Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

10
1.1' 111'11111 tw ' 26: 35-48, J. (1996) 'Invcllting "Jkelillc": tile Iwhinci fir the British CCOllOIllY r;o'lll/o!llirlfiliI!1I!Rcl'I('I(',XLlX('I):TlI 7 r j7, - , E., Weersink, A. aile! SWill!tOII, C, (200!) j\grintitu]'(' <lIHIISO II(JUO', 1';)1111 Warner, M. (cd,) (1997) (,()}lu:\{' Illil'/'i/filiollrll "l lill.lIl/n.\ IIlId MIIIIIIW'III('lII. I.OIl<iol1: International Thomson Business Press, D. and Gertler, IV!. (20(11) 'Globalizatio1l and ,'Collollli.- J'('slnl('tlllitig ill Ontario: Hum industrial heartland to Flllilnilig SllIlhi'I', :) 7':) Y)2, nand Roos, D. (I 99()) 'l7tf Mmliil/(' Ihal (/lIl11f1,/'t! IiiI' 1IIIItd, New York: J BoSloll (rd,) 1111' Slate Under I ()<)7) 'Colltracl, slatus ill1<1 , in (;, Dmis, g, A. ("( Is) '[lie ,Nfli' CO!ltmrllllliJJIII, Maunill;1Il Education, (:2002) 'Th" I](,W ('()lllractualisllI i1l1<1 individuali/,cd :W(1) G'l n I 12 Insecurity and the dream. of targeted governance wilh t(Job burrowed or ildapted li'oill l'(nlt'ault" essay and IiUlll tile rich of lh!'orelical ,lIlei arc .-\hstracts. lists FOllcalllt appears ,lS ,I keyword, All(l influelltial scliolar.s who are uol hmC<luidiall llcvntlwiess field iJas i)eel] trallsi()l'l11cd by the spread of 'gOV(,[,lllllCllt<llity' allaivsis, .\ Ilotahh- examplc is Davie! G,n-bnd's nl(, (,',,[I{1II: 0/ COIi/rol, arguably tiIe Illost illthwlltiai recelll liIeoretical ol'C!yicw of lTillliliai juslice issues (C;,lrbnd :lOOI), which mallY or tliC iusights of studies or policing, PlIllisillllCllt, ,1IIeI (TIIIlC hy I'burauldiall criminulogy illto <l s),lltlwsis witll WitI' ,Ollie illroads ill Ilw Ullited Stales. VVhy shuuld Ihi, Ix (II' interest to scholars Crimillology is, argllahly, the leasl )al or the ,()ciai Scl('l}('CS. There ;IIT studies of dlill'ts to comclillillt' policiug orgaJlized crime, thc sl11I1ggling ()f mignlllts, allci issues in illicit drug and arms controL Buttlic ('lllcrgcllcc of I1CW, 'tl'endy' ,lrCilS or cmpiric;li ami usually vcry ITsc;Jl'cli lias lIot been accompauicd by allY ('()lIn'ti\'(' <tlld llIissioll oj' crilllillology. . \s it malleI' alld have bccn to tile ;;talC's lIlachill(,],\' (II' Evell 111 « milt rics wit 11 strong tradit ions or academic fUllded. amI to SOIl1(" rt'scarch IJUt ('VCll whole research iustillltn" So il1clllde ;111 article ahollt !'IT''llt dcwloplllCllls (1S 'nilllillulog-y', a l('llll J'('dOit'llt or Durklwimiall slalist scir'Il(T:'

Transcript of Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

Page 1: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

11 11111111

tw~

M~~=

26 35-48

J (1996) Invcllting Jkelillc tile Jlllill~ Iwhinci fir the British CCOllOIllY

rolllollirlfiliI1IRclI(I(XLlX(I)TlI 7rj7- E Weersink A aile SWilltOII C (200) jgrintitu]( ltlIHIISO II(JUO 1)1111

Warner M (cd) (1997) (()lu Illilifiliollrll l lilllIln IIlId MIIIIIIWIII(lII IOIlltiol1

International Thomson Business Press D and Gertler IV (20(11) Globalizatio1l and Collollli- J(slnl(tlllitig ill Ontario

Hum industrial heartland to Flllilnilig SllIlhiI ) 7) Y)2 nand Roos D (I 99()) l7tf Mmliil( Ihal (lIl11f1t IiiI 1IIIItd New York

J BoSloll (rd) 1111 Slate Under

I ()lt)7) Colltracl slatus ill1lt1 in ( Dmis g A (( Is) [lie Nfli COltmrllllliJJIII Maunill1Il Education

(2002) Th I](W (()lllractualisllI i1l1lt1 individualicd W(1) Gl n

I

12 Insecurity and the dream of targeted governance

wilh t(Job burrowed or ildapted lioill l(nltault

essay and IiUlll tile rich of lhorelical lIlei

arc -hstracts lists

FOllcalllt appears lS I keyword All(l influelltial scliolars who are uol hmCltluidiall llcvntlwiess

field iJas i)eel] trallsi()ll11cd by the spread of gOV([lllllClltltllity allaivsis Ilotahhshy

examplc is Davie Gn-bnds nl( ([I1II 0 COIirol arguably tiIe Illost illthwlltiai

recelll liIeoretical olCyicw of lTillliliai juslice issues (Clrbnd lOOI) which

mallY or tliC iusights of studies or policing PlIllisillllCllt 1IIeI (TIIIlC hy Iburauldiall criminulogy illto ltl s)lltlwsis witll

WitI

Ollie illroads ill Ilw Ullited Stales VVhy shuuld Ihi Ix (II interest to scholars

Crimillology is argllahly the leasl )al or the ()ciai Scl(l(CS There IIT

studies of dlillts to comclillillt policiug orgaJlized crime thc sl11I1ggling ()f mignlllts allci issues in illicit drug and arms

controL Buttlic (lllcrgcllcc of I1CW tlendy lrCilS or cmpiricli ami usually vcry ITscJlcli lias lIot been accompauicd by allY (()lInti(

lttlld llIissioll oj crilllillology s it malleI

alld ~wclrity have bccn to tile talCs lIlachill(] (II

Evell 111 laquo milt rics wit 11 strong tradit ions or academic

fUllded amI to SOIl1( rtscarch

IJUt (VCll whole research iustillltn So

il1clllde 111 article ahollt ITllt dcwloplllCllls

(1S

nilllillulog-y a l(llll J(dOitllt or Durklwimiall slalist scirIl(T

LJ1 JU1rl(tJW ValVerrle and iHuWfl

Statist no Illore Redefining policing as governance not governIllent

A foremost leader in this crilical turn as the study of sodal control -

the causes of crime wilh a view to clisorder2 Nevertheless despite its oppositional

on the state albeit to denounce it

criminals

to be

These studies or the

the

were

contmgcnt icatllfe made crnm 1I0logy opcn to the

sillce one of the COllcerns of early English-Ianguagtgt govcrnm

_ critical The statist

1987_ not

llw statist tradition of in the 1970lt by th(

that was located ill sociology as much as in research institu tes and which drew most

of its theoretical and from critical socioloeical studies COli dueled on purely academic lines without

was precisely to de-centre state governance and to encourage a mapping of actushyally existing relation~ that is faitllliJI to new hybrid developments in govemance

The I(mmto Centre of Criminology had been a crucial player ill the private research programme and it is in our view not coincidental that this

Ccfllre also became during lhe 1990 a signilicant site for the translation into research COIICf~rns or the gov(~rnl1lentality texts

outside of criminoloev in the UK and Australia In 1992 when govemshya very influential article by Nikolas Rosl amI

argued that H)lJcaults work can gOlJenzalUe networks as they actually mapping the networks of the

power that is not identified with state apparatuses A few INllucal theorist had enthused about civil society as a new

but governmentality work did not take sides in the state versus civil society debate encouraging instlad an whicb governance relations could be documented without

containers of political science (the state civil the

helped resemchers concerned with security and policing to pay theoretical atttllshylion to phenomena such as the llcoliberal managerial moves by which some

police forces were encouraged or torced to engage in partnerships with private stector actors and with com111U11ity groups and to market their services to

and other govcrtnncnts

In pan under the inlluence or stuclies of govemance and govermnentality the study of policing was recldillccI in thc 1990 in (luite a radical manner as the

and 23)

stueiy of the provision of security or the maintcnance and governanee of rather than the study of one slate institution That the provision amI guaranshy

of ordel including basic physical security is it function thaI can and is carried out by a whole host of actors and imtitutiolls with the modern

merely one of these is now a generally accepted insight An indishycator of the success of the pr~ject to redeline policing in a non-statist manner is the fact that as tlte Law Commission of Canada ()fused researcb resources and

policy attention 011 the issue or security it organised a major international conference ill lebruary of 2003 in Montreal whose co-sponsors included two

security linns as well as poliee and gOVflmnent representatives If even a national Law COllllllissioll has come 10 think of

terms Foucauldian academics can be has indeed won out over goverulllellt and state in at least one Ildd

intellectual work of the state in and by researchers working 011 policillg aud

has been most evident in the inclusion or private lor-profit institutiolls within the ambit or criminololical research some work has also been done mostly at the urban the relations between state bodies alld non-

groups 111 the delivery of security md safety services Crawf(mi IDlJ7)_ contrasl much less has been done to exnlore a

different dimension of the extra-state governancc of national dimensions of order maintenance A lc-w money laundering are regarded withont much belonging withill the globl At present these though important in law enforcement have it relatively low profile ill tbeoretical and critical studies

Nevertheless tlte illtellectual reWJlution discussed above

rather than a governl11fnt that research attention will f()e1lS 011

activities that cross has recently come to th( lore as

research ill Canada rather belatedly given Canadas in tbis partieular dimension of inleruatiollal order

study of peacekeeping which will necessarily focus Oil military and Oll NCO activity rather thall 011 the public police will sooncr or

later help to bridge the rlther outdated barriers separating criminology from sciclIce and international law - boundaries that have thus tar kept tlH

of crime and law enforcemellt artificially separate iom tilt stwJv of war

and the study of human rights Thus a potential space for research and thought has been opened up by the

litct that stuciies or policing ami security that are inlluenced by hmcauldiall work 011 goveruance are no longer tethered 10 the nation-state eveu when their particshyular locus is a national police force or a national criminal jllstice programme_ Even ill the case of scholarship which does not explicitly theorize extra-slate

rebt iOlls or c1irnensiolls or security work findings fiOln the literature on the goverllallce of security we would lrglle can still be very relevant to readers of

236 A1ariana Valverde and Michael

this anthology interested in understanding the current trallsitmnatiollS of the processes by which non-state and state organizations attemnt to achieve and to

security in whatever context It is worth noting that if governmentality studies helped many

to stop taking the boundaries of the state and of law for granted us to study governance relations across the conventional boundaries

from private state from economy and state from community this shift to de-centre the state had a different character from the de-centring of the state cflected (or advocated) in the work of many globalization theorists While Foucaults work did not directly address the global (not surprisingly since during Foucaults lifetime terms such as international imperialist and so on were still the currency of both politics and theory) it would be quite inconsistent with Foucaults approach to nee from the frying pan of statism only to fall into the fire of generalizations about globalizatiOl

The Foucault -innuenced research on recent shifts in the work of providing and guaranteeing basic physical security and cnforcing laws and regulations does not provide any evidence to back up any general thesis about the coming of globalization III the field of political economy some excellent work has undercut the grand claims made both by the neoliheral riQht and the left about the relentless march of a globalization regarded as

and smooth socioeconomic homogenization (for example Hirst 1999) In keeping with Hirst and Thompsons realistic and

nuanced analysis of how th complexities of economic governance the beginning of the twenty-first century belie any generalities about the we too would like to highlight the persistently unfashionably non-global character of much policing even of supposedly inlemaliollal policing

A key but little-known fact regarding international policing is that despite the changes in cross-national governance structures in spheres from commerce to illegal drugs to foreign policy the number of international covenants or agreeshyments conferring international powers on police is cxactlv zero There is much rhetoric about information sharing and possibly a information sharing (the character and extent of which is the public or even to researchers) But this information sharing enhance the action of nationally based police forces (Gill 1998 Sheptycki 1998) Any form of inter-country police cooperation must be done in accordance with the domestic laws of each of the states and is limited by the fact that internashytional organizations of which Interpol is one of the very few examples+ are not cOlllrary to some crime-novd representations international bodies linking states or existing above states but rather are professional organizations compashyrable to international organizations of academics Police cooperate only by exchanging information as they see fit And most importantly the flow of tbis information is such as to reinforce rathcr than threaten state-based police dictions The information we stress is lIOt to another

but rather to other police forces who thell use it to enforce national 1989 Walker 2000 Deflem 2000) And as revelations arising

Insecurity and Imlic1ed gOMlllIllICe 237

Iiom tbe US inquiry into the intelligence failures surrounding September ~ suggest sometimes the information flowing from one police force in one region

J I to one particular agency which jealously guards it rather than to the

state as a whole Thus while there are developments in international law~ 1 cnforcement that one could cite if one wanted to write about the globalization of

j J policing nevertheless dose attention needs to be paid to the shape of actual

networks of power and knowledge Occasional discretionary collaboration between different national police (orces example ill the pursuit of users of Internet child pornography) should not be mistaken for globalization States

1 and local municipalities remain the key venues lor and jurisdictions of lawI

1 enforcement even when law enforcement processes are qualitatively different in

1 that they crucially involve colUmunity agencies for-profit security firms and other nOll-state actors

It is not necessarily an exercise ill intellectual imperialism to argue that the from studies of new tecllilologies (including political technologies) of used at the urban level may be of use to scholars analysin

programmes beyond the or traditional urban-focused programmes that while still centrally relying Oil state actors and resources nevertheless exceed the physical boundaries of the state for example internashytional peacekeeping operations At a higher level of abstraction we would ltllgue that there is no good reaSOll either intellectual or political for continuing to maintain the old boundaries that keep crime that old Durkheimian statist object- separate from such phenomenologically similar entities as human rights violations tcrrorism smuggling and war Just to give olle example war is not what is used to be while during the Cold War it was often thought that the end of the Cold War would mean a drying up of the political and military roots of Third World wars wars have in recent yems multiplied rather than decreased And while the new wars dissolve conventional distinctions between people army and government (Duffield 2001 136) so too recent develomnents in the US-led war on terrorism also blur the lines formerly separating crime from terrorism and from (statist) war

What this has meant for international relations and for theories of war is explored by others for our purposes what is important is to reHeet on the

of the fact that the line separating political from non-political seems thinner than evel in a wide variety of dinerent

in development work constantly remind us todays humanshyitarian crises arc generally complex events with multiple dimensions the situations that have arisen in places such as the former Yugoslavia Rwanda and the COIlQO canuot be slotted neatly iIlto anyone of the

cultural conflict economic researchers - and for that matter policy-makers are now focusing

not so much on particular crimes that need detection and apprehension but rather on the overall future-oriented process of ensuring security tl1e insights of

of recent trends in the governance of (urban) security could thus be of use to those concerned with other dimensions and other venues of order maintenance

238 Mariana Valverde and MidUlel

and seulrity provisioll Or to put it 11I0re academically science could begin to undo or at least questiolJ the

work or the past decades work which has made it c1illicult to remember that in the end both enterprises are fundamentally (oncerued with the Hobbesian problematic or insecurity With Hobbes we could say that neilher crime nor war

these days

comisteth of BatteH only or the act of fighting but ill a tract of time wherein the Will to contend by Battell is sufficiently known and therefore the notion of Time is to be considered in the nature of Wane [and lack of salety] as it is in the nature of the Weather For as the nature of Foule weather Iyeth not in a showre or two of rain but in an inclination thereto of many dayes together So the nature or War [and crime] ronsistelh not in actual fighting but in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary

19GB

If the gttucly of policing- one of the key suhfidds for the international Anglophone criminological research programme that enwrged during the 1970s as the study or criminal justice institutions carne to overshadow classical questiOi ahout the criminal and criminality found in governmentality a key theoretshyical re~ource to help explain what many saw as the k(~y empirical issue of the time (namely the growing intcrpenetration of private and puhlic security personnel and resources) so too theoretical resources loosely linked to or more accurately to some of his collaborators were also important in the theoshyretical transformation of the study of the other keystone of current criminoJofgt1cal thought

FroID discipline to risk the new penology

The literature on the new penology one of the key theoretical innovations in criminology or the past fifteen or so years relied on some loucauldian resources

can include under that label the work of Francois Ewald and Robert to analyse some important recent changes in the way tbat authorities

govern offenders and deliver state punishment While the sort of modern penalty associated with the nineteenth-century penitentiary focused 011 the otfeneler as a soul or as it psyche aiming to normalize if not the individual at least the population of offenders in the last third of the twentieth century neoliheral and managerial moves to displace therapy to cut back state and to impose new knowledges more amenable to performance assessment fOund the new logic of risk more useful than the oleler more ambitious and totalizing logic of discipline The psyche of the offender long the key objcct of penological discourse and practice came to be if not reDlaced at least

___~___ _____ NoII bullbullWniIIIIiML~~fa~i1wii~ ~_ fSZ iIlampllIJIpoundJt1MW~IIIIiW31ft wmlII

illsecUli(v (Ind 239

psychotherapy) have been ill many places replaced by tools that to a large extent can govern subpopulatiollS without gowming through the persoll or seeking to

the souLs Low-level correctional ollicers can rherk off itellls 011 a risk assessshyment scale and generate an auditable asseSSllItllt that can be quickly used to move oflcnclers into one or another flcility or programme Psychiatric and social work professional discretionary judgement is thus sidelined in murh penal Dractiee ill ways that paraUeI what has happened ill llIany other

The literature on governing penal issues lIlel penal populations through risk could be of use to anyone studying con temporal) developments in global serurity along a number of different dimensions The sophisticated literaturt Oil governing criminality through risk has thus lar remained to our knowledgf lIllcited anel unused by those examining global security (for example DufTicld 200 I) and even

sdlOlars studying immigration law and policy Airport scretlling fiJI

(both that done by state immigration and customs oflicials and that done by secushyrity guards) foUows the same Iisk profiling logic that has become ubiquitous in correctional and police settings but we are not aware of studies of airport security or other international processes that usc the illsights of the Iltw penology

With the aim of facilitating analytic experimentation and the borrowing of analytical t061s across disciplinary and field boundaries leI liS iJere provide a brief overview of the key findings of the literature on penalit) and risk togetlwr with very sketchy suggestions on how they might be useful in other colltexts In the last section of the chapter we will then develop our OWII theoretical argushyment about the way ill which risk management is part of a wider shift ill governance that we call targeted governance There we will make some tentashytive suggestions about the potential uses for scholars of the global not only of the risk literature arising out of criminology hut also of other studies that

the thesis that our particular present is dominated by a utopian govershylIallce dream it smart specific side-ellects-free informatioll-drien utopia of govefllancc that in policing circles takes the form of intclligcnce-Ied policing and in medical circles is known as evidence-based medicine

But fIrst Ict us look at the new penology and the lise of risk lllanagement Sinct the late f 980s resClt1rehers documenting developments in penal policy and lJave noted it trend away fium llillcteenth-centlll) cOllcerns to normalize deviants that OIginally gave rise to nimil1ol06Y- The harsh regimes of early penitentiaries and the more bencvolent regimes of mid-twentieth celltllly welfurist rehabilitation programmts diverged sharply in political orientation but thfy shared a eommon epistelllolog) This was the fimdamcntal oppositioll hetweell normal and dcimt most explored by loucmtlt ill his studies on prisons and on sexuality and the cOllsequcnt belief that at least for rcfilrmable deviants tlH state and VcUOUS expert bodies should devote resources to normalizing them reJllrllling their habits and rehabilitatinOl their souls

Whether they wcre harshly disciplined ill workhouses and asylums or reformed in welfarisl institutions the ill the i~IJOrallt the unlortushy

---4- - rl 1_ J ___

240 lvlarialla Valverde aud lvlidllle A1oj(ls

the diagnostic analysis Rose 1990 1996 Poovey 199B) and the related information systems from censuses to epidemiological statistics in which individual-level data were centrally collected so that the data as tables of numbers and as statistics were disseminated to helD rationalize the

viduals and improving the rise of neoliberal and neoconservative ~r~~~o instance by having the private sector or with the state steering but not new ways of deviant populations emerged Within the correctional tion parole -- the biggest trend of the past thirty years has undoubtedly been the rise of risk measurement and risk As David Garland puts it offenders rather than clients in need of support are seen as risks that must be managed Instead of emphasizing rehabilitative methods that meet the offenders needs the system emphasizes effective controls that minimize costs and maximize security (2001 175)

What came to be called the new penology was a reflection on the profoulld changes involved in shifting away fi-om discipline to risk Discipline (and rehabilishytation) governs individuals individually while simultaneously forming and normalizing populations Risk management by contrast breaks the individual up into a set of measurable risk factors This of course is not unique to criminal justice in health care too patients being diagnostically examined by a clinician using old fashioned clinical judgement appear to have given way to bundles of test results Each test generates automatically a particular risk profile detershymined by existillg data Clinical judgement the original prototype of the individualizing gaze of the disciplines to Nmcault now consists

of iuxtltlf)osing- and synthesizing the risk profiles generated by different

soclolmnst of medicine Robert Castel

The new dissolve the notIon 01 a or a concrete and put in its place a of the factors of risk The essential component of the iutervention no takes the form of the direct face-to-face relationship between the carer and the cared It comes instead to reside in the establishing of flows of population based on th collation of a range of abstract poundactors deemed liable to produce risk in general

(Castel 1991 281)

Insecurity and targeted governance 2 4 I

Initially risk management was identified with bureaucratic techniques for identishyfying and isolating problem populations (for example offenders with a high risk of recidivism as determined by scales derived fiOl11 previous data) However later contributions to the literature on risk showed that risk techniques are not tied to any particular way gaze (bureaucratic versus clinical impersonal versus individualized) or to any particular political project Social insurance and universal health coverage for example are well-known ways of using risk tcchshy

to spread risks among the whole population thus achieving a democratic effect This usc of risk has the opposite political

or to segre-

IS

n eeds as risks matler in a lleoliberal are risks to ~~~~~ h

to the respectable but it is possible to redefine oeooles own risks eracy alcohol dependence hunger) to society to capitalism or to global security and thus as requiring attention and perhaps even state funding Social services to homeless youth or to released convicts are now rationalized in Canada at any rate alt helping vulnerable populations to learn to monitor and manage their risks thus protecting society from crimillal and from fiscal dangers

There arc a lIurnber of new initiatives ill and around criminal justice that show the amazing flexibility of risk talk and risk-measurement tools On the more coercive side we have the rise of NIegans laws sex-oilender community notification statutes (Levi 2000) These begin by classifying sex oflenders into different risk groups and it is a given of risk analysis here as elsewhere that there is no such thillg as zero risk only high or low risk and then communishycating the presence of high-risk released offenders to the community so that the community can protect itself This is a good example of risk illfl)lmation being used to heighten social exclusion in contrast to the ways in which welfarist programmes use risk information to direct resources for prrventioll and inclusion purposes1i

The sex-ofTfndfr notification statutes articulate risk information te(IUlologles

eral discourses of risk infi)nnation about oflenders was by the state in certain counshy

or information about criminal risks is still the state with community and

much smaller role than in the common-law world) The state mation and the state acted But ill the neoliberal COl1nnon-law neoliberrumrcP which relies on local authorities and sub-state powers more than is the case in many more centralized states state bodies such as the police are not given the monopoly over the task of (l(tually securinl the

242 A1arialla Valverde and _Midtael Iv[0)(11

commuuity (~ven when they have a monopoly on the process of gelJ(~ratillg the risk information (Levi Ericson and Haggerty 1997) Communities (an amorshy

pbOlJS term that often amounts to businesses andor traditional families) are

regarded as having the duty and the right to use the Ilovernment-Dwvicled risk infor-mation to take their own risk

The same goes j[)r private homeowners who are constantly addressed by authorities (including insurance companies as well as the police) with the Hobbesian discourse of etemal homeowner vigilance anel enjoined to become active providers of their own security7 This reCOllligllration of the risk of crime

is ill keeping with the neoliberal reconfiguration of medical risks we go to to get our risk assessment hut we are then enjoined to take up exercise

cat certain foods and so on so as to act upon our own risk factors Similarly the welfarist recipient of universal old-age insurance has given way to the enter-

holder of individual pension plans an individual who carefully scans the finallCial pages and chooses his or her own way of balancing the risks illherent in stock-market investment against the risks of all old age dependent only on

scaled back state provisions Along similar lines we have the proliferation of crime prevention and urban

initiatives that eucourage citizens to know monitor and manage everyday risks to their OWl safety and that of their neighbourhoods These initiatives are

llO means limited to wealthy gated communities many poorer in the Third World particularly have developed innovative ways to

manage risks to their safety with minimal involvement from the often-discredited and sometimes downright hostile public police (see [or example Brogden and

1993) Given these widespread trends it is not surprising that receut research high-

the growing use of risk profiling within police and the ways in which risk information rather than being hoarded by constantly transferred out to some extent to communities but mainly to

insurance companies employers and other organizatiollS that use this risk information for their own purposes Ericson and Haggertys

inl1uential alld voluminous study of police work which shows that most tiITle is spent not lighting criITle but rather gathering and communicating risk

shows that the well-publicized 101li( of racial orofilinlZ is onlv one of a wide range of risk comll1unication

i11r (~)1nnIF the KeMP has a Security Fraud lnfclrluation Centre that risk-profiles securities transactions The centres mandate is to maintain 11

national repository of criminal intelligence information on fraudulent and activities in the security field and disseminate information to security

commissions across Canada

(Ericson and 1997 218)

lhc growing tendency to use risk information [(JrIl1ats

risk assessment scalfS used ill child Drotection work to COIlII11I111ity

and 243

safety audits to addiction counselling) in order to govern security and

risk fiKtors - rather than directly through persolls lagt been closely linked in the criminal justice Geld to the growing inl1l1ence auel prestige of private security tools and cOllcerns The Canadian ivIounted Poliee did not

come up with the idea of risk-profiling securities obviously and neither the tools with which to do Ihis the financial industry did

private-sector agfuts concerned mOrf to prevent ernployee i-ami and thell than offenders to justice have devised ( number of inllovative surveillance

techniques - not only the well-known high-tech inllovations of the modern such as tracking employees computer use or requiring computerized cards to enter buildings hut also a welter of low-tech ad hoc solutions

such as placing the reception desk ill a location designed to maximize natural surveillance of activities resulting in a loss of profit fi-om taking too many --ottcp breaks to pilfering office supplies These measures to manage and minishy

mize risks to corporations have been adapted for use in public spaces police and partly by the Gist-growing industry or crime environmental design (CPTED) consultants_

That tlle private sector would lead the way in risk technologies or security is not surprising For the private sector the goal was and is to minimize risks and

goillg after wrongdoers is often lIOt it rational goal either iinamially or n-om the DoiHt of view of orQanization morale Risks are often best minimized

acting on the ellvirOlll11Cnt so as to lower the This impersonal way of

treats everyone as a rational actor it is uninterested in drawing lines the normal hun the deviant the criminal from the honest worker_

And yet the focus on the private-enterprise origins and llses of much inforshy

mation technology and risk management technology should not be allowed to obscure the still not outdated old Marxist insights about the coercive apparatus of the state rvlucb of the technology currently used in both public policing and private sector sUlveillancf originated in military research And of course the Internet itsell~ while hailed as a great neoliberal space of consumer and intellecshytual freedom was originally developed by the American military who see the Internet as a great space of ji-eedom might do well to reneet 011

it is that American email addresses exist in and help to constitute a virtual inlpeshyrial space ill which the relevant divisions are merely those bftween COIll

edu and org functioning like so Illany independent states ca uk au f1- and so on) Apart ii-om the American military-industrial complex$ unique ability to actually realize in practice dreams of governance that other could nevcr render technical olle could lIote that tbe use of CCTV cameras ill the UK is historically rooted in the British Armys expcril1lcnts with electronic

and city planning ill Bellast (Haggerty amI Ericsoll 200 I The emergence of wilat is known as database policiug where olTicers

search not persons or vehicles but databases Oil the basis of certain risk profiles or specific information is but one additional exanwie or the tridde-clown eiltct or militarv technology 011 daily police

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 2: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

LJ1 JU1rl(tJW ValVerrle and iHuWfl

Statist no Illore Redefining policing as governance not governIllent

A foremost leader in this crilical turn as the study of sodal control -

the causes of crime wilh a view to clisorder2 Nevertheless despite its oppositional

on the state albeit to denounce it

criminals

to be

These studies or the

the

were

contmgcnt icatllfe made crnm 1I0logy opcn to the

sillce one of the COllcerns of early English-Ianguagtgt govcrnm

_ critical The statist

1987_ not

llw statist tradition of in the 1970lt by th(

that was located ill sociology as much as in research institu tes and which drew most

of its theoretical and from critical socioloeical studies COli dueled on purely academic lines without

was precisely to de-centre state governance and to encourage a mapping of actushyally existing relation~ that is faitllliJI to new hybrid developments in govemance

The I(mmto Centre of Criminology had been a crucial player ill the private research programme and it is in our view not coincidental that this

Ccfllre also became during lhe 1990 a signilicant site for the translation into research COIICf~rns or the gov(~rnl1lentality texts

outside of criminoloev in the UK and Australia In 1992 when govemshya very influential article by Nikolas Rosl amI

argued that H)lJcaults work can gOlJenzalUe networks as they actually mapping the networks of the

power that is not identified with state apparatuses A few INllucal theorist had enthused about civil society as a new

but governmentality work did not take sides in the state versus civil society debate encouraging instlad an whicb governance relations could be documented without

containers of political science (the state civil the

helped resemchers concerned with security and policing to pay theoretical atttllshylion to phenomena such as the llcoliberal managerial moves by which some

police forces were encouraged or torced to engage in partnerships with private stector actors and with com111U11ity groups and to market their services to

and other govcrtnncnts

In pan under the inlluence or stuclies of govemance and govermnentality the study of policing was recldillccI in thc 1990 in (luite a radical manner as the

and 23)

stueiy of the provision of security or the maintcnance and governanee of rather than the study of one slate institution That the provision amI guaranshy

of ordel including basic physical security is it function thaI can and is carried out by a whole host of actors and imtitutiolls with the modern

merely one of these is now a generally accepted insight An indishycator of the success of the pr~ject to redeline policing in a non-statist manner is the fact that as tlte Law Commission of Canada ()fused researcb resources and

policy attention 011 the issue or security it organised a major international conference ill lebruary of 2003 in Montreal whose co-sponsors included two

security linns as well as poliee and gOVflmnent representatives If even a national Law COllllllissioll has come 10 think of

terms Foucauldian academics can be has indeed won out over goverulllellt and state in at least one Ildd

intellectual work of the state in and by researchers working 011 policillg aud

has been most evident in the inclusion or private lor-profit institutiolls within the ambit or criminololical research some work has also been done mostly at the urban the relations between state bodies alld non-

groups 111 the delivery of security md safety services Crawf(mi IDlJ7)_ contrasl much less has been done to exnlore a

different dimension of the extra-state governancc of national dimensions of order maintenance A lc-w money laundering are regarded withont much belonging withill the globl At present these though important in law enforcement have it relatively low profile ill tbeoretical and critical studies

Nevertheless tlte illtellectual reWJlution discussed above

rather than a governl11fnt that research attention will f()e1lS 011

activities that cross has recently come to th( lore as

research ill Canada rather belatedly given Canadas in tbis partieular dimension of inleruatiollal order

study of peacekeeping which will necessarily focus Oil military and Oll NCO activity rather thall 011 the public police will sooncr or

later help to bridge the rlther outdated barriers separating criminology from sciclIce and international law - boundaries that have thus tar kept tlH

of crime and law enforcemellt artificially separate iom tilt stwJv of war

and the study of human rights Thus a potential space for research and thought has been opened up by the

litct that stuciies or policing ami security that are inlluenced by hmcauldiall work 011 goveruance are no longer tethered 10 the nation-state eveu when their particshyular locus is a national police force or a national criminal jllstice programme_ Even ill the case of scholarship which does not explicitly theorize extra-slate

rebt iOlls or c1irnensiolls or security work findings fiOln the literature on the goverllallce of security we would lrglle can still be very relevant to readers of

236 A1ariana Valverde and Michael

this anthology interested in understanding the current trallsitmnatiollS of the processes by which non-state and state organizations attemnt to achieve and to

security in whatever context It is worth noting that if governmentality studies helped many

to stop taking the boundaries of the state and of law for granted us to study governance relations across the conventional boundaries

from private state from economy and state from community this shift to de-centre the state had a different character from the de-centring of the state cflected (or advocated) in the work of many globalization theorists While Foucaults work did not directly address the global (not surprisingly since during Foucaults lifetime terms such as international imperialist and so on were still the currency of both politics and theory) it would be quite inconsistent with Foucaults approach to nee from the frying pan of statism only to fall into the fire of generalizations about globalizatiOl

The Foucault -innuenced research on recent shifts in the work of providing and guaranteeing basic physical security and cnforcing laws and regulations does not provide any evidence to back up any general thesis about the coming of globalization III the field of political economy some excellent work has undercut the grand claims made both by the neoliheral riQht and the left about the relentless march of a globalization regarded as

and smooth socioeconomic homogenization (for example Hirst 1999) In keeping with Hirst and Thompsons realistic and

nuanced analysis of how th complexities of economic governance the beginning of the twenty-first century belie any generalities about the we too would like to highlight the persistently unfashionably non-global character of much policing even of supposedly inlemaliollal policing

A key but little-known fact regarding international policing is that despite the changes in cross-national governance structures in spheres from commerce to illegal drugs to foreign policy the number of international covenants or agreeshyments conferring international powers on police is cxactlv zero There is much rhetoric about information sharing and possibly a information sharing (the character and extent of which is the public or even to researchers) But this information sharing enhance the action of nationally based police forces (Gill 1998 Sheptycki 1998) Any form of inter-country police cooperation must be done in accordance with the domestic laws of each of the states and is limited by the fact that internashytional organizations of which Interpol is one of the very few examples+ are not cOlllrary to some crime-novd representations international bodies linking states or existing above states but rather are professional organizations compashyrable to international organizations of academics Police cooperate only by exchanging information as they see fit And most importantly the flow of tbis information is such as to reinforce rathcr than threaten state-based police dictions The information we stress is lIOt to another

but rather to other police forces who thell use it to enforce national 1989 Walker 2000 Deflem 2000) And as revelations arising

Insecurity and Imlic1ed gOMlllIllICe 237

Iiom tbe US inquiry into the intelligence failures surrounding September ~ suggest sometimes the information flowing from one police force in one region

J I to one particular agency which jealously guards it rather than to the

state as a whole Thus while there are developments in international law~ 1 cnforcement that one could cite if one wanted to write about the globalization of

j J policing nevertheless dose attention needs to be paid to the shape of actual

networks of power and knowledge Occasional discretionary collaboration between different national police (orces example ill the pursuit of users of Internet child pornography) should not be mistaken for globalization States

1 and local municipalities remain the key venues lor and jurisdictions of lawI

1 enforcement even when law enforcement processes are qualitatively different in

1 that they crucially involve colUmunity agencies for-profit security firms and other nOll-state actors

It is not necessarily an exercise ill intellectual imperialism to argue that the from studies of new tecllilologies (including political technologies) of used at the urban level may be of use to scholars analysin

programmes beyond the or traditional urban-focused programmes that while still centrally relying Oil state actors and resources nevertheless exceed the physical boundaries of the state for example internashytional peacekeeping operations At a higher level of abstraction we would ltllgue that there is no good reaSOll either intellectual or political for continuing to maintain the old boundaries that keep crime that old Durkheimian statist object- separate from such phenomenologically similar entities as human rights violations tcrrorism smuggling and war Just to give olle example war is not what is used to be while during the Cold War it was often thought that the end of the Cold War would mean a drying up of the political and military roots of Third World wars wars have in recent yems multiplied rather than decreased And while the new wars dissolve conventional distinctions between people army and government (Duffield 2001 136) so too recent develomnents in the US-led war on terrorism also blur the lines formerly separating crime from terrorism and from (statist) war

What this has meant for international relations and for theories of war is explored by others for our purposes what is important is to reHeet on the

of the fact that the line separating political from non-political seems thinner than evel in a wide variety of dinerent

in development work constantly remind us todays humanshyitarian crises arc generally complex events with multiple dimensions the situations that have arisen in places such as the former Yugoslavia Rwanda and the COIlQO canuot be slotted neatly iIlto anyone of the

cultural conflict economic researchers - and for that matter policy-makers are now focusing

not so much on particular crimes that need detection and apprehension but rather on the overall future-oriented process of ensuring security tl1e insights of

of recent trends in the governance of (urban) security could thus be of use to those concerned with other dimensions and other venues of order maintenance

238 Mariana Valverde and MidUlel

and seulrity provisioll Or to put it 11I0re academically science could begin to undo or at least questiolJ the

work or the past decades work which has made it c1illicult to remember that in the end both enterprises are fundamentally (oncerued with the Hobbesian problematic or insecurity With Hobbes we could say that neilher crime nor war

these days

comisteth of BatteH only or the act of fighting but ill a tract of time wherein the Will to contend by Battell is sufficiently known and therefore the notion of Time is to be considered in the nature of Wane [and lack of salety] as it is in the nature of the Weather For as the nature of Foule weather Iyeth not in a showre or two of rain but in an inclination thereto of many dayes together So the nature or War [and crime] ronsistelh not in actual fighting but in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary

19GB

If the gttucly of policing- one of the key suhfidds for the international Anglophone criminological research programme that enwrged during the 1970s as the study or criminal justice institutions carne to overshadow classical questiOi ahout the criminal and criminality found in governmentality a key theoretshyical re~ource to help explain what many saw as the k(~y empirical issue of the time (namely the growing intcrpenetration of private and puhlic security personnel and resources) so too theoretical resources loosely linked to or more accurately to some of his collaborators were also important in the theoshyretical transformation of the study of the other keystone of current criminoJofgt1cal thought

FroID discipline to risk the new penology

The literature on the new penology one of the key theoretical innovations in criminology or the past fifteen or so years relied on some loucauldian resources

can include under that label the work of Francois Ewald and Robert to analyse some important recent changes in the way tbat authorities

govern offenders and deliver state punishment While the sort of modern penalty associated with the nineteenth-century penitentiary focused 011 the otfeneler as a soul or as it psyche aiming to normalize if not the individual at least the population of offenders in the last third of the twentieth century neoliheral and managerial moves to displace therapy to cut back state and to impose new knowledges more amenable to performance assessment fOund the new logic of risk more useful than the oleler more ambitious and totalizing logic of discipline The psyche of the offender long the key objcct of penological discourse and practice came to be if not reDlaced at least

___~___ _____ NoII bullbullWniIIIIiML~~fa~i1wii~ ~_ fSZ iIlampllIJIpoundJt1MW~IIIIiW31ft wmlII

illsecUli(v (Ind 239

psychotherapy) have been ill many places replaced by tools that to a large extent can govern subpopulatiollS without gowming through the persoll or seeking to

the souLs Low-level correctional ollicers can rherk off itellls 011 a risk assessshyment scale and generate an auditable asseSSllItllt that can be quickly used to move oflcnclers into one or another flcility or programme Psychiatric and social work professional discretionary judgement is thus sidelined in murh penal Dractiee ill ways that paraUeI what has happened ill llIany other

The literature on governing penal issues lIlel penal populations through risk could be of use to anyone studying con temporal) developments in global serurity along a number of different dimensions The sophisticated literaturt Oil governing criminality through risk has thus lar remained to our knowledgf lIllcited anel unused by those examining global security (for example DufTicld 200 I) and even

sdlOlars studying immigration law and policy Airport scretlling fiJI

(both that done by state immigration and customs oflicials and that done by secushyrity guards) foUows the same Iisk profiling logic that has become ubiquitous in correctional and police settings but we are not aware of studies of airport security or other international processes that usc the illsights of the Iltw penology

With the aim of facilitating analytic experimentation and the borrowing of analytical t061s across disciplinary and field boundaries leI liS iJere provide a brief overview of the key findings of the literature on penalit) and risk togetlwr with very sketchy suggestions on how they might be useful in other colltexts In the last section of the chapter we will then develop our OWII theoretical argushyment about the way ill which risk management is part of a wider shift ill governance that we call targeted governance There we will make some tentashytive suggestions about the potential uses for scholars of the global not only of the risk literature arising out of criminology hut also of other studies that

the thesis that our particular present is dominated by a utopian govershylIallce dream it smart specific side-ellects-free informatioll-drien utopia of govefllancc that in policing circles takes the form of intclligcnce-Ied policing and in medical circles is known as evidence-based medicine

But fIrst Ict us look at the new penology and the lise of risk lllanagement Sinct the late f 980s resClt1rehers documenting developments in penal policy and lJave noted it trend away fium llillcteenth-centlll) cOllcerns to normalize deviants that OIginally gave rise to nimil1ol06Y- The harsh regimes of early penitentiaries and the more bencvolent regimes of mid-twentieth celltllly welfurist rehabilitation programmts diverged sharply in political orientation but thfy shared a eommon epistelllolog) This was the fimdamcntal oppositioll hetweell normal and dcimt most explored by loucmtlt ill his studies on prisons and on sexuality and the cOllsequcnt belief that at least for rcfilrmable deviants tlH state and VcUOUS expert bodies should devote resources to normalizing them reJllrllling their habits and rehabilitatinOl their souls

Whether they wcre harshly disciplined ill workhouses and asylums or reformed in welfarisl institutions the ill the i~IJOrallt the unlortushy

---4- - rl 1_ J ___

240 lvlarialla Valverde aud lvlidllle A1oj(ls

the diagnostic analysis Rose 1990 1996 Poovey 199B) and the related information systems from censuses to epidemiological statistics in which individual-level data were centrally collected so that the data as tables of numbers and as statistics were disseminated to helD rationalize the

viduals and improving the rise of neoliberal and neoconservative ~r~~~o instance by having the private sector or with the state steering but not new ways of deviant populations emerged Within the correctional tion parole -- the biggest trend of the past thirty years has undoubtedly been the rise of risk measurement and risk As David Garland puts it offenders rather than clients in need of support are seen as risks that must be managed Instead of emphasizing rehabilitative methods that meet the offenders needs the system emphasizes effective controls that minimize costs and maximize security (2001 175)

What came to be called the new penology was a reflection on the profoulld changes involved in shifting away fi-om discipline to risk Discipline (and rehabilishytation) governs individuals individually while simultaneously forming and normalizing populations Risk management by contrast breaks the individual up into a set of measurable risk factors This of course is not unique to criminal justice in health care too patients being diagnostically examined by a clinician using old fashioned clinical judgement appear to have given way to bundles of test results Each test generates automatically a particular risk profile detershymined by existillg data Clinical judgement the original prototype of the individualizing gaze of the disciplines to Nmcault now consists

of iuxtltlf)osing- and synthesizing the risk profiles generated by different

soclolmnst of medicine Robert Castel

The new dissolve the notIon 01 a or a concrete and put in its place a of the factors of risk The essential component of the iutervention no takes the form of the direct face-to-face relationship between the carer and the cared It comes instead to reside in the establishing of flows of population based on th collation of a range of abstract poundactors deemed liable to produce risk in general

(Castel 1991 281)

Insecurity and targeted governance 2 4 I

Initially risk management was identified with bureaucratic techniques for identishyfying and isolating problem populations (for example offenders with a high risk of recidivism as determined by scales derived fiOl11 previous data) However later contributions to the literature on risk showed that risk techniques are not tied to any particular way gaze (bureaucratic versus clinical impersonal versus individualized) or to any particular political project Social insurance and universal health coverage for example are well-known ways of using risk tcchshy

to spread risks among the whole population thus achieving a democratic effect This usc of risk has the opposite political

or to segre-

IS

n eeds as risks matler in a lleoliberal are risks to ~~~~~ h

to the respectable but it is possible to redefine oeooles own risks eracy alcohol dependence hunger) to society to capitalism or to global security and thus as requiring attention and perhaps even state funding Social services to homeless youth or to released convicts are now rationalized in Canada at any rate alt helping vulnerable populations to learn to monitor and manage their risks thus protecting society from crimillal and from fiscal dangers

There arc a lIurnber of new initiatives ill and around criminal justice that show the amazing flexibility of risk talk and risk-measurement tools On the more coercive side we have the rise of NIegans laws sex-oilender community notification statutes (Levi 2000) These begin by classifying sex oflenders into different risk groups and it is a given of risk analysis here as elsewhere that there is no such thillg as zero risk only high or low risk and then communishycating the presence of high-risk released offenders to the community so that the community can protect itself This is a good example of risk illfl)lmation being used to heighten social exclusion in contrast to the ways in which welfarist programmes use risk information to direct resources for prrventioll and inclusion purposes1i

The sex-ofTfndfr notification statutes articulate risk information te(IUlologles

eral discourses of risk infi)nnation about oflenders was by the state in certain counshy

or information about criminal risks is still the state with community and

much smaller role than in the common-law world) The state mation and the state acted But ill the neoliberal COl1nnon-law neoliberrumrcP which relies on local authorities and sub-state powers more than is the case in many more centralized states state bodies such as the police are not given the monopoly over the task of (l(tually securinl the

242 A1arialla Valverde and _Midtael Iv[0)(11

commuuity (~ven when they have a monopoly on the process of gelJ(~ratillg the risk information (Levi Ericson and Haggerty 1997) Communities (an amorshy

pbOlJS term that often amounts to businesses andor traditional families) are

regarded as having the duty and the right to use the Ilovernment-Dwvicled risk infor-mation to take their own risk

The same goes j[)r private homeowners who are constantly addressed by authorities (including insurance companies as well as the police) with the Hobbesian discourse of etemal homeowner vigilance anel enjoined to become active providers of their own security7 This reCOllligllration of the risk of crime

is ill keeping with the neoliberal reconfiguration of medical risks we go to to get our risk assessment hut we are then enjoined to take up exercise

cat certain foods and so on so as to act upon our own risk factors Similarly the welfarist recipient of universal old-age insurance has given way to the enter-

holder of individual pension plans an individual who carefully scans the finallCial pages and chooses his or her own way of balancing the risks illherent in stock-market investment against the risks of all old age dependent only on

scaled back state provisions Along similar lines we have the proliferation of crime prevention and urban

initiatives that eucourage citizens to know monitor and manage everyday risks to their OWl safety and that of their neighbourhoods These initiatives are

llO means limited to wealthy gated communities many poorer in the Third World particularly have developed innovative ways to

manage risks to their safety with minimal involvement from the often-discredited and sometimes downright hostile public police (see [or example Brogden and

1993) Given these widespread trends it is not surprising that receut research high-

the growing use of risk profiling within police and the ways in which risk information rather than being hoarded by constantly transferred out to some extent to communities but mainly to

insurance companies employers and other organizatiollS that use this risk information for their own purposes Ericson and Haggertys

inl1uential alld voluminous study of police work which shows that most tiITle is spent not lighting criITle but rather gathering and communicating risk

shows that the well-publicized 101li( of racial orofilinlZ is onlv one of a wide range of risk comll1unication

i11r (~)1nnIF the KeMP has a Security Fraud lnfclrluation Centre that risk-profiles securities transactions The centres mandate is to maintain 11

national repository of criminal intelligence information on fraudulent and activities in the security field and disseminate information to security

commissions across Canada

(Ericson and 1997 218)

lhc growing tendency to use risk information [(JrIl1ats

risk assessment scalfS used ill child Drotection work to COIlII11I111ity

and 243

safety audits to addiction counselling) in order to govern security and

risk fiKtors - rather than directly through persolls lagt been closely linked in the criminal justice Geld to the growing inl1l1ence auel prestige of private security tools and cOllcerns The Canadian ivIounted Poliee did not

come up with the idea of risk-profiling securities obviously and neither the tools with which to do Ihis the financial industry did

private-sector agfuts concerned mOrf to prevent ernployee i-ami and thell than offenders to justice have devised ( number of inllovative surveillance

techniques - not only the well-known high-tech inllovations of the modern such as tracking employees computer use or requiring computerized cards to enter buildings hut also a welter of low-tech ad hoc solutions

such as placing the reception desk ill a location designed to maximize natural surveillance of activities resulting in a loss of profit fi-om taking too many --ottcp breaks to pilfering office supplies These measures to manage and minishy

mize risks to corporations have been adapted for use in public spaces police and partly by the Gist-growing industry or crime environmental design (CPTED) consultants_

That tlle private sector would lead the way in risk technologies or security is not surprising For the private sector the goal was and is to minimize risks and

goillg after wrongdoers is often lIOt it rational goal either iinamially or n-om the DoiHt of view of orQanization morale Risks are often best minimized

acting on the ellvirOlll11Cnt so as to lower the This impersonal way of

treats everyone as a rational actor it is uninterested in drawing lines the normal hun the deviant the criminal from the honest worker_

And yet the focus on the private-enterprise origins and llses of much inforshy

mation technology and risk management technology should not be allowed to obscure the still not outdated old Marxist insights about the coercive apparatus of the state rvlucb of the technology currently used in both public policing and private sector sUlveillancf originated in military research And of course the Internet itsell~ while hailed as a great neoliberal space of consumer and intellecshytual freedom was originally developed by the American military who see the Internet as a great space of ji-eedom might do well to reneet 011

it is that American email addresses exist in and help to constitute a virtual inlpeshyrial space ill which the relevant divisions are merely those bftween COIll

edu and org functioning like so Illany independent states ca uk au f1- and so on) Apart ii-om the American military-industrial complex$ unique ability to actually realize in practice dreams of governance that other could nevcr render technical olle could lIote that tbe use of CCTV cameras ill the UK is historically rooted in the British Armys expcril1lcnts with electronic

and city planning ill Bellast (Haggerty amI Ericsoll 200 I The emergence of wilat is known as database policiug where olTicers

search not persons or vehicles but databases Oil the basis of certain risk profiles or specific information is but one additional exanwie or the tridde-clown eiltct or militarv technology 011 daily police

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

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Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 3: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

236 A1ariana Valverde and Michael

this anthology interested in understanding the current trallsitmnatiollS of the processes by which non-state and state organizations attemnt to achieve and to

security in whatever context It is worth noting that if governmentality studies helped many

to stop taking the boundaries of the state and of law for granted us to study governance relations across the conventional boundaries

from private state from economy and state from community this shift to de-centre the state had a different character from the de-centring of the state cflected (or advocated) in the work of many globalization theorists While Foucaults work did not directly address the global (not surprisingly since during Foucaults lifetime terms such as international imperialist and so on were still the currency of both politics and theory) it would be quite inconsistent with Foucaults approach to nee from the frying pan of statism only to fall into the fire of generalizations about globalizatiOl

The Foucault -innuenced research on recent shifts in the work of providing and guaranteeing basic physical security and cnforcing laws and regulations does not provide any evidence to back up any general thesis about the coming of globalization III the field of political economy some excellent work has undercut the grand claims made both by the neoliheral riQht and the left about the relentless march of a globalization regarded as

and smooth socioeconomic homogenization (for example Hirst 1999) In keeping with Hirst and Thompsons realistic and

nuanced analysis of how th complexities of economic governance the beginning of the twenty-first century belie any generalities about the we too would like to highlight the persistently unfashionably non-global character of much policing even of supposedly inlemaliollal policing

A key but little-known fact regarding international policing is that despite the changes in cross-national governance structures in spheres from commerce to illegal drugs to foreign policy the number of international covenants or agreeshyments conferring international powers on police is cxactlv zero There is much rhetoric about information sharing and possibly a information sharing (the character and extent of which is the public or even to researchers) But this information sharing enhance the action of nationally based police forces (Gill 1998 Sheptycki 1998) Any form of inter-country police cooperation must be done in accordance with the domestic laws of each of the states and is limited by the fact that internashytional organizations of which Interpol is one of the very few examples+ are not cOlllrary to some crime-novd representations international bodies linking states or existing above states but rather are professional organizations compashyrable to international organizations of academics Police cooperate only by exchanging information as they see fit And most importantly the flow of tbis information is such as to reinforce rathcr than threaten state-based police dictions The information we stress is lIOt to another

but rather to other police forces who thell use it to enforce national 1989 Walker 2000 Deflem 2000) And as revelations arising

Insecurity and Imlic1ed gOMlllIllICe 237

Iiom tbe US inquiry into the intelligence failures surrounding September ~ suggest sometimes the information flowing from one police force in one region

J I to one particular agency which jealously guards it rather than to the

state as a whole Thus while there are developments in international law~ 1 cnforcement that one could cite if one wanted to write about the globalization of

j J policing nevertheless dose attention needs to be paid to the shape of actual

networks of power and knowledge Occasional discretionary collaboration between different national police (orces example ill the pursuit of users of Internet child pornography) should not be mistaken for globalization States

1 and local municipalities remain the key venues lor and jurisdictions of lawI

1 enforcement even when law enforcement processes are qualitatively different in

1 that they crucially involve colUmunity agencies for-profit security firms and other nOll-state actors

It is not necessarily an exercise ill intellectual imperialism to argue that the from studies of new tecllilologies (including political technologies) of used at the urban level may be of use to scholars analysin

programmes beyond the or traditional urban-focused programmes that while still centrally relying Oil state actors and resources nevertheless exceed the physical boundaries of the state for example internashytional peacekeeping operations At a higher level of abstraction we would ltllgue that there is no good reaSOll either intellectual or political for continuing to maintain the old boundaries that keep crime that old Durkheimian statist object- separate from such phenomenologically similar entities as human rights violations tcrrorism smuggling and war Just to give olle example war is not what is used to be while during the Cold War it was often thought that the end of the Cold War would mean a drying up of the political and military roots of Third World wars wars have in recent yems multiplied rather than decreased And while the new wars dissolve conventional distinctions between people army and government (Duffield 2001 136) so too recent develomnents in the US-led war on terrorism also blur the lines formerly separating crime from terrorism and from (statist) war

What this has meant for international relations and for theories of war is explored by others for our purposes what is important is to reHeet on the

of the fact that the line separating political from non-political seems thinner than evel in a wide variety of dinerent

in development work constantly remind us todays humanshyitarian crises arc generally complex events with multiple dimensions the situations that have arisen in places such as the former Yugoslavia Rwanda and the COIlQO canuot be slotted neatly iIlto anyone of the

cultural conflict economic researchers - and for that matter policy-makers are now focusing

not so much on particular crimes that need detection and apprehension but rather on the overall future-oriented process of ensuring security tl1e insights of

of recent trends in the governance of (urban) security could thus be of use to those concerned with other dimensions and other venues of order maintenance

238 Mariana Valverde and MidUlel

and seulrity provisioll Or to put it 11I0re academically science could begin to undo or at least questiolJ the

work or the past decades work which has made it c1illicult to remember that in the end both enterprises are fundamentally (oncerued with the Hobbesian problematic or insecurity With Hobbes we could say that neilher crime nor war

these days

comisteth of BatteH only or the act of fighting but ill a tract of time wherein the Will to contend by Battell is sufficiently known and therefore the notion of Time is to be considered in the nature of Wane [and lack of salety] as it is in the nature of the Weather For as the nature of Foule weather Iyeth not in a showre or two of rain but in an inclination thereto of many dayes together So the nature or War [and crime] ronsistelh not in actual fighting but in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary

19GB

If the gttucly of policing- one of the key suhfidds for the international Anglophone criminological research programme that enwrged during the 1970s as the study or criminal justice institutions carne to overshadow classical questiOi ahout the criminal and criminality found in governmentality a key theoretshyical re~ource to help explain what many saw as the k(~y empirical issue of the time (namely the growing intcrpenetration of private and puhlic security personnel and resources) so too theoretical resources loosely linked to or more accurately to some of his collaborators were also important in the theoshyretical transformation of the study of the other keystone of current criminoJofgt1cal thought

FroID discipline to risk the new penology

The literature on the new penology one of the key theoretical innovations in criminology or the past fifteen or so years relied on some loucauldian resources

can include under that label the work of Francois Ewald and Robert to analyse some important recent changes in the way tbat authorities

govern offenders and deliver state punishment While the sort of modern penalty associated with the nineteenth-century penitentiary focused 011 the otfeneler as a soul or as it psyche aiming to normalize if not the individual at least the population of offenders in the last third of the twentieth century neoliheral and managerial moves to displace therapy to cut back state and to impose new knowledges more amenable to performance assessment fOund the new logic of risk more useful than the oleler more ambitious and totalizing logic of discipline The psyche of the offender long the key objcct of penological discourse and practice came to be if not reDlaced at least

___~___ _____ NoII bullbullWniIIIIiML~~fa~i1wii~ ~_ fSZ iIlampllIJIpoundJt1MW~IIIIiW31ft wmlII

illsecUli(v (Ind 239

psychotherapy) have been ill many places replaced by tools that to a large extent can govern subpopulatiollS without gowming through the persoll or seeking to

the souLs Low-level correctional ollicers can rherk off itellls 011 a risk assessshyment scale and generate an auditable asseSSllItllt that can be quickly used to move oflcnclers into one or another flcility or programme Psychiatric and social work professional discretionary judgement is thus sidelined in murh penal Dractiee ill ways that paraUeI what has happened ill llIany other

The literature on governing penal issues lIlel penal populations through risk could be of use to anyone studying con temporal) developments in global serurity along a number of different dimensions The sophisticated literaturt Oil governing criminality through risk has thus lar remained to our knowledgf lIllcited anel unused by those examining global security (for example DufTicld 200 I) and even

sdlOlars studying immigration law and policy Airport scretlling fiJI

(both that done by state immigration and customs oflicials and that done by secushyrity guards) foUows the same Iisk profiling logic that has become ubiquitous in correctional and police settings but we are not aware of studies of airport security or other international processes that usc the illsights of the Iltw penology

With the aim of facilitating analytic experimentation and the borrowing of analytical t061s across disciplinary and field boundaries leI liS iJere provide a brief overview of the key findings of the literature on penalit) and risk togetlwr with very sketchy suggestions on how they might be useful in other colltexts In the last section of the chapter we will then develop our OWII theoretical argushyment about the way ill which risk management is part of a wider shift ill governance that we call targeted governance There we will make some tentashytive suggestions about the potential uses for scholars of the global not only of the risk literature arising out of criminology hut also of other studies that

the thesis that our particular present is dominated by a utopian govershylIallce dream it smart specific side-ellects-free informatioll-drien utopia of govefllancc that in policing circles takes the form of intclligcnce-Ied policing and in medical circles is known as evidence-based medicine

But fIrst Ict us look at the new penology and the lise of risk lllanagement Sinct the late f 980s resClt1rehers documenting developments in penal policy and lJave noted it trend away fium llillcteenth-centlll) cOllcerns to normalize deviants that OIginally gave rise to nimil1ol06Y- The harsh regimes of early penitentiaries and the more bencvolent regimes of mid-twentieth celltllly welfurist rehabilitation programmts diverged sharply in political orientation but thfy shared a eommon epistelllolog) This was the fimdamcntal oppositioll hetweell normal and dcimt most explored by loucmtlt ill his studies on prisons and on sexuality and the cOllsequcnt belief that at least for rcfilrmable deviants tlH state and VcUOUS expert bodies should devote resources to normalizing them reJllrllling their habits and rehabilitatinOl their souls

Whether they wcre harshly disciplined ill workhouses and asylums or reformed in welfarisl institutions the ill the i~IJOrallt the unlortushy

---4- - rl 1_ J ___

240 lvlarialla Valverde aud lvlidllle A1oj(ls

the diagnostic analysis Rose 1990 1996 Poovey 199B) and the related information systems from censuses to epidemiological statistics in which individual-level data were centrally collected so that the data as tables of numbers and as statistics were disseminated to helD rationalize the

viduals and improving the rise of neoliberal and neoconservative ~r~~~o instance by having the private sector or with the state steering but not new ways of deviant populations emerged Within the correctional tion parole -- the biggest trend of the past thirty years has undoubtedly been the rise of risk measurement and risk As David Garland puts it offenders rather than clients in need of support are seen as risks that must be managed Instead of emphasizing rehabilitative methods that meet the offenders needs the system emphasizes effective controls that minimize costs and maximize security (2001 175)

What came to be called the new penology was a reflection on the profoulld changes involved in shifting away fi-om discipline to risk Discipline (and rehabilishytation) governs individuals individually while simultaneously forming and normalizing populations Risk management by contrast breaks the individual up into a set of measurable risk factors This of course is not unique to criminal justice in health care too patients being diagnostically examined by a clinician using old fashioned clinical judgement appear to have given way to bundles of test results Each test generates automatically a particular risk profile detershymined by existillg data Clinical judgement the original prototype of the individualizing gaze of the disciplines to Nmcault now consists

of iuxtltlf)osing- and synthesizing the risk profiles generated by different

soclolmnst of medicine Robert Castel

The new dissolve the notIon 01 a or a concrete and put in its place a of the factors of risk The essential component of the iutervention no takes the form of the direct face-to-face relationship between the carer and the cared It comes instead to reside in the establishing of flows of population based on th collation of a range of abstract poundactors deemed liable to produce risk in general

(Castel 1991 281)

Insecurity and targeted governance 2 4 I

Initially risk management was identified with bureaucratic techniques for identishyfying and isolating problem populations (for example offenders with a high risk of recidivism as determined by scales derived fiOl11 previous data) However later contributions to the literature on risk showed that risk techniques are not tied to any particular way gaze (bureaucratic versus clinical impersonal versus individualized) or to any particular political project Social insurance and universal health coverage for example are well-known ways of using risk tcchshy

to spread risks among the whole population thus achieving a democratic effect This usc of risk has the opposite political

or to segre-

IS

n eeds as risks matler in a lleoliberal are risks to ~~~~~ h

to the respectable but it is possible to redefine oeooles own risks eracy alcohol dependence hunger) to society to capitalism or to global security and thus as requiring attention and perhaps even state funding Social services to homeless youth or to released convicts are now rationalized in Canada at any rate alt helping vulnerable populations to learn to monitor and manage their risks thus protecting society from crimillal and from fiscal dangers

There arc a lIurnber of new initiatives ill and around criminal justice that show the amazing flexibility of risk talk and risk-measurement tools On the more coercive side we have the rise of NIegans laws sex-oilender community notification statutes (Levi 2000) These begin by classifying sex oflenders into different risk groups and it is a given of risk analysis here as elsewhere that there is no such thillg as zero risk only high or low risk and then communishycating the presence of high-risk released offenders to the community so that the community can protect itself This is a good example of risk illfl)lmation being used to heighten social exclusion in contrast to the ways in which welfarist programmes use risk information to direct resources for prrventioll and inclusion purposes1i

The sex-ofTfndfr notification statutes articulate risk information te(IUlologles

eral discourses of risk infi)nnation about oflenders was by the state in certain counshy

or information about criminal risks is still the state with community and

much smaller role than in the common-law world) The state mation and the state acted But ill the neoliberal COl1nnon-law neoliberrumrcP which relies on local authorities and sub-state powers more than is the case in many more centralized states state bodies such as the police are not given the monopoly over the task of (l(tually securinl the

242 A1arialla Valverde and _Midtael Iv[0)(11

commuuity (~ven when they have a monopoly on the process of gelJ(~ratillg the risk information (Levi Ericson and Haggerty 1997) Communities (an amorshy

pbOlJS term that often amounts to businesses andor traditional families) are

regarded as having the duty and the right to use the Ilovernment-Dwvicled risk infor-mation to take their own risk

The same goes j[)r private homeowners who are constantly addressed by authorities (including insurance companies as well as the police) with the Hobbesian discourse of etemal homeowner vigilance anel enjoined to become active providers of their own security7 This reCOllligllration of the risk of crime

is ill keeping with the neoliberal reconfiguration of medical risks we go to to get our risk assessment hut we are then enjoined to take up exercise

cat certain foods and so on so as to act upon our own risk factors Similarly the welfarist recipient of universal old-age insurance has given way to the enter-

holder of individual pension plans an individual who carefully scans the finallCial pages and chooses his or her own way of balancing the risks illherent in stock-market investment against the risks of all old age dependent only on

scaled back state provisions Along similar lines we have the proliferation of crime prevention and urban

initiatives that eucourage citizens to know monitor and manage everyday risks to their OWl safety and that of their neighbourhoods These initiatives are

llO means limited to wealthy gated communities many poorer in the Third World particularly have developed innovative ways to

manage risks to their safety with minimal involvement from the often-discredited and sometimes downright hostile public police (see [or example Brogden and

1993) Given these widespread trends it is not surprising that receut research high-

the growing use of risk profiling within police and the ways in which risk information rather than being hoarded by constantly transferred out to some extent to communities but mainly to

insurance companies employers and other organizatiollS that use this risk information for their own purposes Ericson and Haggertys

inl1uential alld voluminous study of police work which shows that most tiITle is spent not lighting criITle but rather gathering and communicating risk

shows that the well-publicized 101li( of racial orofilinlZ is onlv one of a wide range of risk comll1unication

i11r (~)1nnIF the KeMP has a Security Fraud lnfclrluation Centre that risk-profiles securities transactions The centres mandate is to maintain 11

national repository of criminal intelligence information on fraudulent and activities in the security field and disseminate information to security

commissions across Canada

(Ericson and 1997 218)

lhc growing tendency to use risk information [(JrIl1ats

risk assessment scalfS used ill child Drotection work to COIlII11I111ity

and 243

safety audits to addiction counselling) in order to govern security and

risk fiKtors - rather than directly through persolls lagt been closely linked in the criminal justice Geld to the growing inl1l1ence auel prestige of private security tools and cOllcerns The Canadian ivIounted Poliee did not

come up with the idea of risk-profiling securities obviously and neither the tools with which to do Ihis the financial industry did

private-sector agfuts concerned mOrf to prevent ernployee i-ami and thell than offenders to justice have devised ( number of inllovative surveillance

techniques - not only the well-known high-tech inllovations of the modern such as tracking employees computer use or requiring computerized cards to enter buildings hut also a welter of low-tech ad hoc solutions

such as placing the reception desk ill a location designed to maximize natural surveillance of activities resulting in a loss of profit fi-om taking too many --ottcp breaks to pilfering office supplies These measures to manage and minishy

mize risks to corporations have been adapted for use in public spaces police and partly by the Gist-growing industry or crime environmental design (CPTED) consultants_

That tlle private sector would lead the way in risk technologies or security is not surprising For the private sector the goal was and is to minimize risks and

goillg after wrongdoers is often lIOt it rational goal either iinamially or n-om the DoiHt of view of orQanization morale Risks are often best minimized

acting on the ellvirOlll11Cnt so as to lower the This impersonal way of

treats everyone as a rational actor it is uninterested in drawing lines the normal hun the deviant the criminal from the honest worker_

And yet the focus on the private-enterprise origins and llses of much inforshy

mation technology and risk management technology should not be allowed to obscure the still not outdated old Marxist insights about the coercive apparatus of the state rvlucb of the technology currently used in both public policing and private sector sUlveillancf originated in military research And of course the Internet itsell~ while hailed as a great neoliberal space of consumer and intellecshytual freedom was originally developed by the American military who see the Internet as a great space of ji-eedom might do well to reneet 011

it is that American email addresses exist in and help to constitute a virtual inlpeshyrial space ill which the relevant divisions are merely those bftween COIll

edu and org functioning like so Illany independent states ca uk au f1- and so on) Apart ii-om the American military-industrial complex$ unique ability to actually realize in practice dreams of governance that other could nevcr render technical olle could lIote that tbe use of CCTV cameras ill the UK is historically rooted in the British Armys expcril1lcnts with electronic

and city planning ill Bellast (Haggerty amI Ericsoll 200 I The emergence of wilat is known as database policiug where olTicers

search not persons or vehicles but databases Oil the basis of certain risk profiles or specific information is but one additional exanwie or the tridde-clown eiltct or militarv technology 011 daily police

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 4: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

238 Mariana Valverde and MidUlel

and seulrity provisioll Or to put it 11I0re academically science could begin to undo or at least questiolJ the

work or the past decades work which has made it c1illicult to remember that in the end both enterprises are fundamentally (oncerued with the Hobbesian problematic or insecurity With Hobbes we could say that neilher crime nor war

these days

comisteth of BatteH only or the act of fighting but ill a tract of time wherein the Will to contend by Battell is sufficiently known and therefore the notion of Time is to be considered in the nature of Wane [and lack of salety] as it is in the nature of the Weather For as the nature of Foule weather Iyeth not in a showre or two of rain but in an inclination thereto of many dayes together So the nature or War [and crime] ronsistelh not in actual fighting but in the known disposition thereto during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary

19GB

If the gttucly of policing- one of the key suhfidds for the international Anglophone criminological research programme that enwrged during the 1970s as the study or criminal justice institutions carne to overshadow classical questiOi ahout the criminal and criminality found in governmentality a key theoretshyical re~ource to help explain what many saw as the k(~y empirical issue of the time (namely the growing intcrpenetration of private and puhlic security personnel and resources) so too theoretical resources loosely linked to or more accurately to some of his collaborators were also important in the theoshyretical transformation of the study of the other keystone of current criminoJofgt1cal thought

FroID discipline to risk the new penology

The literature on the new penology one of the key theoretical innovations in criminology or the past fifteen or so years relied on some loucauldian resources

can include under that label the work of Francois Ewald and Robert to analyse some important recent changes in the way tbat authorities

govern offenders and deliver state punishment While the sort of modern penalty associated with the nineteenth-century penitentiary focused 011 the otfeneler as a soul or as it psyche aiming to normalize if not the individual at least the population of offenders in the last third of the twentieth century neoliheral and managerial moves to displace therapy to cut back state and to impose new knowledges more amenable to performance assessment fOund the new logic of risk more useful than the oleler more ambitious and totalizing logic of discipline The psyche of the offender long the key objcct of penological discourse and practice came to be if not reDlaced at least

___~___ _____ NoII bullbullWniIIIIiML~~fa~i1wii~ ~_ fSZ iIlampllIJIpoundJt1MW~IIIIiW31ft wmlII

illsecUli(v (Ind 239

psychotherapy) have been ill many places replaced by tools that to a large extent can govern subpopulatiollS without gowming through the persoll or seeking to

the souLs Low-level correctional ollicers can rherk off itellls 011 a risk assessshyment scale and generate an auditable asseSSllItllt that can be quickly used to move oflcnclers into one or another flcility or programme Psychiatric and social work professional discretionary judgement is thus sidelined in murh penal Dractiee ill ways that paraUeI what has happened ill llIany other

The literature on governing penal issues lIlel penal populations through risk could be of use to anyone studying con temporal) developments in global serurity along a number of different dimensions The sophisticated literaturt Oil governing criminality through risk has thus lar remained to our knowledgf lIllcited anel unused by those examining global security (for example DufTicld 200 I) and even

sdlOlars studying immigration law and policy Airport scretlling fiJI

(both that done by state immigration and customs oflicials and that done by secushyrity guards) foUows the same Iisk profiling logic that has become ubiquitous in correctional and police settings but we are not aware of studies of airport security or other international processes that usc the illsights of the Iltw penology

With the aim of facilitating analytic experimentation and the borrowing of analytical t061s across disciplinary and field boundaries leI liS iJere provide a brief overview of the key findings of the literature on penalit) and risk togetlwr with very sketchy suggestions on how they might be useful in other colltexts In the last section of the chapter we will then develop our OWII theoretical argushyment about the way ill which risk management is part of a wider shift ill governance that we call targeted governance There we will make some tentashytive suggestions about the potential uses for scholars of the global not only of the risk literature arising out of criminology hut also of other studies that

the thesis that our particular present is dominated by a utopian govershylIallce dream it smart specific side-ellects-free informatioll-drien utopia of govefllancc that in policing circles takes the form of intclligcnce-Ied policing and in medical circles is known as evidence-based medicine

But fIrst Ict us look at the new penology and the lise of risk lllanagement Sinct the late f 980s resClt1rehers documenting developments in penal policy and lJave noted it trend away fium llillcteenth-centlll) cOllcerns to normalize deviants that OIginally gave rise to nimil1ol06Y- The harsh regimes of early penitentiaries and the more bencvolent regimes of mid-twentieth celltllly welfurist rehabilitation programmts diverged sharply in political orientation but thfy shared a eommon epistelllolog) This was the fimdamcntal oppositioll hetweell normal and dcimt most explored by loucmtlt ill his studies on prisons and on sexuality and the cOllsequcnt belief that at least for rcfilrmable deviants tlH state and VcUOUS expert bodies should devote resources to normalizing them reJllrllling their habits and rehabilitatinOl their souls

Whether they wcre harshly disciplined ill workhouses and asylums or reformed in welfarisl institutions the ill the i~IJOrallt the unlortushy

---4- - rl 1_ J ___

240 lvlarialla Valverde aud lvlidllle A1oj(ls

the diagnostic analysis Rose 1990 1996 Poovey 199B) and the related information systems from censuses to epidemiological statistics in which individual-level data were centrally collected so that the data as tables of numbers and as statistics were disseminated to helD rationalize the

viduals and improving the rise of neoliberal and neoconservative ~r~~~o instance by having the private sector or with the state steering but not new ways of deviant populations emerged Within the correctional tion parole -- the biggest trend of the past thirty years has undoubtedly been the rise of risk measurement and risk As David Garland puts it offenders rather than clients in need of support are seen as risks that must be managed Instead of emphasizing rehabilitative methods that meet the offenders needs the system emphasizes effective controls that minimize costs and maximize security (2001 175)

What came to be called the new penology was a reflection on the profoulld changes involved in shifting away fi-om discipline to risk Discipline (and rehabilishytation) governs individuals individually while simultaneously forming and normalizing populations Risk management by contrast breaks the individual up into a set of measurable risk factors This of course is not unique to criminal justice in health care too patients being diagnostically examined by a clinician using old fashioned clinical judgement appear to have given way to bundles of test results Each test generates automatically a particular risk profile detershymined by existillg data Clinical judgement the original prototype of the individualizing gaze of the disciplines to Nmcault now consists

of iuxtltlf)osing- and synthesizing the risk profiles generated by different

soclolmnst of medicine Robert Castel

The new dissolve the notIon 01 a or a concrete and put in its place a of the factors of risk The essential component of the iutervention no takes the form of the direct face-to-face relationship between the carer and the cared It comes instead to reside in the establishing of flows of population based on th collation of a range of abstract poundactors deemed liable to produce risk in general

(Castel 1991 281)

Insecurity and targeted governance 2 4 I

Initially risk management was identified with bureaucratic techniques for identishyfying and isolating problem populations (for example offenders with a high risk of recidivism as determined by scales derived fiOl11 previous data) However later contributions to the literature on risk showed that risk techniques are not tied to any particular way gaze (bureaucratic versus clinical impersonal versus individualized) or to any particular political project Social insurance and universal health coverage for example are well-known ways of using risk tcchshy

to spread risks among the whole population thus achieving a democratic effect This usc of risk has the opposite political

or to segre-

IS

n eeds as risks matler in a lleoliberal are risks to ~~~~~ h

to the respectable but it is possible to redefine oeooles own risks eracy alcohol dependence hunger) to society to capitalism or to global security and thus as requiring attention and perhaps even state funding Social services to homeless youth or to released convicts are now rationalized in Canada at any rate alt helping vulnerable populations to learn to monitor and manage their risks thus protecting society from crimillal and from fiscal dangers

There arc a lIurnber of new initiatives ill and around criminal justice that show the amazing flexibility of risk talk and risk-measurement tools On the more coercive side we have the rise of NIegans laws sex-oilender community notification statutes (Levi 2000) These begin by classifying sex oflenders into different risk groups and it is a given of risk analysis here as elsewhere that there is no such thillg as zero risk only high or low risk and then communishycating the presence of high-risk released offenders to the community so that the community can protect itself This is a good example of risk illfl)lmation being used to heighten social exclusion in contrast to the ways in which welfarist programmes use risk information to direct resources for prrventioll and inclusion purposes1i

The sex-ofTfndfr notification statutes articulate risk information te(IUlologles

eral discourses of risk infi)nnation about oflenders was by the state in certain counshy

or information about criminal risks is still the state with community and

much smaller role than in the common-law world) The state mation and the state acted But ill the neoliberal COl1nnon-law neoliberrumrcP which relies on local authorities and sub-state powers more than is the case in many more centralized states state bodies such as the police are not given the monopoly over the task of (l(tually securinl the

242 A1arialla Valverde and _Midtael Iv[0)(11

commuuity (~ven when they have a monopoly on the process of gelJ(~ratillg the risk information (Levi Ericson and Haggerty 1997) Communities (an amorshy

pbOlJS term that often amounts to businesses andor traditional families) are

regarded as having the duty and the right to use the Ilovernment-Dwvicled risk infor-mation to take their own risk

The same goes j[)r private homeowners who are constantly addressed by authorities (including insurance companies as well as the police) with the Hobbesian discourse of etemal homeowner vigilance anel enjoined to become active providers of their own security7 This reCOllligllration of the risk of crime

is ill keeping with the neoliberal reconfiguration of medical risks we go to to get our risk assessment hut we are then enjoined to take up exercise

cat certain foods and so on so as to act upon our own risk factors Similarly the welfarist recipient of universal old-age insurance has given way to the enter-

holder of individual pension plans an individual who carefully scans the finallCial pages and chooses his or her own way of balancing the risks illherent in stock-market investment against the risks of all old age dependent only on

scaled back state provisions Along similar lines we have the proliferation of crime prevention and urban

initiatives that eucourage citizens to know monitor and manage everyday risks to their OWl safety and that of their neighbourhoods These initiatives are

llO means limited to wealthy gated communities many poorer in the Third World particularly have developed innovative ways to

manage risks to their safety with minimal involvement from the often-discredited and sometimes downright hostile public police (see [or example Brogden and

1993) Given these widespread trends it is not surprising that receut research high-

the growing use of risk profiling within police and the ways in which risk information rather than being hoarded by constantly transferred out to some extent to communities but mainly to

insurance companies employers and other organizatiollS that use this risk information for their own purposes Ericson and Haggertys

inl1uential alld voluminous study of police work which shows that most tiITle is spent not lighting criITle but rather gathering and communicating risk

shows that the well-publicized 101li( of racial orofilinlZ is onlv one of a wide range of risk comll1unication

i11r (~)1nnIF the KeMP has a Security Fraud lnfclrluation Centre that risk-profiles securities transactions The centres mandate is to maintain 11

national repository of criminal intelligence information on fraudulent and activities in the security field and disseminate information to security

commissions across Canada

(Ericson and 1997 218)

lhc growing tendency to use risk information [(JrIl1ats

risk assessment scalfS used ill child Drotection work to COIlII11I111ity

and 243

safety audits to addiction counselling) in order to govern security and

risk fiKtors - rather than directly through persolls lagt been closely linked in the criminal justice Geld to the growing inl1l1ence auel prestige of private security tools and cOllcerns The Canadian ivIounted Poliee did not

come up with the idea of risk-profiling securities obviously and neither the tools with which to do Ihis the financial industry did

private-sector agfuts concerned mOrf to prevent ernployee i-ami and thell than offenders to justice have devised ( number of inllovative surveillance

techniques - not only the well-known high-tech inllovations of the modern such as tracking employees computer use or requiring computerized cards to enter buildings hut also a welter of low-tech ad hoc solutions

such as placing the reception desk ill a location designed to maximize natural surveillance of activities resulting in a loss of profit fi-om taking too many --ottcp breaks to pilfering office supplies These measures to manage and minishy

mize risks to corporations have been adapted for use in public spaces police and partly by the Gist-growing industry or crime environmental design (CPTED) consultants_

That tlle private sector would lead the way in risk technologies or security is not surprising For the private sector the goal was and is to minimize risks and

goillg after wrongdoers is often lIOt it rational goal either iinamially or n-om the DoiHt of view of orQanization morale Risks are often best minimized

acting on the ellvirOlll11Cnt so as to lower the This impersonal way of

treats everyone as a rational actor it is uninterested in drawing lines the normal hun the deviant the criminal from the honest worker_

And yet the focus on the private-enterprise origins and llses of much inforshy

mation technology and risk management technology should not be allowed to obscure the still not outdated old Marxist insights about the coercive apparatus of the state rvlucb of the technology currently used in both public policing and private sector sUlveillancf originated in military research And of course the Internet itsell~ while hailed as a great neoliberal space of consumer and intellecshytual freedom was originally developed by the American military who see the Internet as a great space of ji-eedom might do well to reneet 011

it is that American email addresses exist in and help to constitute a virtual inlpeshyrial space ill which the relevant divisions are merely those bftween COIll

edu and org functioning like so Illany independent states ca uk au f1- and so on) Apart ii-om the American military-industrial complex$ unique ability to actually realize in practice dreams of governance that other could nevcr render technical olle could lIote that tbe use of CCTV cameras ill the UK is historically rooted in the British Armys expcril1lcnts with electronic

and city planning ill Bellast (Haggerty amI Ericsoll 200 I The emergence of wilat is known as database policiug where olTicers

search not persons or vehicles but databases Oil the basis of certain risk profiles or specific information is but one additional exanwie or the tridde-clown eiltct or militarv technology 011 daily police

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 5: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

240 lvlarialla Valverde aud lvlidllle A1oj(ls

the diagnostic analysis Rose 1990 1996 Poovey 199B) and the related information systems from censuses to epidemiological statistics in which individual-level data were centrally collected so that the data as tables of numbers and as statistics were disseminated to helD rationalize the

viduals and improving the rise of neoliberal and neoconservative ~r~~~o instance by having the private sector or with the state steering but not new ways of deviant populations emerged Within the correctional tion parole -- the biggest trend of the past thirty years has undoubtedly been the rise of risk measurement and risk As David Garland puts it offenders rather than clients in need of support are seen as risks that must be managed Instead of emphasizing rehabilitative methods that meet the offenders needs the system emphasizes effective controls that minimize costs and maximize security (2001 175)

What came to be called the new penology was a reflection on the profoulld changes involved in shifting away fi-om discipline to risk Discipline (and rehabilishytation) governs individuals individually while simultaneously forming and normalizing populations Risk management by contrast breaks the individual up into a set of measurable risk factors This of course is not unique to criminal justice in health care too patients being diagnostically examined by a clinician using old fashioned clinical judgement appear to have given way to bundles of test results Each test generates automatically a particular risk profile detershymined by existillg data Clinical judgement the original prototype of the individualizing gaze of the disciplines to Nmcault now consists

of iuxtltlf)osing- and synthesizing the risk profiles generated by different

soclolmnst of medicine Robert Castel

The new dissolve the notIon 01 a or a concrete and put in its place a of the factors of risk The essential component of the iutervention no takes the form of the direct face-to-face relationship between the carer and the cared It comes instead to reside in the establishing of flows of population based on th collation of a range of abstract poundactors deemed liable to produce risk in general

(Castel 1991 281)

Insecurity and targeted governance 2 4 I

Initially risk management was identified with bureaucratic techniques for identishyfying and isolating problem populations (for example offenders with a high risk of recidivism as determined by scales derived fiOl11 previous data) However later contributions to the literature on risk showed that risk techniques are not tied to any particular way gaze (bureaucratic versus clinical impersonal versus individualized) or to any particular political project Social insurance and universal health coverage for example are well-known ways of using risk tcchshy

to spread risks among the whole population thus achieving a democratic effect This usc of risk has the opposite political

or to segre-

IS

n eeds as risks matler in a lleoliberal are risks to ~~~~~ h

to the respectable but it is possible to redefine oeooles own risks eracy alcohol dependence hunger) to society to capitalism or to global security and thus as requiring attention and perhaps even state funding Social services to homeless youth or to released convicts are now rationalized in Canada at any rate alt helping vulnerable populations to learn to monitor and manage their risks thus protecting society from crimillal and from fiscal dangers

There arc a lIurnber of new initiatives ill and around criminal justice that show the amazing flexibility of risk talk and risk-measurement tools On the more coercive side we have the rise of NIegans laws sex-oilender community notification statutes (Levi 2000) These begin by classifying sex oflenders into different risk groups and it is a given of risk analysis here as elsewhere that there is no such thillg as zero risk only high or low risk and then communishycating the presence of high-risk released offenders to the community so that the community can protect itself This is a good example of risk illfl)lmation being used to heighten social exclusion in contrast to the ways in which welfarist programmes use risk information to direct resources for prrventioll and inclusion purposes1i

The sex-ofTfndfr notification statutes articulate risk information te(IUlologles

eral discourses of risk infi)nnation about oflenders was by the state in certain counshy

or information about criminal risks is still the state with community and

much smaller role than in the common-law world) The state mation and the state acted But ill the neoliberal COl1nnon-law neoliberrumrcP which relies on local authorities and sub-state powers more than is the case in many more centralized states state bodies such as the police are not given the monopoly over the task of (l(tually securinl the

242 A1arialla Valverde and _Midtael Iv[0)(11

commuuity (~ven when they have a monopoly on the process of gelJ(~ratillg the risk information (Levi Ericson and Haggerty 1997) Communities (an amorshy

pbOlJS term that often amounts to businesses andor traditional families) are

regarded as having the duty and the right to use the Ilovernment-Dwvicled risk infor-mation to take their own risk

The same goes j[)r private homeowners who are constantly addressed by authorities (including insurance companies as well as the police) with the Hobbesian discourse of etemal homeowner vigilance anel enjoined to become active providers of their own security7 This reCOllligllration of the risk of crime

is ill keeping with the neoliberal reconfiguration of medical risks we go to to get our risk assessment hut we are then enjoined to take up exercise

cat certain foods and so on so as to act upon our own risk factors Similarly the welfarist recipient of universal old-age insurance has given way to the enter-

holder of individual pension plans an individual who carefully scans the finallCial pages and chooses his or her own way of balancing the risks illherent in stock-market investment against the risks of all old age dependent only on

scaled back state provisions Along similar lines we have the proliferation of crime prevention and urban

initiatives that eucourage citizens to know monitor and manage everyday risks to their OWl safety and that of their neighbourhoods These initiatives are

llO means limited to wealthy gated communities many poorer in the Third World particularly have developed innovative ways to

manage risks to their safety with minimal involvement from the often-discredited and sometimes downright hostile public police (see [or example Brogden and

1993) Given these widespread trends it is not surprising that receut research high-

the growing use of risk profiling within police and the ways in which risk information rather than being hoarded by constantly transferred out to some extent to communities but mainly to

insurance companies employers and other organizatiollS that use this risk information for their own purposes Ericson and Haggertys

inl1uential alld voluminous study of police work which shows that most tiITle is spent not lighting criITle but rather gathering and communicating risk

shows that the well-publicized 101li( of racial orofilinlZ is onlv one of a wide range of risk comll1unication

i11r (~)1nnIF the KeMP has a Security Fraud lnfclrluation Centre that risk-profiles securities transactions The centres mandate is to maintain 11

national repository of criminal intelligence information on fraudulent and activities in the security field and disseminate information to security

commissions across Canada

(Ericson and 1997 218)

lhc growing tendency to use risk information [(JrIl1ats

risk assessment scalfS used ill child Drotection work to COIlII11I111ity

and 243

safety audits to addiction counselling) in order to govern security and

risk fiKtors - rather than directly through persolls lagt been closely linked in the criminal justice Geld to the growing inl1l1ence auel prestige of private security tools and cOllcerns The Canadian ivIounted Poliee did not

come up with the idea of risk-profiling securities obviously and neither the tools with which to do Ihis the financial industry did

private-sector agfuts concerned mOrf to prevent ernployee i-ami and thell than offenders to justice have devised ( number of inllovative surveillance

techniques - not only the well-known high-tech inllovations of the modern such as tracking employees computer use or requiring computerized cards to enter buildings hut also a welter of low-tech ad hoc solutions

such as placing the reception desk ill a location designed to maximize natural surveillance of activities resulting in a loss of profit fi-om taking too many --ottcp breaks to pilfering office supplies These measures to manage and minishy

mize risks to corporations have been adapted for use in public spaces police and partly by the Gist-growing industry or crime environmental design (CPTED) consultants_

That tlle private sector would lead the way in risk technologies or security is not surprising For the private sector the goal was and is to minimize risks and

goillg after wrongdoers is often lIOt it rational goal either iinamially or n-om the DoiHt of view of orQanization morale Risks are often best minimized

acting on the ellvirOlll11Cnt so as to lower the This impersonal way of

treats everyone as a rational actor it is uninterested in drawing lines the normal hun the deviant the criminal from the honest worker_

And yet the focus on the private-enterprise origins and llses of much inforshy

mation technology and risk management technology should not be allowed to obscure the still not outdated old Marxist insights about the coercive apparatus of the state rvlucb of the technology currently used in both public policing and private sector sUlveillancf originated in military research And of course the Internet itsell~ while hailed as a great neoliberal space of consumer and intellecshytual freedom was originally developed by the American military who see the Internet as a great space of ji-eedom might do well to reneet 011

it is that American email addresses exist in and help to constitute a virtual inlpeshyrial space ill which the relevant divisions are merely those bftween COIll

edu and org functioning like so Illany independent states ca uk au f1- and so on) Apart ii-om the American military-industrial complex$ unique ability to actually realize in practice dreams of governance that other could nevcr render technical olle could lIote that tbe use of CCTV cameras ill the UK is historically rooted in the British Armys expcril1lcnts with electronic

and city planning ill Bellast (Haggerty amI Ericsoll 200 I The emergence of wilat is known as database policiug where olTicers

search not persons or vehicles but databases Oil the basis of certain risk profiles or specific information is but one additional exanwie or the tridde-clown eiltct or militarv technology 011 daily police

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 6: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

242 A1arialla Valverde and _Midtael Iv[0)(11

commuuity (~ven when they have a monopoly on the process of gelJ(~ratillg the risk information (Levi Ericson and Haggerty 1997) Communities (an amorshy

pbOlJS term that often amounts to businesses andor traditional families) are

regarded as having the duty and the right to use the Ilovernment-Dwvicled risk infor-mation to take their own risk

The same goes j[)r private homeowners who are constantly addressed by authorities (including insurance companies as well as the police) with the Hobbesian discourse of etemal homeowner vigilance anel enjoined to become active providers of their own security7 This reCOllligllration of the risk of crime

is ill keeping with the neoliberal reconfiguration of medical risks we go to to get our risk assessment hut we are then enjoined to take up exercise

cat certain foods and so on so as to act upon our own risk factors Similarly the welfarist recipient of universal old-age insurance has given way to the enter-

holder of individual pension plans an individual who carefully scans the finallCial pages and chooses his or her own way of balancing the risks illherent in stock-market investment against the risks of all old age dependent only on

scaled back state provisions Along similar lines we have the proliferation of crime prevention and urban

initiatives that eucourage citizens to know monitor and manage everyday risks to their OWl safety and that of their neighbourhoods These initiatives are

llO means limited to wealthy gated communities many poorer in the Third World particularly have developed innovative ways to

manage risks to their safety with minimal involvement from the often-discredited and sometimes downright hostile public police (see [or example Brogden and

1993) Given these widespread trends it is not surprising that receut research high-

the growing use of risk profiling within police and the ways in which risk information rather than being hoarded by constantly transferred out to some extent to communities but mainly to

insurance companies employers and other organizatiollS that use this risk information for their own purposes Ericson and Haggertys

inl1uential alld voluminous study of police work which shows that most tiITle is spent not lighting criITle but rather gathering and communicating risk

shows that the well-publicized 101li( of racial orofilinlZ is onlv one of a wide range of risk comll1unication

i11r (~)1nnIF the KeMP has a Security Fraud lnfclrluation Centre that risk-profiles securities transactions The centres mandate is to maintain 11

national repository of criminal intelligence information on fraudulent and activities in the security field and disseminate information to security

commissions across Canada

(Ericson and 1997 218)

lhc growing tendency to use risk information [(JrIl1ats

risk assessment scalfS used ill child Drotection work to COIlII11I111ity

and 243

safety audits to addiction counselling) in order to govern security and

risk fiKtors - rather than directly through persolls lagt been closely linked in the criminal justice Geld to the growing inl1l1ence auel prestige of private security tools and cOllcerns The Canadian ivIounted Poliee did not

come up with the idea of risk-profiling securities obviously and neither the tools with which to do Ihis the financial industry did

private-sector agfuts concerned mOrf to prevent ernployee i-ami and thell than offenders to justice have devised ( number of inllovative surveillance

techniques - not only the well-known high-tech inllovations of the modern such as tracking employees computer use or requiring computerized cards to enter buildings hut also a welter of low-tech ad hoc solutions

such as placing the reception desk ill a location designed to maximize natural surveillance of activities resulting in a loss of profit fi-om taking too many --ottcp breaks to pilfering office supplies These measures to manage and minishy

mize risks to corporations have been adapted for use in public spaces police and partly by the Gist-growing industry or crime environmental design (CPTED) consultants_

That tlle private sector would lead the way in risk technologies or security is not surprising For the private sector the goal was and is to minimize risks and

goillg after wrongdoers is often lIOt it rational goal either iinamially or n-om the DoiHt of view of orQanization morale Risks are often best minimized

acting on the ellvirOlll11Cnt so as to lower the This impersonal way of

treats everyone as a rational actor it is uninterested in drawing lines the normal hun the deviant the criminal from the honest worker_

And yet the focus on the private-enterprise origins and llses of much inforshy

mation technology and risk management technology should not be allowed to obscure the still not outdated old Marxist insights about the coercive apparatus of the state rvlucb of the technology currently used in both public policing and private sector sUlveillancf originated in military research And of course the Internet itsell~ while hailed as a great neoliberal space of consumer and intellecshytual freedom was originally developed by the American military who see the Internet as a great space of ji-eedom might do well to reneet 011

it is that American email addresses exist in and help to constitute a virtual inlpeshyrial space ill which the relevant divisions are merely those bftween COIll

edu and org functioning like so Illany independent states ca uk au f1- and so on) Apart ii-om the American military-industrial complex$ unique ability to actually realize in practice dreams of governance that other could nevcr render technical olle could lIote that tbe use of CCTV cameras ill the UK is historically rooted in the British Armys expcril1lcnts with electronic

and city planning ill Bellast (Haggerty amI Ericsoll 200 I The emergence of wilat is known as database policiug where olTicers

search not persons or vehicles but databases Oil the basis of certain risk profiles or specific information is but one additional exanwie or the tridde-clown eiltct or militarv technology 011 daily police

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 7: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

~44 Manana Valverde

despite the undeniable deep roots of policing rationalities and technologies in both military and corporate needs and concerns the most recent literature on the policing of risks also reminds us that risk management is a pragshymatic and highly mobile affair Risk techniques developed by state security systems or by corporations can at least theoretically be used in other contexts with different eflects The surveillance camera that maximizes the corporations security by deterring employees as a group from pilfering tools from the storeshyroom can also be used to enhance women employees safety by identifying a

In general governmentality writers try to avoid the paranoid style of writing and the conspiracy theories of causation that pervaded earlier schools of critical criminology Although some of them sometimes fall back into the Big Brother is watching school of sociology probably due to the persistent drag of the social control paradigm nevertheless much governmentality work on secushy

demonstrates the flexibility and unpredictability of technologies of surveillance and risk management For example one recellt study by Foucaultshyinfluenced criminologists documents the invention of gadgets sold over the Internet allowing American parents to drug-test their own children gadgets marketed as helping white suburban nuclear families to stay out of state sight Instead of decrying the relentless march of state control into the heart of the

however the study shows that the same lirms that make the devices allowing parents to unknowingly test their own children for illicit drug use also market equally effective gadgets that drug users can buy to fool their parent~ or their employers drug-screening efforts (Moore and Haggerty

Indeed one of the recurring themes of governmentality studies of crime and security is that there is no one-to-one frxed relationship between particular ical projects and sets of governance tools or techniques Statistics arent the states facts even if that is their empirical origin And surveillance cameras

outside a womens shelter have a different political effectivity than the same cameras placed outside a government building In keeping with Foucaults own radical refusal of grand narrative of Brother oppression future work in the area of security technologies and rationalities is likely to emphasize the flexishy

and unpredictability of the eflccts of governing through risk Political determinism is as problematic from a Foucauldian perspective as determinism

Risk security techniques are not uniquely linked to ncoliberal capitalism or to any other macroeconomic or political project since poor neighbourhoods taking autonomous measures to protect themselves or women fearing abusive husbands can and do use risk technologies as well as corporations It is al1 inescapable conclusion that the military and corporations have been the most inventive and prolific providers of ncw risk techniques and that these techniques are still generally used to protect profits and to measure and enhance state secu-

But a governmentality analysis would suggest that it is important to try to document alternative creative uses of risk techniques not to romanticizc resisshytance but simply to show that governance is often more heterogeneous and

InfPilJrJni and 245

or by dctermllll1lg the actual historical origin of this or that technology Innovations in governance are usually to be found in the unheralded Iiout lines not among lheorist$ The criminology of social control tended to see every innoshyvation in policing or punishment as another ruse of power another instance of net widening yet more filel for the runaway train of social control lOllcauldian studies by contrast try to walk a fine line on the one hand acknowledging the circuits of big power and 011 the other hand being attentive to the creativity fluidity and dynamism of governance on the

Targeted governance

Governing security and safety through risk techniques that identify and evaluate the presence and the magnitude of risk factors in people spaces and activities is connected to - and is sometimes just a part of a very generalized way of governing that has been called targeted governance (Valverde 2003)

One way of visualizing the shift towards targeted governance is to reflect on what smart drugs smart bombs and targeted sodal programmes have in common In all three cases the ideal of targeting governance effectively and lt

arises out of a general disenchantment with more universalistic or totalizing strategies Smart drugs zero in on a very specific process a particular neuron receptor site on the brain for instance and seek to llse data from seienshytifrc studies to act upon a single process (for example raising the serotoniu levels in the brain) rather than attempting to cure a (whole) person of a (whole) disease such as depression Smart bombs 011 their part are supposed to once more use expert knowledge (intelligence data in this case) to isolate a target and act upon that with a minimum of collateral damage

In the sphere of the social many universal social programmes have been replaced by targeted programmes often by deploying the sltune justifications and rationales used to promote smart drugs Popular as well as expert neolibshyeral discourses in the era of Thatcher and Reagan managed to convince large lumbers of people that the collateral damage or the side dfects of welfare -shydependency on the state mainly were so severe as to justify cuts that in many cases brought back conditions such as large-scale homelessness not seen in many cities since the Great Depression Once more the idea of targeting programmes was linked to the idea of dEcient apolitical knowledge-driven evidence-based policy Studies would show who really needed this or that programme the lazy welfare bum would be dillcrentiated from the deselving poor the middle class would no longer benefrt from child benefits and otber universal programmes developed during the 1950s and 19GOs The dream of knowledge-driven targeted governance was in this sphere as in many medical contexts linked to a disappointment with or outright rejection of more totalizing dreams of governance that had come to be seen as hubristic and dysfunctional

The policing freld shows the same kind of transformation The Peelian idea of policing as universal sUlveillance and total security through prevention came to

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 8: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

U6 Mariana Valverde and Midtael Mopa

covering a whole city equally were never totally IlImized with more and more resources devoted to

is not synonymous with racial profiling racial prollllllg IS

merely one not very representative lorm of targrted policing Policing ha~ been and remains targeted along several diflerellt axes (I) the targeting of problem jaces 2) the targeting of problem JopulatioTLr and (3) the targeting of particularly risky activities Patrols around public housing projects exemplify the first racial profiling is a notorious example of the second strategy and airport security is a current example of the third strategy for the targeting of security resources

rargeted governance (in its contemporary neoliberal form at any rate) is thorshyoughly pessimistic insofar as it arises out of a widely shared feeling that the totalizing transformations by the pioneers of the welf1re state were not

expensive but also inherently ill-advised9 We cannot cure cure sCl11zophrenia we are now told and the state cannot provide total for the citizenry people have to be taught to manage their own risks with the help of information Iiom state and expert bodies and perhaps some material resources And the provision of resources is usually made contingent on submitting oneself or oncs organization to a lifetime of monitoring evaluation auditing and assessment (Power 1994) The welfare-era idea that one could actushyally cure both medical and social conditions abolish poverty or abolish insecurity once and for all is dismissed as utopian

But targeted governance is simultaneously highly optimistic in believing that good information can and will be collected to enable managers of all types to

their oreanizations resources efficiently and with maximum benefit The that is targeted governance is

evident in self-help books Oil financial success armed with the information and with a positive attitude anyone can ride the waves of marketshyplace or personal misfortunes and emerge happy healthy and successful But even in genres less prone to bootstrapisrn such as expert writing on security one sees a lingering utopian optimism about total information providing total secushyrity coexisting with a neoliberal fear of governing too much Targeted policing for example is closely intertwined with what is known as intelligence-led policing a project that has an implicit utopia of total security underwriting it while in the medical field targeted interventiollS and smart drugs are closely intertwined with what is known as evidence-based medicine In medicine too the modesty that speaks about lifelong management of ones own able but manageable health risks coexists with the

therapies for everything a governance mapping of the human genome with its attendant myth of ultimate IJIUIU1I~d

knowledge and by the increasingly sophisticated techniques lor seeing or at lCast visualizing through mediating technologies ~ the biochemical secrets of every little neurone

It may be that the contradictory dream of information-driven targeted govershynance a dream which begi1ls with neoliberal modesty but is dialectically

insecurity and targeted governance 247

targeting everything and thus at least in part to the international arena

of disarmament pr()jects The CND-era ideal of which assumed that there were only two

and that once those two sides saw reason and engagld in a dialogue to disarm the worlds s(curity would be assured seems hopelessly utopian now We now know that there are multiple causes of wars and multiple reasons why wars continue and we do not necessarily think we can understand much less solve all of them The dream of the 19705 peace movement was turning swords iuto ploughshares - the militaIY equivalent of normalizing all deviants But nobody talks about universal peace now outside of New Age circles concerned only with psychic peace Social democratic parties that during the 1970s promoted (lisarshymament in general are now happy to talk about just wars and about action in other countries to prevent or halt human rights violations

Disarmament efforts now do not invoke the kind of totalizing peace associated with the anti-Vietnam war movement (What if they gave a war and nobody came War is bad for children and other living things and so What we see now are mostly uncoordinated elorts to achieve targeted partial disarmament -- applying only to nuclear weapons or only to weapons of mass destruction or only to the axis of evil or only to one country or one terrorist organization or only to a particular list of terrorist organizations or only to a particular state apparatus Like targeted governance generally these efforts are justilied as information-driven and hence as not ideological Before invading

in March of 2003 US Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a widely publishycized Dresentation at the UN in which Powemoint slides Dumorted to let the world see with its own Bruno Latour would arsenal of chemical weapons Of course critics pointed out that we and Colin Powell eould only see trucks and roads and buildings but nevertheless the point is that invading another country was supposed to be justified through inforshymation through hard facts rather than simply through political ideology This is the international equivalent of intelligence-led policing

And yet the projects for the targeted governance of world security like targeted policing at the urban level also reveal the pc-rsistence of a certain utopian dream of total non-targeted security Many of those who urge the Israeli government to disarm just a lillie bit in some parts of the occupied terrishytories are motivated not by a bureaucratic notion of whats most dlicient and

but by a deeply held commitment to the perpetual peace ideal of Arabs and Jews living in harmony And the targeting of the axis of evil by the US government is clearly linked to a rather apocalyptic notion of manifest destiny and total world domination These days wars are usually lought one country at a time but there are always more tyrants to be deposed more geoposhylitical ol~jectives to be secured

Liberalism has been defined as arising out of a concern not to govelll too llIuch (Rose 1999) But the new neoliberal strategies for the governance of security could be seen as suggesting that liberalism is perhaps only a fear of governing too

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 9: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

248 Mariana Valverde and Michael Mopas

~ i much all at once Targeting does not necessarily mean governing less There are always more targets and there are endless ways of fiddling with existing smart weapons smart drugs and targeted social programmes The logic of targeted governance is in its own way as endless as utopian as the better-known IOllic of totalitarian controL

Notes

Perhaps the key vector for Foucauldian illlluences in 1merican crimillology and ncin))

studies isJonathall Simon (ef his forthcoming book Governing Through Crime) 2 See Cohen (985) and the inlluential anthology edited by D Garland and P Young

The Power to Pllnilh (1983) 3 We adopt here Hirst and Thompsons useful distinction between multinational entishy

ties which function around the world but nevertheless work through and in stales and the much-touted but much rarer stateless global or transnational processes and entities Peacekeeping in Afghallistan is indeed a multinational elldeavour but il is hardly a stale-less

4 The International Criminal Police Commission and its French-based successor the International Criminal Police Office (Interpol) have supplied a network of communishycation among participating national police organizations But Interpol is not so much all instance of global governallce as a falley policeman $ club (Anderson 19B9 where important profes~iollal contacls are made by senior officers from around the world There is no such thing a5 global or even international policing speaking although there arc of course some legal and political tools that translate

priorities from one country to another (most notably the US war on drugs which has been forcibly exported to various Latin 1merican countries but even in that case US nolice officers callnot be directly involved in the way that US

involved) 5 Jonathan SimonJohn Pratt Kevin Stenson Pat OMalley aad Kelly Hannah-Molfat

are among the main contributors to this literature 6 We thank Pat OMalley for many discussions on the issue of whether the most useful

categorization of risk technologies is that which would separate exclusionarv from inclusionary risk measurement techniques although he is not responsible for we claim here

7 Addressing a hypothetical (optimist) critic Hobbes justifies his argumem will trade in all rights for security with evidence drawn from mPHHimiddot let him therefore consider with himsclfe when taking

to sleep he locks his doors whell even in his house he locks his chests and this when he knows there be Lawes and publike Officers armed to revenge all injuries shall bee done him 1968 18(187)

8 In the citv of Toronto the density of police patrols is determined - in a curious consumer-driven targeting- by the number of phone calls to police origishy

nating from the area Thus poorer areas which in Toronto as elsewhere generate more calls to police per household than upper-class Ileighbollrhoods where problems arc usually solved without recourse to the police end up being more heavily policed Complaint-driven largeting is common in other lields (liquor licensing inspections for

or police raids on street prostitutes) its logic appears similar to that of governance driven by expert-compiled data but it could be argued that it is

actually the opposite of inlormation-driven evidence-blsed targeting l) One could cite here the immcnsc popularity among ordinary people as well as

experts of the small is beautiful school of urban dcsigu and planning that the Le Corbusier-innuCllced grander proiects of the I 950s alld I 960s

Insecurity alld targeted governance t~

References

Anderson M (1919) Polieill1 the Jlorld iutejioi alld UllJ I)olitics of illtemalOllal police (Oojlflotioll

Oxford Clarendoll Press

1 Brogden M and Shearing C

G Gordon C and Miller P (eds) (1991) The FiJUcmdl i~ffecl sludies ill gQ1llmmenshy

j

Chicago University of Chicago Press Castel R (1991) From dangerollsness to risk in G Burchell C ~ (cds) The FOlamlt Ffict studies ill gOllerlllllentality Ulliversity of Chicallo Press Cohen S (1985) VisiQns of Sodal COlltrol New York Polity Press

1

The Local Governance of Crime aPfJeals to communi) alld jlartllmhijls New Jniversity Press

~ M (2000) Bureaucratization and social control historical foundations of intershy

~ national police cooperation IAuJ alld Society Review 34(3) 739-778

1 Dlllield M (200 I) Global Governance and Ihe New Him tlte mergiug of developmelll and secwil I New York Zed Books

Ericson R and Haggerty K (1997) Policing tze Risk Society Toronto University of

Toronto Press Feeley M and Simon J (1992) The new penology notes on the (merging strategy for

corrections and its implications Criminology 30 49--74 Garland D (200 I) nle Culture of Control crime alld social order in COlltempomo Chicago

University of Chicago Press Garland D allel Young P (cds) (1983) The Power 10 Punish COittemporary Illmaity alld social

Loudon Heinemann EducatiOllal Hooks Making sense of intelligence A cybernetic model in analyzing inforshy

mation aud power in police intelligence processes Policing alld Society 8 289314 Haggerty K and Ericson R (2001) The military technostructures of policing in E

Kraska (ed) MilitarizJng the American Criminal Justice Ystem the culltging roles qtlze armed and the police Boston Northeastern University Press

Hanllah-MoITat K (2003) Risk and need unpublished paper submitted to BritishollrTlol

q Hirst P and

jlossibilities amJPTHflurp 2l1d edn Leviathan LondonT (19G8 [165

Levi R (2000) The of risk and community the adjudication of community and Society 29(4) 578-middot60 I

Moore D and Haggerty K (200 I) Bring it on home home drug testing and the relocashytion of the war on drugs Social mid Legal Studies 10(3) 377395

OMalley P (1996) Risk and responsibility in A Barry T Osborne and N Rose Foucault alld Political Reason liberalism Ileo-liberalism alld rationalities fl gOlernment London

UCLPrcss Uncertain subjects liberalism and contract EC()llol1~) (Iud 29(4)

460484 Poovey M (1998) A Histol) of tlle Modem Fact limbems 0 kllowledfe ill the seimct) of wealth and

Chicago University of Chicago Press Power M (1994) The audit ill A Arcountilg as Social

and insiMianal Practice New York Cambridge Press of tlte private London Routledge

New York Cambridge

University Press

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B

Page 10: Global Governmentality, Valverde and Mopas

250 Manana Valverde and Michael Mopas

middotmiddot--(1999) Powers qf Freedom r~framitlg political thought New York Cambridge Pres~

Rose N and Miller l~ (1992) Political power beyond the state problcmatics of governshyment Britishoumal qf Sociolopy 43(2) 173middot 205

Shearing C and Stenning P (cds) (1987) Private Policillg Ncwbury Park Shcptycki J (1998) Policing postmodernislll and trallSnationalizatiou British ]ouJIlal qf

485-503

governance and the problem or desire in R Ericson and Toronto University of Tbrollto Press

Walker N (2000) Transnational contexts ill E Lcishmall 13 Loveday and S Savage (cds) Core Juuel ill Policing New York Longman

Index

active sodety 107 actor lletworks 59- 75 Actor-Network Theory 10 Hi 61middot 4 ACVAFS lee American COllllcil of

Voluntary Agencies [or Foreign Services adjudication 84 advanced liberal government lBO 21314 A(~hanistan I 10 Africa 12 African Devcloumcnt Bank 102 agellcements I97 agen() 181-6 technologies o[ 180middotmiddot81 Agency for International Development 101 AID lee for International

Development aid buys reforms 103middotmiddot5

security 246 Alaska 206 Alballia 139 alcohol dependencc 241 Algeria 30 alienage 120 alleviation of poverty 98 Alliance for Progress 102 American Countil of Voluntary AmllrH

for Iorcign Services 127 Americas 29 33 41 44 51-2

line 51 Amnesty Intell1ational 202-3

of government 180 ANT lee Actor-Network Theory anti-poverty programmcs 102 anti-Vietnam war movement 247

logics 151 APEC Ice Asiamiddot Pacific Economic

COOl le-ration Apple 67 appropriation 45 -7 architedurc of rode 83

Economic Cooperation 50 Asian Development Bank 102 asselllblage 11-156583 95-250 ethical

14 197 199 203 regulation of 83 at a distance participation in globalizing

economy 212-32 Atlantic 41 Atlantidsm 45 49 audit mntractualisll1 and benchmarking

213-15 Australia 50 55 65 68 233 developmcnt

of communication in 68 autonomy 34 Axis of Evil 52 247 Azerbaijan 206

BA sec British Airways Badinter Commission 139 Baku-Tbilisi-Ccyhan pipeline 197 204 7 Balkans 140 Barclays 203 bare life 82 84 Behemoth 49 Belfast 243 lklgrade 136-7 140 147 benchmarking 14 175 187-8 217 18

audit contractualism and 213-15 in New Zealand sheep meat industry 2 and World Bank 196 sec also global

bending space 67 8 Berlin Wall 10 best practice I B8 214--15 217 18

244 the population 9B