegovernmentofthe
sovereignwealthfundsmighthaveinthecountrieswheretheyinvest.TheWestern
worldisparticularlyconcernedduelargelytothefactthatthecountriesyielding
thesefundsarentthemoststable,orfriendly,ofallies.Politicalleadersare
concernedthatthesefundsareconcealingattemptstoinvestforpoliticalgainor
influence.
Theroleoftheseinstitutionshasbeenseverelydiminishedinthewakeofthe
financialcrisisof2008.Manyofthesesovereignwealthfundshadinvestedheavily
ininstitutionsthatwentsouth.OfparticularinteresthereistheChinaInvestment
Corporation,theChineseSWF.Theyoriginallyhada$3billioninvestmentin
BlackstoneGroup,butwhenthegroupturneddownward,theChinesegovernment
lostadegreeoflatitude.OtherSWFshavedonemuchbetter.Thesovereignwealth
fundofKuwaitmadeaprofitof$1.1billiononits$3billioninvestmentin
Citigroup(Times1).
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Concernstillexists,however,despitethedeclineofChinasSWFinthe
aftermathofthe2008financialcrisis.ThePetersonInstituteofInternational
EconomicscurrentlysaysthatthebiggestSWFsareownedrespectivelybyUnited
ArabEmirates,Singapore,Norway,Kuwait,Russia,andChina.Itwouldntbe
surprisingtoseeChinasoontaketheleadhereduetotheir$1.3trillioninforeign
exchangereserves.GiventheconcernsoftheWesternworldaboutthepolitical
influenceofsuchfunds,thisisnotanidealsituationfortheUnitedStates.The
Chinesegovernmentalreadyowns20%ofUnitedStatesforeigndebt,andto
increasetheirpowerwithpoliticallyplaced,powerfulfunds,wouldntbodewellfor
nationaloreconomicsecurity.
WhatthismeansfortheUnitedStatesandtherestoftheworld.Asofnow,
thereisnodangeroftheChinesesellingofftheircurrentholdofUSTreasurydebt.
TheUnitedStatesandChinaarestillheavilyreliantuponeachother,andtheUS
dollarmaintainsastrongholdintheworldeconomy.However,imaginingtheworst,
iftheChinesesoldalloftheirUSdebt,thedollarwouldcollapse,sendingtheUnited
Statesintoarecessionneverbeforeseen.Thisismostimprobable.
Ther