Giving voice to area-specific qualities_ppw_24_10_013_as given.pptx

8/14/2019 Giving voice to area-specific qualities_ppw_24_10_013_as given.pptx

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Giving voice to area-specificqualities

The simultaneity of the long and the short term and the reconstruction of

meaning through the analysis of daily routines

| ECS forum25th October 2013 |Paul Blondeel at ppw KULeuven


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ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 2

A very temporary draft of as definition

Specificity:

(a) Coherences and fragmentations in (b) the ways people cope with

and tell about their environment (c) readable as patterns and

mechanisms that both (d) organize and reveal the deeper mechanisms

of the area

In area B these patterns and mechanisms differ from what can be seen

or analyzed in area A, although on a deeper level the same mechanisms

are operative.

Specificity can be conceived of as the way a city or region has

specialized itself in a given area, given its history, given the specific

accumulation of investments in that area and the social and spatial

inequality that these investments both produce and reproduce.


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Area specificity spatial, social, societal

Area-specificqualities in disadvantaged

neighborhoods.

How to theorize these qualities as being

area-specific?

How to analyze and implement them in

processes of urban regeneration or

neighborhood work?

What does this ambition means to adult

education and to the legacy of voicing the

voiceless?

3ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013


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Area specificity spatial, social, societal

Area-specificqualities in disadvantaged

neighborhoods.

How to theorize these qualities as being

area-specific?

How to analyze and implement them in

processes of urban regeneration or

neighborhood work?

What does this ambition means to adult

education and to the legacy of voicing the

voiceless?

4ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013

1. My wonderment during my own

path as adult educator - /

neighborhoodand fieldworker

why investigating area

specificity

2. Reading specificity in urban

everyday practices : simultaneity

3. Reading ones environment:

individual approaches (going

back to the interviewee); reading

ones environment: collective

approaches: focus- and platform-

groupswhat to expect from it?

4. Bourdieu & Certeau

5. Q&A and Discussion


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1. My own wonderment within 20 years urban research studio (Studio stadsonderzoek)

1991- 1994 : the journey of Boabdil: intercultural exchangesbetween BelgianMoroccan and Spanish youngsters inAndaluca ( JintCBWEYouth for Europe program)

19931998 Brussels (Molenbeek)

1998 Brussels (Vorst AnderlechtKuregem)

19981999 Ghent (Rabot Brugse Poort)

20002003 Antwerp (railway station district)

2003 Rotterdam (Zevenkampprins Alex.)

20032007 Rotterdam (Tussendijken/Spangen)

20032005 Dordrecht (Crabbehof/Krispijn)

2004 Leiden (Leiden Noord) 20032005 Schiedam (Nieuwland)

20062008 Three districts in Antwerp

2009 Lommel and other projects

20102015

PhD area specificity habitus and localDNA in processes of urban renewal - OASeS UA artesis designsciences

we dont hearwhat they simply

say to us

we do not really

listen

we do not admitthe consequences

of what is being

said


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Some examples and experiences, decisive for my own way

of reading society and reading the city Brussels: the hotel janitorfrom Molenbeek (Brussels)the story and the

map that could underpin his story

Rotterdam: the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by

professionals two years later)story and underpinning map

Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent)

story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions

of the one doing research

ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 6


say to us

we do not really

listen


of what is being

said

1. My own wonderment


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of reading society and reading the city Brussels: the hotel janitorfrom Molenbeek (Brussels)the story and the







ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 7


say to us

we do not really

listen


of what is being

saidMy own curiosity : how do we continue and even

enhance local structures of social inequality

- me as a social worker (samenlevingsopbouw); as

a journalist, an urban researcher (OSA, urban

research studio, )

- other professionals and local officials

- people in the hood



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8

Some examples, emblematic for my own way of reading

society and reading the city Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels)the story and the









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9

Brussels: the hotel

janitor from

Molenbeek

(Brussels)the

story and the map

that could underpin

his story



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local skills and competencies

How do people use the urban fabric

Document it yourself;Present their maps to them;

Make possible they design new

terms (new constructs?) for their own

behavior

12

Fieldwork and

social sciences:

before giving

voice to..., first

studying what

people do, where

and how how

comethey act and

behave like theydo?



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of reading society and reading the city Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels)the story and the



professionals who stop it two years later)story and underpinning map




ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 13


say to us

we do not really

listen


of what is being

said


th it d h lt f l l j k (t k b f i l h t it t


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the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years

later) - where are wewhat are people doingwhat can I see them doing?




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The metropolitan boulevards where the city invests


later) - where are wewhat are people doingwhat can I see them doing ?




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[ 2 ]

[ 1]

The actual use of the city in two groups of inhabitants: the formal public

space where the City invests (the two shopping streets being a part of the

metropolitan boulevards), disappearwhen we take the use-patterns of

both groups together (Map 4): daily use is not congruent with (and even

orthogonal to) the formal organization and investments [ we live

beside the city ]

[ 4 ]

a

b

c

d

e

e

[ 3 ]





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Now adding the

long run




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1500 - 1870 1900 1923

Now adding the

long run




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1500 - 1870 1900 1923

Rotterdam1910



Now adding the

long run

Spangen Rotterdam: living


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1500 - 1870 1900 1923

Rotterdam1910 Actual routines playing on the stage of an older pattern

Urban patterns as an actualization of a deeper (structural?)

coherence


beside the city ~ we have

to invent our own ways

A t l b f i li f f Spangen Rotterdam: living


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Denoordoostelijkewijkrand

tijdensdeoorlogsjarenmet

opgespotenaardeenhetbotenhuisvandeRoei-en

Zeilvereniging"DeMaas"op

devoorgrondderoutenaardeSpaansepolderdecennia

langeenbevoorrechtspeelgebied.

Dein1943weggebombardeerd

e.huizenblokkenblijvendrie

decenniabraak

liggen.DePuin

wordteenheel

belangrijkeplek

voortwee,drie

generaties

Delfshavenaren

-eenleegteals

landmarkineen(te)

dichtbebouwd

gebied!

Niet becommentarieerd is de

begraafplaatsde plek waar de grote

verkaveling van Spangen hapert (pas

in 1947 komt de grond definitief vrij)

en waar ook later eerder moeizaam

gebouwd en gewoond kan worden.

Actual urban form as ongoing lines of former

investments petrification of the investments of earlier generations


beside the city ~ we have

to invent our own ways


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of reading society and reading the city

Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels)the story and themap that could underpin his story



Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions


ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 22


say to us

we do not really

listen


of what is being

said


Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps


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Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter ( they stay there so silent ) story and multiple maps::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

-They stay there so silent (at the

bus stop)so I dont know how

to pass them.

Doing that wayhere

Doing herethat way

Doing here that waywe

Here (There) We do it that way

23how to use the appropriations of city users

the

lady

passingthe bus

stop




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Doing that wayhere

Doing herethat way




Do-ings

(place-)

things

Word-

ings





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Doing that wayhere

Doing herethat way



Go back and

document the

competent routines

the DO-ings


Is she crossing

the street at the

bus stop?

Is she able to

address her to

them?

Is the silence

difficult or the

glaring?

Always the same

kids?




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Doing that wayhere

Doing herethat way



Go back and

document the

competent routines

the DO-ings

Is she crossing

the street at the

bus stop?

Is she able to

address her to

them?

Is the silence

difficult or the

glaring?

Always the same

kids?

document

the here &

there (theplace

things

y p g y ( y y ) y p p::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research




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Doing that wayhere

Doing herethat way



Go back and

document the

competent routines

the DO-ings

Is she crossing

the street at the

bus stop

Is she able to

address her to

them

Is the silence

difficult or the

glaring

Always the same

kids?

document

the here &

there (theplace

things


Whose word-ings?

which power? when

in the research

process?



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Is she crossing

the street at the

bus stop

Is she able to

address her to

them

Is the silence

difficult or the

glaring

Always the same

kids?

document

the here &

there (theplace

things


1900

1960

2000


0 2 Focus on the meaning of the urban interaction itself and go back check again and again


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0.2. Focus on the meaning of the urban interaction itself and go back check again and again

Whose word-ings?

which power? when

in the research

process?

Outcome: lady at the bus stop:

-The people in this small hood are just all old

people, (like me)

- In the community house they always (like

here in the hood)

- When I want to see young people, I go to the

Hema (in the city centre)

I long for more contact, but here, in the

surroundings of my home, I do not know how

to deal with it.


Wh t d li d f i l i b l d


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What does policy and professionals in urban renewal do

with these findings ?

{ Ahummm }




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32


with these findings ?

{ Ahummm }


episodes


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voor 1982 - de functioning workmans district comes toan end

19982001 -SIF OSA project (PB- AL- )

20032007 -Bruggen naar Rabot

2006/007 RocsaDesiteep sodes


episodes


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voor 1982 - de functioning workmans district comes toan end

19982001 -SIF OSA project (PB- AL- )

20032007 -Bruggen naar Rabot

2006/007 RocsaDesitep

34

skills and competences (social artistic)

criticizing the mere physical urban renewal

questions are heard (urban gardening!

local practices better understood

some local competences better addressed


Another segmentation in our attention and


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ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 351. My own wonderment

apperception is needed:

differentiate WORD-ings, DO-ings and Place-

THINGS

Differentiate processes and discourses that put the

word-INGS first; those that put the DO-ings first and

those that put the Place-THINGS first

Give privileged attention to processes that start

with the places & thingswhat people do / invest

given the place where they live, given the things,

given the life conditions, given their environment.

What we consider The result

(outcome) we



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being the problem

What we consequently

can see [ what exists]

(outcome) we

hope to reach

What we can do

based upon that

definition



THINGS








Word-INGS

Do-INGS

Place - THINGS


What we consider

b h bl

The result(outcome) we



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being the problem

What we consequently

can see [ what exists]

(outcome) we

hope to reach

What we can do

based upon that

definition

Rabot is the poorestneighborhood in

Flanderspress

conference 1983

We seean area depending on

help and sustainment

[Fieldwork and interviews1998]

The result (outcome)

we hope to reach

All endogenous initiative

flees away; programs forhelp and sustainment enter.

[between 1983 and 1998]



THINGS









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Hypothesis /

construct: poorest

neighborhood

Practice: All salvationcomes form outside the

hoodlocal initiatives are

worthlessApparent outcome:All local initiative diesRabot becomesdependent from helpprograms

Rabot is the poorest

neighborhood in

Flanderspress

conference 1983

We seean area depending on

help and sustainment[Fieldwork and interviews 1998]

The result

(outcome) we hope

to reach

All endogenous initiativeflees away; programs for

help and sustainment enter.

[between 1983 and 1998]


Th 3rd i tInverting the arrows


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The 3rdregister

- The world of words

and plansword-INGS

The 2ndregisterthe

world of practice = Do-

INGSThe 1stregistertheworld of things the apparent realityPlace-THINGS

what people can tell about them

selves given the things they do,

in the ways they do them (More

sustainable narratives and

discourses)

[ the apparent assumptions

within ] the apparent

practices & routines, skills &

competences

What people can do given the place

(houses, area, ) they live in; giventhe specific streets and squares, the

specific income, the specific history

the hood has

Inverting the arrows


2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance


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What we learn (x2) and what we hypothesize (x1):

Local events can contain supra local information about

relations, segmentations, relevant domains, specific

coherence or fragmentationboth socially and spatially.

actual ongoing events perform and interpret long term

patterns

routine like actions perform unconsciously but in often

very refined ways the underlying structural constraints.



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We need two gestures at once:

1. Prioritizing what people do given the

place things they are living with

2. Reading those area bounded practices

bothin the short run* and the long**

run

*Short and

middle short

run: their

ongoing modus

(as can be

seen), some

days, weeks,

months ago

** Long run:

years and

decennia ago;

centuries ago

(Fernand

Braudel !)

What we learn (x2) and what we hypothesize (x1):

Local events can contain supra local information about

relations, segmentations, relevant domains, specific

coherence or fragmentationboth socially and spatially.

actual ongoing events perform and interpret long term

patterns

routine like actions perform unconsciously but in often

very refined ways the underlying structural constraints.



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42

We need two gestures at once:

1. Prioritizing what people do given the

place things they are living with

2. Reading those area bounded practices

bothin the short run* and the long**

run

Reading the urban form as a petrification

of investments of former generations {

both Bourdieu & Giddens }

Performed and interpreted in actual

practices { Certeau and Bourdieu/Wacquant (93)

but different}

*Short and

middle shortrun: their

ongoing modus

(as can be

seen), some

days, weeks,

months ago

** Long run:

years and

decennia ago;

centuries ago

(Fernand

Braudel !)



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Reading the urban form as a petrification

of investments of former generations {

both Bourdieu & Giddens }

Performed and interpreted in actual

practices { Certeau and Bourdieu/Wacquant (93)

but different}

*Short and


ongoing modus

(as can be

seen), some

days, weeks,

months ago

** Long run:

years and

decennia ago;

centuries ago

(Fernand

Braudel !)



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*Short and


ongoing modus

(as can be

seen), some

days, weeks,

months ago

** Long run:

years and

decennia ago;

centuries ago

(Fernand

Braudel !)

Why is it that the neighborhood Nieuw

Ghent is situated in between those very

big structures (university, hospital, plats,

supermarket, )

Nieuw

Ghent



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*Short and


ongoing modus

(as can be

seen), some

days, weeks,

months ago

** Long run:

years and

decennia ago;

centuries ago

(Fernand

Braudel !)

why all the negative activities and fuycntions

came into the north sector of Ghent, since 1777

on (and earlier

Strongest example:


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Marginal and poor people do not enter the city today

(UNDER), as they didnt in the 18the century and probably

before (LEFT).

Strongest example:


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before (LEFT).

At the De Coninck square, both trajectories meet and co-

exist:rich and poor (moderate and marginal; the ordinary and

extraordinary) use the same urban space but do not

interact = urban specificity and competence a kind of

local DNA, an aspect of the deeper structure made visible

but for whom and to what ends ? ]


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The open land oustside the

Spanish citywallsno stonebuildings allowed


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The main entranceclosing at 6 p.m.; opening again at 6 a.m.


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Strongest example:


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ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 52



before (LEFT).

At the De Coninck square, both trajectories meet and co-

exist:rich and poor (moderate and marginal; the ordinary and

extraordinary) use the same urban space but do not

interact= urban specificity and competence a kind of

local DNA, an aspect of the deeper structure made visible

but for whom and to what ends ? ]

But what does it mean if the local DNA does not become a

public issue ? Society itselfthe urban community of

Antwerpshould discuss what this phrase means and how

it could be implemented into programs.

1911: Flanerende dagjes-

mensen ontmoeten een

gehandicapte bedelaar aan

de terrasjes van Meir

2001 - Foto uiterst rechts: De

agenten zijn weg en daar is de

vrouw weer. Daarom heeft de

politie zaterdag 14 bedelaars

opgepakt en vastgehouden tot de

winkelende menigte weg was.

Examples of local specificity revealing an aspect of a deeper (supra local) structure


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Core practice Core themes for programs and

policies

Initial suggestions for program

images and conditions to it

Rabot Gent What comes form the

outside, needs to beadjusted and refined

to the already existing

qualities here

Ghent is already here

city wide youth centreopen the city for this neighborhood

producing new tissue

do not fill or stitch up the fracture

zone

De Site

Toreken

Kopergietery

Railway

Station

Antwerp

Rich and poor (average

and marginal) stay

apart but share the

same city

how to plan and organize the main

library

how to handle prostitutionhow to deal with the pubs (day and

night)

music and dance scene

Only a (small) group of city

professionals takes it up;

politicians wish not here the

question it poses to the

whole of Antwerp

Spangen

DelfshavenHere you live alongside

the city

What do we tolerate on the

informal level and what isnt

tolerable

When we do it ourselves, weremostly better of. (but in some cases

we arent)

self made houses

self-help group Utopia


De niet herkende nadelen van hun blinde aanname


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Is beter ingeplant in wijk- en buurtleven

Heeft betere omzet

Het jaarlijks wijkfeest wordt opgeblazen / winkeliers haken af.

Doen geen zaken meer met lokale actoren (soc.

Sector), alleen met het stadhuis (B&W)

Stemmen hun assortiment niet af op Turkse

gezinnen

Ze verwachten quasi niets meer van de

wijk(bewoners) allemaal arme

sloebers ( en krachtiger termen)

Opeens merken we:

Winkeliers bussen reclame

alleen nog buiten de wijk

En winkelier, Mr. Borlo, stemt assortiment wel af op

wijk, op Turken en op studenten van de industrile

hogeschool

54

Intro | "wat niet verandert" | 4 Cases | Technieken = werken met | Discussie

Iets terugkerend in al die episodes en in alle investeringen?


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Intro | "wat niet verandert" | 4 Cases | Technieken = werken met | Discussie

TWEE BASIS-SCHEMAS IN DE OMGANG MET WIJK EN STAD

Al het goede komt van

buiten

[ van de wijk hier valt

niets te verwachten]

Al het goede is hier al

[ bemoeienis van

buiten leidt tot sociale

verdringing ]

De niet herkende nadelen van blinde aannames


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All the good things

comes from the

outside* we dont expect

anything fromn those

poor guys here]

All the good things are

already here [ fear for

gentrification ]

Twee praktijkgemeenschappen

diametraal tegenover elkaar:

Upside the shopowners and

some better of residents, except

Mr Borlo (Carrefour)

Under: the map of the soocialsector focusing (at tht time)

merely only upon poor and

diadvantaged groups.

56

Social workers speaking to participating shop owners: you are the only ones here

who live in the hood and financially invest in the hood

And we are the ones leaving every day at 6 p.m.societal stake: when mapped,

local positions and presuppositions can be made both conscious and political

dissensus.

3.Bourdieu [ and Certeau ] on simultaneity of both the short and the long run


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ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 57

I choose to map the ways in which people use the city and I do that

in a iterative and multiple approach. This choice is both

operationally driven and theoretically driven.

In this iterative mapping, I pay tribute to the very rich anthropology

of the younger Bourdieu, his fieldwork and comments upon it. From

1979 on, these reflections multiply and proliferate into a universal

theory . Whereas his ethnographic approach is in the 60 and 70ies is

still context oriented and spatially grounded, his later sociology

becomes in the a-spatial. This is most problematic in his socialization

theorywhere he uses Piaget praxeological understanding of early

childhood learning but without sufficient referring to his French

Colleague (Bruno Frre). Some key insights of Bourdieus core theory

should be reoriented and /or confronted to his earlier and more

spatially oriented approach (Wacquant 1996; 2002; 2004).

Concepts in Bourdieus core theory

HabitusField (1st& 2nd version)Doxa [ Durkheimian +

Permeability of in-world and outward world

Continuity and focus on that what does not change (from a humanistic perspective)

specific contribution of the later Bourdieu (Weight of the World; Pascalian Meditations).

Change in his

theory about

socialisation:Untill

Outline

spatial (world

of places);

afterwards

learning in aworld of

concepts;

false use of J.

Piaget

Th i di id l h bit i t f d bl di iti i i ti i l hildh d


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ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 58

The individual habitusis a set of durable dispositions originating in early childhood

and structuring in a specific way all later interactions. This specificity is class bounded,

although class (and capital) is structured in a multiple and dynamic way.

This specificity operates trough ones perceptions, appreciations (judgments) and

actions. What one can see, appreciate and do in a given situation, is structured by hisor her durable dispositions reproducing the expected outcomes one has learned to

expect (DiMaggio 1979).

People are complicit in the reproduction of the inequality they live in but they are not

aware of this dependence. On the contrary, they live in a illusion of freedom (Doxa)

which helps the system to regenerate itself again and again, in very specific ways.

Habitusand doxaare performant in creating a continuity between the specificity ofindividual actions and the specificity within regions of the macro-structure, although

Bourdieu does not develop how these regions relate to the macro-system. Habitus can

be seen as inculcated social structure (structures inculques) becoming on its turn

operative, structure structurante. BothHabitus and structure (equals Field?) derive

their social efficiency from ordinary and non ordinary practices, both individual and

institutional actions (see three forms/modes of capital, Bourdieu 1984).

But what is the collective or class habitus? Is it there, does it exist as a sociological

substance? This remains a lifelong problem within Bourdieus theory :: his FIELD

notion modulates again and again


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ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013 59

Constraints in the environment facilitate specific routines and actions but

Bourdieu is never clear about the aggregation and the solidity of these actions,

their sociological measure and weight. Class revolt is such an action but doing

the dishes also

In an 1984 he details it , and from 1993 on (the weight of the world) he seems to

bother less for the consistency of his global theory.

Habitus becomes multiple (Hillier and Rooksby 2000) with a hard (unconscious,

structure driven) core and more softer and fluent layers above it. By becoming

multiple, habitus can also become partially consciousa theme that Bourdieu

touched superficially as he wasnt able to elaborate before dying in 2002.

Important in the 1984 article:


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Important in the 1984 article:

Capital which, in its objectified or embodied forms, takes time accumulate and

which () contains a tendency to persists in its being, is a force inscribed in the

objectivity of thingsso that everything is not equally is possible. And the

structure of the distribution of the different types and subtypes of capital at a

given moment in time represents the immanent structure of the social world, i.e.

, the set of constraints, inscribed in the very reality of that world, which govern

its functioning in a durable way, determining the chances of success for

practices. (o.c., 241-42, mijn nadruk)

+ three modes of Capital: lived capital (ongoing practice), objectified -

institutionalized

Links to a more spatial approach of specificity and permeability of the

subject.

Gives way to the possibility that in one area, people share more or lessanalogous presuppositions about the order of the (local) things (what is true

en valuable and how), because people have more or less analogous pasts and

experiences in more or less analogous worlds and classes. These

communities of common presuppositions organize interesting social groups

which I call communities of practice.example Ghent

Samenvatting en Doorwerking: HOE DE PIJLEN KEREN


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Bestaandesituatie is

ongewenst

Vaardighedenen middelen

inzetten

Adequateacties

ontplooien

Gewenstesituatie

Feitelijk stadsgebruikmeer feitelijke relatiesmeer feitelijke / duurzame verhalen61

Eigenlijke

doelenbespreken

Feiteli jke en mogeli jke

vaardigheden inzetten

Feitelijke en

mogelijke actiesbenoemen

Feitelijke

situatie zoals zenu eenmaal is

Woorden Dingen / omgeving / omstandighedenRoutines en praktijken


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Discussion

Giving voice to area-specific qualities_ppw_24_10_013_as given.pptx

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Transcript of Giving voice to area-specific qualities_ppw_24_10_013_as given.pptx