FORGOTTEN AMERICAN OBSERVANCEREMEMBERING THE FIRST OF AUGUST

David Roberts

A nually the first day of August passes without a second thought. It may be surprising, therefore, that this clay once occasioned large celebrations throughout New England,New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and even as far distant as San Francisco, attracting thousandsof participants in a common performance of elaborate festive ritcials. Perhaps equally surDrising, these American celebrations commemorated an event with little apparent relevanceto the United States: Britain’s abolition of slavery in its ‘vVest tndian colonies. Throughoutthe antebellum period, however, anti-slavery communities “set apart the First of August as aholiday—a day of relaxation and rejoicing as well as of festivity”

Despite its importance and widespread observance in the nineteenth century, the Firstof August remains all but forgotten in the American memory, supplanted by the Emancipa -

tion Proclamation and its continuing commemorative jubilees such as Juneteenth.2 As aresult, historians have never explored the First of August festivals in the detail accorded toother nineteenth-century Fourth ofJuly, Emancipation, Negro Election Day, and Pinkstercelebrations.3 Even Barbara Ekiof, in For Evciy Season: The Cornplcte Guide to African American Cclchrations Traditional to Contcmporaiy, devotes just a single paragraph, “The First IndependenceCelebration,” to explain that “when word of [VJest Indian emancipation] reached the American Slave like an inebriating wind of hope, August 1 became the first exultation for independence.”4 Ekiof’s brief discussion erroneously suggests a celebration exclusive to the AfricanAmerican slave, ignoring entirely the more significant public gatherings sponsored by antislavery communities, both black and white, in the North. In contrast to its neglect byhistorians, contemporary newspapers, particularly the anti-slavery press, printed annualaccounts of multiple First of August gatherings that included detailed descriptions of their

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scttings, events, and orations. Examining the first of August festivals’ activities, rituals,and symbolism illuminates both how abolitionists engaged the public discourse contestingdefinitions ofAmerican liberty and slavery and a historiographical debate concerning abolitionisn-I.

This article attempts to restore to the American consciousness the human experience ofthe First of August with all its complexities and ambiguities. As a preliminary historicalinquiry, this article addresses the basic questions of why and how anti-slavery advocatesinvented the first of August festival and what purposes it served. The answers to thesequestions appear in five sections. The first section introduces three themes: the social function of celebrations in shaping community identity and opinion, the interaction of culturalbeliefs and public discourse, and the divisions within abolitionism. Applying these themesthroughout the subsequent analysis reveals that all First ofAugust celebrations, irrespectiveof the observed differences between white and African American gatherings, served similarsocial functions, articulated shared cultural beliefs, and employed West Indian Emancipanon within the American public discourse context to promote and sustain the commonabolitionist cause to abolish slavery and achieve racial equality in America. The second andthird sections explore how the emancipation of West Indian slaves inspired an Americanpublic festival and how a set of ritual practices was elaborated for its annual commemoration.The following two sections examine the symbolism and meaning of these festive rituals inpromoting abolitionists’ commitments to emancipation and racial equality. The final section endeavors to resolve the paradoxical relationships encountered in analyzing the First ofAugust.

Common Forms, Functions, and Festive Rituals within Diverse Communities

Understanding the first of August’s function in the anti-slavery crusade begins withits form as annual public celebration at which participants performed festive rituals thatincorporated a common system of cultural beliefs and symbols. In this way, gatherings asdiverse as medieval religious processions and American suburban barbeques serve a similarsocial role in forming a community identity and shaping its collective values and behaviors.Anti-slavery advocates designed the elaborate commemorative traditions of the First of August to fulfill both these social functions. Celebrating the First of August defined community boundaries and reinforced social bonds both locally and within a national movementthat fostered a spirit of community through these shared experiences.6 While this commumty spirit sustained anti-slavery activism, abolitionism’s broader reform commitments extended beyond its own communities. In addition, the First of August provided a forum toarticulate the abolitionist critique of America in an effort to influence the values and behaviors of American society. As an annual public festival, therefore, the First of August ‘as an

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event in the public sphere, an arena in which discursive processes contest and authenticatepublic culture definitions and relationships of power and authority in a society.7 Participation in this public discourse necessitated confronting and manipulating the cultural beliefsystems underlying that discourse.

How abolitionist discourse incorporated American cultural beliets is evidenced in thespecific character of this public festival. Anti- slavery advocates conceived the First ofAugustas a celebration of universal human freedom in an international struggle for liberty thattranscended the emancipation ofWest Indian slaves. Such a festival of human liberty, namelythe Fourth of July, already existed in the United States. As John Adams had hoped, thefourth ofJuly was annually “solemnized with pomp and parade,. . . shows, games, sports,guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations” throughout antebellum America.8 To abolitionists,however, American slavery undermined the true spirit of the American Revolution. Accordingly, its commemoration, Frederick Douglass asserted, was “mere bombast, fraud, cleception, impiety, and hypocrisy—a thin veil to cover up . . . the gross injustice and cruelty towhich [the slave] is the constant victim.”8 Abolitionists’ conscious efforts to fashion thisrival freedom jubilee recall Eric Hobsbaw’m’s The l,n’cntion ofTrctthtion, in which Hobsbawndefines such a tradition as “a set of practices, normally governed by... rules and of a ritual orsymbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition,which. . . implies continuity with the pt.”° The governing beliefs and symbolism of theFirst of August derived from the repertoire of existing middle-class social values, particularlyrepublicanism, of which the Fourth ofJuly was its foremost public expression. This republican ideology, based on faith in the unique national destiny of the United States in itscommitments to individual liberty, representative democracy, and an independent and virtuous citizenry, remained a pervasive and powerful cultural belief system that shaped antebellum political and social discourse. The Fourth ofJuly and the republicanism it expressed,therefore, provided not just a celebratory model, both to emulate and to reject, but also adliscursive language of cultural attitudes, values, anti symbols that influenced interpretations of West Indian emancipation and its annual commemoration rituals among antislavery communities.

While employing a common belief system to celebrate a common event—West Indianemancipation—First of August festivals mirrored the diversity of race, gender, class, andlocality of the abolitionists w’ho attended them. The abolitionist press promulgated a common set of ritual practices and symbolism that prod1uced important similarities betweenobservances at diverse localities such as Abington Grove in Massachusetts and Ripley Grovein Kentucky and in ‘Washington Square in Rochester and City Hall in New Bedford* Despite these regional similarities, white abolitionists and African American communities developeci separate celebrations with distinguishable traditions, including differences in thesetting, symbolism, and festive rituals performed.

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Abolitionism’s inconsistencies and complexities have long confounded historians, whooffer many differing interpretations of the movement’s composition, attempting to resolvethese ambiguities within the framework of a unified movement. In his pioneering interpretation, BlackAbolitionists, Benjamin Quarles highlights the existence and agency of a distinctAfrican American movement, which was “not just another group of camp followers... [but]in essence, abolition’s ‘different drummer.”2 Since its publication, many historians haveconcurred with Quarles’s characterization, examining fLirther differences in geography, gender, economic status, religious denomination, political affiliation, and persuasion tactics inorder to understand abolitionism’s intcrna1dynamics.’ This additional research has initiated a new’ historical debate concerning abolitionism’s relative unity and disunity. Presenting the predominant disunity argument, James Brewer Stewart, in Holy Warriors, contendsthat abolition comprised an inclusive coalition, occasionally transcending, but frequentlydivided by ideological, tactical, gender, and racial tensions and conflicts.11 In her recentexploration of abolitionist women, The Great Silent Army ofAbolitionism,Julic RoyJcftrey rejectsemphasizing these divisions, instead asserting that common ideological values are crucial tounderstanding women’s activism.15 As the First of August celebrations encompassed gatherings of whites, African Americans, and interracial groups, analyzing the similarities anddifferences in the clay’s commemorations provides additional source material to this continuing debate.

Although differences between white and African American gatherings suggest divergent purposes, functions, and meanings of the First ofAugust celebrations for these communities, their mere separateness and distinguishing characteristics fail to sustain this interpretation. For anti-slavery advocates, regardless of race, gender, class, and regional differences, the First of August served to further their shared crusades for emancipation and human equality. In inventing the First of August tradition, abolitionists Fashioned a publiccelebration of human freedom to contest definitions of American liberty in the public sphere.This public culture discourse operated through the common language of American culturalbeliefs and employed Fourth of July conventions, traditions, and symbolism that emphasized the connection between the anti-slavery cause and the true spirit of the AmericanRevolution. Cultural belief systems, however, represent neither a static nor rigid code, but aflexible set of shared values, symbols, and meanings, subject to varying interpretation andselective application. The First of August celebrations demonstrate how various componentsof the abolitionist movement emphasized different elements within this common beliefsystem. Examining differences between the festive rituals of white and African Americangatherings illuminates subtleties in strategies and tactics advanced by these communities.In pursuit of their common goal, w’hite anti-slavery advocates endeavored to recruit convertsto the abolitionist cause and cultivate public support for emancipation, while African Americans sought to develop community cohesiveness and assert their participatory rights withinAmerican society. For both communities, however, the First of August served as a means to

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strengthen social bonds and as a forum to influence public opinion.

Interpreting the American Revolution andWest Indian Emancipation

Developing their rival festival of human freedom, abolitionists confronted America’snational holiday. As a symbolic expression of republicanism, the Fourth of] uly reinforcedAmerican national identity and existing power relationships within society. By the antebellum period the Fourth of July celebrations followed established and standardized ritualpractices, achieving a timeless quality. In accordance withJohn Adams’s wishes, the grand,day-long celebration combined patriotism, military display, politics, and recreation. Morning church bells and cannonades, repeated in the afternoon and evening, announced theFourth of July’s arrival. During church services, prayers and sermons mingled patriotismwith religious belief. A parade followed, with military regiments, veterans’ organizations inuniform, political, fraternal, and trade associations in their regalia, and military bands processing through the streets to the public square. At the parade’s conclusion, a prominentcitizen gave a dramatic rendition of the Declaration of Independence, reenacting its firstpublic reading. Next, an elociuent oration expounded the virtues of the founding generation.recounted the arduous and heroic struggles of the Revolutionary ‘vVar, and extolled theglorious history of the unique national destiny of the United States. Pervasive banners,American flags, and bands performing appropriate martial and patriotic selections such as“Hail Columbia” and “America” enlivened the day’s festivities. In the evenings, a series offormal dinners sponsored by political and fraternal organizations as well as in restaurantsand private homes offered elaborate foods appropriate for this celebratory occasion. Thesedinners included speeches on contemporary political issues and concluded with a long toasting ritual, allow’ing participants to offer patriotic sentiments. The day of celebration coneluded w’ith bonfires and firew’orks clisplays. This festival of liberty often occasioned ageneral breakdown of social restraints and conventions. Independence Day frequently became the scene of general inebriation, fires, accidents, and violence occasionally resulting inpublic riots. To curb this disorder, Boston instituted a curfew’ in 1851 from nine in the eveninguntil sunrise.17 Throughout the antebellum period, the annual observance of the Fourth ofJuly included similar military displays, parades, community festivities—both harmoniousand riotous—and patriotic ritual readings, orations, and toasts.

Abolitionists expressed ambivalence toward the Fourth of July, simultaneously attractedhy its professions of human liberty and repelled by the slaveholding republic’s hypocritical contradiction of those principles, by its military displays that confronted abolitionism’snon -resistance beliefs, and by its riotous celebrations that flouted their reform values, alcohol conscimption in particular. In opposing government policy, it not the government itself,abolitionists dehatedi continuously whether the United States Constitution sanctioned or

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opposed slavery. Yet the Fourth of July commemorated neither the government nor itsConstitution, but rather the Declaration of Independence and its “self-evident truths.” Slavery signified to abolitionists “a worm at the foot of the tree of Liberty, [which] ... must hekilled or the tree will die.” As a result, the Fourth of July embodied important symbolicsignificance to abolitionism. Perceiving the Fourth ofJuly as “a most appropriate and fittingtime for an anti-slavery meeting to declare our determination to . . finish peacefully thework [our forefathers] began,” many auxiliaries of the American Anti-Slavery Society originateci on that day. The Plymouth County Anti Slavery Society, for instance, held its inaugural meeting on July 4, 1834, and subsequent annual fourth of July anti-slavery meetingsattracted participants from throughout New England.

Most abolitionist rhetoric, however, focused on the hypocrisy and riotous celebrationsof the fourth of July. “On the anniversary of our Independence,” Cyrus Pierce explained,“the crack of the whip, the groan of the bondsmen and the yell of tortured humanity minglingwith the roar of cannon.. . and the lying laudations of sycophantic orators go up to heaven inone diabolical discord [of] hypocrisy and self deception.”2° Abolitionists attributed American hypocrisy not to the failure of the sentiments outlined in the Declaration of Independence, hut rather to the degenerate spirit of the public culture and politics. As \Viffiam floydGarrison commented to abolitionists assembled at Ahington Grove on July 4, 1851, “everybanner we unfurled to the breeze today is the signal of our hypocrisy; every bonfire that iskindled reveals our degradation: every cannon that is fired proclaims in thunder tones how’utterly lost we are in shame.”2’ Cassius Clay lamented, “the Fourth of July 1776 saw usproclaiming liberty to all mankincl—[on] the Fourth of July 1845 . . . the American people[are] the sole propagandists of slavery among men.”12 Although the mainstream newspapersroutinely reported Fourth ofJuly fires, accidents, and violent acts, the July14, 184$ Libcrcitorcontained two complete columns of such events, in a tone reminiscent of eighteenth-centurySabbath-breaking tales. These riotous festivities, which led abolitionists to characterize thefourth of]uly as a “poor, old, prostituted, rum-soaked, powder-smoked anniversary,” pro\‘ided further evidence that a glorious event had been corrupted and debauched.

While this rhetoric appears to reject American cultural values, abolitionist condemnation of mainstream celebrations, which focused on themes of degradation and betrayal ofRevolutionary values, employed republican ideology’s inherent fears of corruption and privilege. Through this common belief in republicanism, abolitionists endeavored to engage anddirect the public discourse concerning the meaning of slavery and liberty in America. AfterWest Indian emancipation, abolitionists began to characterize their struggle as “not for theslave, merely or mainly. . . [but for the] liberty of all people,” which redefined their perceptions of the Declaration of Independence and the fourth ofJuly.3 Portraying themselves as“the high priests of freedom” and the legitimate inheritors of the Revolutionary legacy, abolitionists invented the First of August jubilee to reinforce their commitment to Americanfreedom.21 Moreover, abolitionists renewed American Independence celebrations in an at-

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tcmpt to “rescue that anniversary from the ordinary popular desecration and to consecrate itto the cause of impartial and universalliberty.”25 At both abolitionist frcedorn festivals, theDeclaration of Independence served “as the most powerful weapon to put clown the greatslave system of our country.” Abolitionists conducted their condemnation of mainstreamIn dependence celebrations an ci their appropriation of America’s Revolutionary heritage withi iithe context of republicanism, which provided the discursive language of all American publicdebates. This common cultural belief system would continue to inform the invention of theFirst of August tradition in both the abolitionist and African American communities.

Despite republicanism’s boasted American uniqueness, the United States was exceptional neither in the existence of slavery nor in efforts to eradicate it. In the 1830s the eman -

cipation process accelerated, first in Spain’s former colonies and then in Britain’s colonialempire, effective August 1, 1834. On August 28, 1833, the British Parliament, after a decade ofwidespread abolitionist activism, issued a forty-six article act, ending slavery within itscolonial possessions. The act’s provisions emancipated slaves younger than six years, iiilethe remainder would serve a quasi-feudal “apprenticeship,” lasting four years for domesticand artisan workers and six years for unskilled and agricultural laborers in addition,slaveholders received £20 million in compensation. Difficulties with the apprenticeshipsystem caused its abandonment in 1838. Although the British example provided neither theimmediate nor uncompensated emancipation championed by American abolitionists, theliberation of 800,000 slaves encouraged American abolitionists. Heralding the day, theLthcrator reported “on Friday next, slavery virtually ceases throughout the British Colonies..• it is a day not to be passed over coldly or silently by any man ‘ho has—we will not say anAmerican heart, for that in these degenerate times is an equivocal term, but a soul of freeclom.”27 In addition to providing inspiration, abolitionists perceixedl that West Indianemancipation’s favorable outcome bolstered their own efforts in America. The Dcdham Patriotcharacterized British emancipation as “a strong argument against. . . slave labor and in favorof emancipation in our own country” and proposed that America “watch the progress of thisexperiment and profit thereby.”28 American antislavery organizations, eager to shape publicperceptions ofWest Indian emancipation, collected and published substantial informationconcerning its process and beneficial results to strengthen the anti-slavery argument anddirect public opinion.29

British emancipation offered lessons to abolitionists in their crusade against Americanslavery that both sustained their own activism and refuted their pro-slavery critics. Inspiredby the West Indian example, abolitionist rhetoric stressed repeatedly the safety of immediate abolition, the perseverance andi moral victory of British abolitionism, the superiority offree labor, and the freedmen’s improved moral and economic condition. According to American abolitionists, British colonial emancipation, effected by anti-slavery agitation and not byParliamentary action, occurred without anarchy or violence and stimulated the colonialeconomy; moreover, subsequent increases in the Former slaves’ material possessions and

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proliferation of their churches and schools attested to emancipation’s beneficial effects onboth the freedmen and colonial society. In the 1860 pamphlet The Right Way, The Safe WayProved by Emctncipation in the British West Indies and Elsewhere, Lydia Maria Child codified thesethemes of abolitionist thought into a comprehensive and compelling argument. “Historyproves that emancipation has always been safe [and] has always produced a feeling ofsecurity in the public mind,” asserted Child, who contended further that once emancipationbegan “to stimulate laborers by wages, instead of driving them by the whip ... education andreligious teaching and agricultural improvement w[ould] soon follow.”° While groundedin the historical experience of the ‘vVest Indies, abolitionists framed British emancipation’slessons within the context of American cultural beliefs system, reinforcing republicanideology’s free labor and legal equality and evangelical Protestantism’s moral and socialreform values. Both white and African American abolitionists employed these West Indianlessons and American cultural values in developing their First of August festival.

Inventing and Publicizing the First ofAugust Tradition

Despite its observance throughout the world, abolitionist communities in the UnitedStates organiEcd the largest and most continuous commemorations on the annual anniversary of ‘vVest Indian Emancipation.31 The American First of August jubilces engaged thepublic discourse regarding American liberty and slavery, and evidenced few similarities withthe commemorated occasion.32 The single event performed on American soil that containedovert ritual reference to West Indian emancipation occurred on July 31, 1846 when a BostonAfrican American congregation rcenacted Antigua’s last night of slavery, as chronicled byThome and Kcrnball, with church members kneeling in prayer as the steeple bells tolledmidnight. The remaining First of August celebrations in the United States comprised distinctively American rituals, prayers, hymns, songs, speeches, processions, and foods. The1855 First ofAugust festival atJamaica, Queens County, New York, for instance, shared onlyits place name with the West Indies. The event itself served merely as a reason for gatheringand an embarkation point to confront American slavery. The representation ofBritish emancipation as a symbolic beginning pervaded the banners displayed at Boston’s 1845 First ofAugust procession, whose first banner, “The Day We Celebrate $00,000 Slaves Emancipated,” preceded banners proclaiming, “Liberty the Birthright of All” and “No Union withSlave Holders,” slogans that engaged American themes.33 A similar origination ritual occurrec! at a 1842 First ofAugust celebration, where after presenting an “I am free” banner to anAfrican American child, w’ho represented the V’iest Indies, the orator exhorted “now’ that youare free yourself, let us both labor to extend the same blessing to others; til every child that isborn in America shall draw’ its first breath in a land of frcedorn.”3 In laboring to extend theblessings of liberty to America, abolitionists abandoned any ritual connection with West

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Indian emancipation, and invented a new tradition that aided their own struggles withinAmerica.

The grand jubilees that characterized American commemorations of \Vest Indlian emancipation began humbly. Tn 1834 the Lil,cmtor reported four First ofAugust gatherings. Thesesmall evening meetings resembled typical 1830s anti slavery meetings, which interspersedprayers and hymns with speeches and resolutions. The size and form of these commemorations remained consistent until 1842. Between 1838 and 1841, Boston’s African Americancommunity observed the First of August almost exclusively. During this period, blackBostonians met annually at the Belknap Street Chapel followed by elaborate suppers thatincluded speeches and toasts, After 1841 these celebrations expanded and began to includeprocessions of school children and benevolent societies, who marched from the Sabbathschools to the meeting location.

The following year Boston’s white abolitionist First of August gatherings underwent asignificant structural change. Endeavoring to holster the abolitionist cause, John A. Collins,in a letter published in the Libcraror, recommended that the day be generally commemorated.Collins’s I1ic4nti-Slavcry Pick Nick, a 144 -page collection of atiti-slavery speeches, dialogues,hymns, songs, and music published in 1842, established a pattern for subsequent First ofAugust festivals. In that year the celebrations, particularly those of white abolitionists,abandoned the churches and meeting halls in favor of picnic groves outside the city, transforming evening meetings into day-long jubilees. For the next six years an average of foursuch First of August events occurred in various groves surrounding Boston, including Lynn,Lowell, Dedham, and Abington. A Committee of Arrangement organized processions fromthe nearest town center to the grove until 1846, after which published newspaper reportsnever mention white abolitionist processions, suggesting that this practice was abandoned.At the grove, the assembly elected the day’s officers and listened as prayers and scripturepassages were read, hymns and songs were performed, and orations were delivered. Initiallythe Committee of Arrangement provided refreshments. As attendance ballooned to huncirecis and even thousands of participants, a potluck and eventually a picnic format evolved tocontrol costs. After 1849, the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society consolidated these regionalcelebrations into a statewide affair in order to increase its audience and feature the bestanti- slavery orators. Special excursion trains with discounted rates halted near the grove,eliminating the necessity ofaprocession. As the location of the Massachusetts Anti-SlaverySociety’s festival rotated and its number of participants fluctuated, reflecting changes inpopular support and the weather, its distinct form and ritualized activities remained constant until the Civil War.

While white abolitionist celebrations attracted increasing numbers of African American speakers and participants, the New England African American communities retainedtheir own distinctive festivities. African American observances of the First of August. however, followed a similar pattern of proliferation and consolidation. By 1844, separate black

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festivals occurred annually in Boston, Providence, and New’ Bedford; after 1851 a single cclebration included delegations from each city. The First of August comiriernorative activitiesotAfrican Americans and whites differed in two ways. African Americans retained the procession ritual, congregating at a church or town hail before progressing to the grove. UnliI<etheir white counterparts, who dispersed at the conclusion of the ceremonies at the grove,African Americans formed another procession for their return journey. In addition, AfricanAmericans typically held evening events, including additional meetings and frequently formal dinners, evening balls, and fund raising fairs.

While the Lthcrator contained some accounts of earlier jubilees from beyond New’ England, the First of August festivals proliferated on a natiomvide scale around 1853. As theFugitive Slave and Kansas-Nebraska Acts swelled the tide of northern anti-slavery sentiment, the First of August observances expanded throughout New York, Pennsylvania andOhio; at least the Liberator’s coverage of the events expanded, but probably both. As a resultof the Anti-S lavciy Pick Nick and extensive accounts in the various movement newspapers,these new celebrations exhibited patterns and rituals created in New England, and servedthe same anti-slavery purposes.

Rituals of Liberty: Promoting the Anti-Slavery Crusade

Abolitionists sought to communicate to the public the sin of slavery and cultivate public sentiment for its eradication. More than a commemoration of West Indian Emancipation, First ofAugust observances became a great annual forum for publicizing the abolitionist cause and forming public opinion. As an 1844 advertisement for the festival at Hinghamimplored, the First of August “should be a day for a memorial as well as a moral demonstration.” Initially the First of August celebrations, like earlier Fourth ofJuly meetings, Provideci impetus to form and expand Anti- Slavery auxiliaries. For instance, Chelsea and NewYork City anti-slavery societies held inaugural meeting on August 1, 1838 and 1840, respeetively.36 In addition, the correspondent of the 1836 fall River observance reported that “astrong impulse was given to our cause. . . by these meetings; many new members were addedto the different Anti-Slavery Societies” and between four and five hundred dollars were ccllectecl.37 Such funciraising and recruiting efforts characterized most First of August festivals.Beyond sustaining their own organizations, however, abolitionists used this event to “attractmany who have held themselves aloof from the vulgar Anti-Slavery lectures” and dlispel the“ignorance w’hich prevails in the community on the subject of slavery generally and WestIndian Emancipation in particular,” evidencing its goal to broaden and shape public opinion.’ Attending a First of August meeting exposed the participant to the famous white andAfrican American abolitionist personalities, including Wendell Phillips, Charles Burleigh,Edmund Quincy, Frederick Douglass, ‘William Wells Brown, Charles Remoncl, and Will-

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iam Lloyd Garrison, who offered annual orations to those assembled. These speeches became the main attraction at the celebrations. The 1848 Lynn festival advertised that “themost eloquent and able ach’ocates of the anti slavery cause will be present.... No effort willbe spared to make the occasion of the greatest advantage to the cause of Humanity andFreedom.”39 Organizers sought to attract additional speakers with broad popular appeal,such as RalphWaldo Emerson Especially prized, however, were speakers with knowledge ofthe West Inches, such asJoseph Robinson, a former slave from Bermuda, and the ReverendMr. Bleby, an Anglican clergyman from Jamaica. The biracial composition of these antislavery advocates indicates the abolitionist intention to create a racially inclusive festival thatpromoted their commitment to racial equality. To bolster these anti-slavery and racialequality sentiments throughout the North, First of August celebrations expanded beyondthe traditional centers of abolitionist activism. About one such 1853 jubilee in Frankfort,Ohio,J. Mercer Langston reported, “the people here have heard few anti-slavery speechesand their minds are comparatively dark on the slavery question.. . . I pounded the truth upontheir hearts so as to make them think, feel, and . . . act.”4 Resulting from the abolitionistemphases on organizational strength and anti-slavery oratory, the First of August celebrations resembled large anti slavery conventions in the guise of a festival.

While the First of August commemorations and other abolitionist meetings shared thecommon purpose of promoting and publicizing the anti-slavery crusade, abolitionists dcsigned these freedom jubilees to transcend this mundane function. As one advertisementproclaimed, the First of August “well deserves to be. . joyfully commemorated... [as] anoccasion for general thanksgiving . . . [by] a long and happy clay in innocent festivity andjoyful interchange of congratulations and of hopes.”11 To further this aim, abolitionistsdevised a unique set of festive symbols and ritual practices for these celebrations. The symbolic significance of its location and decoration, its use of food, and its rituals performed1differentiated the First of August from other abolitionist gatherings.

After 1842, abolitionists conducted the First of August festivals in a natural setting; agrove defined the celebratory space. While practical considerations, such as space requirements and weather, contributed to its selection, the grove itself assumed symbolic significance. The correspondent at the Dedham gathering wrote that this straight close of pinetrees signified “the erect position of true abolition and of the nearness of spirit of true abolitionists.”42 There may be another explanation for the selection of the grove: church authorities ceased to make their building available to abolitionist meetings in the 1$40s. Continualreferences to groves as “God’s first temples” in First of August festival advertisements inconjunction with reported examples, as in 1844 Concord where no church would providenleeting facilities, suggests this conclusion.43 In another instance Frederick Douglass attacked the Geneva, NewYork, Presbyterian Church whose refusal to accommodate a First ofAugust gathering offered an “insult to Dr. Cheever. a minister of the gospel. . . [and] againstthe cause of freedom and humanity.”44

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While thc selection of setting has multiple explanations, the fcstival’s decorations provicle more consistent messages. Countless newspaper reports commented on the abundance of flowers decorating the grove and garnishing the meal tables. The presence of flowersagain reflected religious symbolism. As the 1844 Concord meeting reported, there were “somany flowers, which said to us ‘God is love, God is love:”15 Evergreen boughs also recur innewspaper descriptions. \Vhile the evergreens’ significance remains unclear, perhaps it represented abolitionists’ efforts to keep the cause of the slave ever green in their hearts.46 Thesymbolic meaning of nature, flowers, and evergreens transcended the grove. The Committees of Arrangement of the Weymouth and Leicester celebrations decorated the respectivemeetingliouses with flowers and evergreen boughs. In addition, the African American procession in New Bedford contained banners adorned with evergreens and flowers.47 Thesesymbolic images reinforced shared religious beliefs and the importance of the individualhuman heart inherent in abolitionism from its evangelical Protestant roots. White abolitionists, consistent with their come-outer tradition, pursued the anti-slavery cause in theisolation and security of a grove.4 This natural setting, embraced by white abolitionists,contrasted with the essentially urban African American First of August festivals. While African Americans also met in groves, their accompanying processions and evening meetingsasserted possession of urban space more consistent with American Independence celebrations.

Whether commemorated at a grove or in town, abundant food characterized First ofAugust festivities. Food enhanced the pleasure of the occasion and demonstrated the sacrednature of the event. In American culture, food accompanies community cclcbrations.4Throughout the antebellum period, abolitionists engaged in fasting to atone for the sin ofslavery and to sympathize symbolically with the condition of the slave. Newspaper accounts, however, contain only two examples of ritual tasting on the First of August.5° ThePhiladelphia (African American) Female Literary Society’s 1836 meeting offered only “breadand water” the 1844 Concord celebration, attended primarily by white women, abstainedfrom eating as “fnod was a trifling affair” while the great work of abolition continued.51 Occasionally accounts depict “simple” or “plain” food. For example, Frederick Douglass reportedthe New Bedford 1853 jubilee served “plenty of plain and substantial food, consisting of a“simple fare of bread, ham, and cold water.”52 Nevertheless, the majority of accounts describetheals as “sumptuous,” “abundant,” “luxurious,” and “in the best style.” Fine foods wereparticularly prevalent at African American celebrations. At Springfield, Massachusetts in1857, for instance, “the tables were garnished with flowers and loaded w’ith delicateconfectionary and substantial viands,” while Boston’s 1838 African American soirée offered“meats, nicely dressed, vegetables, pastry, and fruits were abundant.”53 The jubilee’scelebratory character, however, did not extend to alcohol consumption, which so often characterizeci the Fourth ofJuly festivities and so repelled abolitionist reform values. Newspaperaccounts make disparaging references to the few occasions in which toasts were not made

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with “cold water” and celebrations had not conformed to temperance principles. Although afestive occasion, the First of August reinforced traditional reform values.

By 1842, First of August celebrations developed a consistent set of ritual practices thattranscended their ‘West Indian origin. Instead, abolitionists borrowed Fourth ofJuly conventions and forms, substituting their own document of liberty, heroes, history, and music.In this transmutation process, the British Act of Emancipation received the same reverenceas the Declaration of Independence. First of August advertisements and festival plenaryremarks referred specifically to this “glorious Act of British philanthropy.” In 1835, theLibctatot stated, “the words of the Act are remarkable and deserve to be held in perpetualremembrance.”51 Ritual readings of the British Act of Emancipation occurred intermittently, perhaps due to its legalistic ineloquence, but the ritual increased in the 1850s, especially at African American celebrations. However, a remembrance ritual recounting ‘WestIndian emancipation’s history, its beneficial results, and its British abolitionist heroes didbecome an enduring feature that characterized First of August celebrations. Emulating therhetorical conventions and eulogistic style of Independence Day addresses, these commemo -

rative orations exchanged the emancipation struggle for the Revolutionary \Var, the Britishabolitionists Thomas Clarkson, William Wilberforce, and Elizabeth Heyrick for the Amencan patriots George \Vashington,John Adams, and Patrick Henry, and emancipation’s advantageous effects for America’s glorious history. Similarly, “soul-stirring” anti-slavery songsand hymns, including “Holy Freedom,” “The Day of Jubilee,” “The Dawn of Liberty,” and“Progress of the Cause,” supplanted the patriotic music of Fourth ofJuly. Banners at First ofAugust processions appropriated familiar patriotic imagery. The Liberty Bell, for example,was convertcd to the abolitionist cause through the addition of anti-slavery devices andslogans. While white abolitionists refused to adopt Independence Day’s ubiquitous military displays, which contradicted their non-resistance values, African American festivalsprominently featured African American militia companies. Such African American cadetunits first appeared at New Bedford in 1851, and the Libcmror reported similar military exercises there in 1856 and 185$, at New York in 1855, and at Pittsburgh in l$56. In addition,Frederick Douglass reported that Independence Day rituals of tolling church bells and cannon salutes punctuated the 1859 First of August in Geneva, New York, commenting, “theringing of bells, firing ofguns, and sounds of music. . . gave proof of the general joy, the greatgood nature and the boisterous merriment of the colored people.”56 13y performing this set ofritual practices patterned on contemporary Independence Day commemorations, the First ofAugust experience yielded a collective abolitionist purpose and identity, just as Fourth ofJuly rituals had advanced American nationalism during the early national period.

Through their common settings, festive foods, and recurring ritual performances, Firstof August celebrations helped forge a community spirit among abolitionists and bolsteredtheir enthusiasm for the anti-slavery crusade. To further this collective identity, the lunchhour completed this clay of festivity, dedicated to “the gratification of [abolitionists’] moral,

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intellectual and social natures.”57 The first explicit reference to recreation appeared in theannouncements in 1845, a period of declining organizational strength of the abolitionistmovement. The annual Massachusetts Anti-Slavery society’s festival location moved from‘Worcester to Framingham, citing its better grove, new hail for refreshments, and its “numerous seats and swings . . . [and] boats upon the pond . . for the hours of recreation andamusement.”59 The jubilee’s recreation function developed a community spirit and a mutualsupport network that encouraged its members to realize, in the words of one Concord celebration participant, “what a privilege it is to be an abolitionist.”59 Through the inclusion ofrecreation in the First of August events, abolitionists endeavored to build a community ofabolitionists and ensure that “every one return [ed] to his home with his faith increased, hishopes brightened and invigorated with renewed cleterminanon never to give up the strugg1e.”’°

Rituals of Race: Promoting Racial Equality

The abolitionist community attempted to transcend racial divisions within America.While mainstream Fourth of July celebrations routinely barred African American participation, First of August jubilees encouraged their active involvement. To promote their commitment to racial equality, abolitionist newspapers publicized the inclusive, biracial character of First of August celebrations. In advertisements for the events, the Committees ofArrangement invkecl “the friends of impartial liberty without regard to creed, caste or cornplcxion.” Furthermore, newspaper coverage frequently described the number and composition of participants. for instance, two thousand people attended the 1843 Dedham festival,as the Lthcrator correspondent reported, “from every sect, class and condition of men withoutinvidious distinction of sex and color, they came together as abolitionists, rejoicing over atriumph of freedom.”62 Although the i\ Iassachusetts Anti Slavery Society sponsored jubilees remained predominantly white, African Americans occupied highly visible positions asmusicians and orators. African American juvenile bands and choirs enlivened the annualcelebrations, ever since Mrs. Paul’s children’s choir performed hymns at the first Bostonobservance in 1834.63 At the rostrum as well, prominent African Americans contributed tothe festival’s inclusive appearance. ‘While African Americans seldom delivered keynote addresses, their orations, interspersed with their white counterparts, demonstrated their participatory, non segregated role. African American speakers, however, often confined theirremarks to depicting the conditions of the slave that followed slave narrative conventions. Forinstance, Lunsforci Lane recounted his personal experiences in slavery at the 1843 Weymouthgathering. Joseph Robinson, a former slave from Bermuda, offered personal reflections to his1848 Lynn audience on \Vest Indian emancipation’s effects.61 Prominent African Americans‘ho attended white-sponsored celebrations, including Charles Remond, Frederick Douglass,and WilliamWells Brown, regularly addressed political, religious, and racial prejudice top-

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David Robc irs

ics. During the 1$50s the First of August’s biracial participation expanded beyond therostrum. Encouraged by this trend, the Lthcrator publicized that “never., have so many ofour colored citizens and friends. come up to this commemorative meeting” as attended

the 1856 festival at Abington grove! The same year at Salem, Ohio the local white antislavery society “cheerfully waived their own arrangements and participated” in the AfricanAmerican organized events.67 Despite the increased occurrence of biracial gatherings, theexplicit efforts of abolitionists to include African Americans, and the presence of black orators, separate African American First of August jubilees persisted and flourished throughoutthe antebellum period.

White abolitionists, cognizant of these distinct African American celebrations that divided the abolitionist community, sought to eliminate them. Acknowledging the naturaldesire of African Americans “to signify by a distinct and separate exhibition, their appreciation of liberty, and their deep participation in the joy” of the first ofAugust, an 1844 Liberatoreditorial appealed, “the time has fLilly come for them to cease. . . [this] isolated and exclusiveform, especially on such a gladsorne festival.”6 Despite persistent white criticism, AfricanAmericans continued to organize competing observances. As a correspondent of one suchexclusive First of August jubilee lamented in 1852, African Americans “do not intend toexclude anyone. .. [but] they extend no invitations to their anti-slavery friends;” therefore,whites who attend “must do it at the risk of seeming intrusion.”6 Articulating the AfricanAmerican response to these white abolitionist appeals,Jehiel Beman stated that while “acknowledging the sympathies of our white friends, he con sidereci that they could not, havingnever been placed in the same circumstances with the colored people, feel as they do incelebrating this great event.”71 The persistence of these separate celebrations suggests thatFirst ofAugust festivals served purposes for the African American community that could notbe satisfied by attendance at white-sponsored events.

Differences between white and black commemorative rituals and their relative emphases illuminate the purposes the first of August filled for African American communities.African American celebrations frequently included processions and evening events withinpublic space, as well as participation by military units, ritual readings of the British Emaiicipation Act and Declaration of Independence, and occasional cannonades and church bellsalutes. In inventing their own First of Augustjubilee, African Americans combined FourthofJuly conventions w’ith their ow’n community traditions of New’ England Election Day andNew’ York Pinksterfestiva1,which both contained processions and evening galas. Althoughthe incorporation of previous African American traditions provides one explanation for theseidentified differences, the First of August differed markedly from these earlier festivals. BothPinkster and Election Day events emphasized the community’s connection w’ith its Africanorigins and traditions.7T In contrast to these earlier festivals, the First of AugList, w’hilefostering a similar community spirit. emphasized American middle class reform values andAmerican republican beliefs. African American First of August gatherings, in addition to

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FORC;OTTEN AXIER1c A ORSERVANCE

providing a forum to agitate for an end to American slavery, a goal shared with broaderabolitionism, endeavored to forge a cohesive African American community and promote themoral improvement and civil rights of that community within American society.72

Annual community festivals facilitate the development of a collective identity amongtheir participants. For African Americans, the First ofAugust celebrations defined the membership and location of the community, highlighted its institutions, and mobilized its members for the collective benefit. The African American community leadership initiated andsupervised the extensive planning that such large-scale events require.73 Frederick Douglassdescribed a typical Committee of Arrangement as “composed of energetic businessmenzealously devoted to the object.”71 Equally zealous religious and fraternal organization leaders also contributed organizational expertise to the preparations. While organized by community leaders, the celebrations included members from all social and economic statuslevels. As the l$48 invitation to Rochester’s First oF August jubilee proclaimed, “let everycolored man and woman within 200 miles” gather to “make the occasion memorable.”75After defining participation to include the entire African American community, the Committee of Arrangement selected the festival’s location carefully, which, similar to white abolitionists’ use of a grove, conveyed symbolic meaning. The 1851 Long Island celebration’sorganizers selected Weeksville; “the object in having it there,” they related, “was mainly tocongregate on the grounds ow’ned and occupied by our own people” and to aid the localeconomy.76 Fulfilling the identical function in urban centers, African American communityinstitutions, principally its churches and Sabbath Schools, focused community spirit to thevisible symbols of the African Americati community. These churches aicl schools, such asBoston’s Belknap Street Chapel and Trernont Temple, provided the assembly point for Firstof August processions, as well as provided space for evening meetings.

The First of August processions further symbolized community cohesion, proudly displaying the community’s corporate institutions. An observer at the 1854 Providence cavalcade attested to its inclusiveness, describing the passing of many “carriages of all kinds fromthe aristocratic coach to the humble one horse wagon.”77 The festival’s inclusiveness, however, did not eliminate class and status distinctions. African American processions featuredmicktlc-class benevolent and literary societies, fraternal organizations, and juvetiile schoolgroups and music ensembles. One New Bedford parade, for instance, included the UnionClub, the Morning Star Beneficial Society, the Seamen’s Assistance Association, a juvenilesociety, and the International Organization of Odd Fellows chapter.76 The following year theNational Era reported that the “United Colored Americans, Sons of Liberty and other organizations . . in full regalia” comprised Dayton’s First of August cavalcade.79 While whiteabolitionists marched by town, African American processions of benevolent societies exhibited pride in these community symbols and reinforced a cohesive corporate identity. Inaddition, First of August orations repeatedly expounded the concept that securing civilrights depended on the prior emergence of African American unity. “Our deliverance .

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David Robcits

must come from ourselves,” concluded one speaker at the 1858 Springfield celebration. “Whenwe respect ourselves, and respect each other and stand by each other . . white men will[acknowledge our rights].”811 William Watkins highlighted this theme more succinctly,proclaiming, “In Union there is strength.”8’

The evening festivities also fostered this community spirit by providing a collectivesocial experience and mobilizing community support. During the period between the afternoon and evening Eestivitie, African Americans engaged in formalized social calls and serenades to prominent citizens, such as those reported at New Bedford in 1851.82 These activi -tics as well as the soirees and balls reinforced and expanded social networks within theAfrican American community, building enduring socio-economic connections. Furthermore, evening events included funciraising fairs, such as Cincinnati’s fair to raise support forits Colored Orphan Asylum, to support the community’s institutions and mutual benefit.63As the annual festival that assembled all members of the African American community, theFirst oF August created and bolstered a distinct community pledged to its own mutualsupport.

In addition to encouraging this collective identity, the organizers of African AmericanFestivals sought to both influence public opinion within their community and project apositive image to the broader society. Embracing and promoting middle-class reform valuesprovidTed the means to cultivate public sentiment.81 Antebellum reform beliefs valued ceonomic independence, supported by education; self-respect, evidenced by personal appearance; and self-control, evidenceciby temperance. Accepting these values, the organizers ofFirst ofAugust celebrations emulated the goals and tactics of the broader antebellum reformmovements and crafted their celebrations to exhibit these qualities. First of August speechesindicated the role of event organizers as reformers of African American community. In acldition to the standard orations on West Indhan emancipation and the American anti slaverycrusade, African American speakers addressed recurring themes of moral improvement. In1845 a speaker at Boston’s African American First of August meeting encouraged “coloredcitizens to improve every opportunity to elevate among themselves the standards of morality.”65 African American leaders believed these standards of morality, synonymous withmiddle-class values, provided the key to political and social elevation. As a result, AfricanAmerican leaders both condemned and sought to reform, as Mr. Sketon at a Columbus,Ohio First oF August meeting explained, “those persons who by their servility, degrade therace” and encouraged the “proper exhibition of self-respect” among African Americans.86“[We must] rid ourselves of ignorance and intemperance and show that we respect ourselves,” William Wells Brown proclaimed, defining the specific ciualfties of moral improvement, and must “educate our children, give them professions or trades and let them havecapital within themselves that shall gain them wealth and influence . . and make themselvesindependent.”87 While assembled to commemorate West Indian emancipation, the First ofAugust jubilee proved an excellent forum for those who sought to reform the African Amen-

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FOIUOTTFN Auciucax OBsrRvNcE

can community. Dclivcring speeches engaging moral elevation themes, which promotedmiddle-class values of morality, independence, and rcspectability, African Americans employed American cultural beliefs in their public discourse.

Through thc First of August celebrations, espccially the processions, African Americanssought to demonstrate thcir adoption of American cultural values. The bencvolent societies’prominent participation in the parades, in addition to fostering corporate spirit, revealedtheir existence to the broader community. All participants in the cavalcade donned theirbest attire, which heightened the festive atmosphere and displayed the African Americancommunity’s prosperity. The benevolent society members often dressed identically “in fullregalia” that included white pantaloons with clark coats, while women wore white dresseswith flowers and wreaths; children, too, “were not only neatly, but elegantly attired” and wellbehaved.8 This selection of clothing communicated important symbolic messages regarding the participants’ respectability and domestic acumen. In the period’s allegorical language, appearance denoted personal qualities. “Neat and tidy” clothing conveyed self-respect; wearing w’hite clothing, which shows stains readily, demonstrated the “spotless” physical appearance as well as moral character of the participants. White clothing, moreover,signified simplicity and good taste, which evidenced respectability. Newspaper accountsclescribect African American first of August attire sometimes as “holiday attire” or “aristocratic finery,” but more frequently as “neat and tidy,” “in good order and taste,” or “simple andbecoming.” The participation of women, the locus of antebellum gentility and domesticityimagery, in the processions enhanced African American assertions of respectability.89 APoughkccpsie Eagle correspondent clearly understood this symbolism when he depicted theapparel, commenting that there “prevailed a staid dignity and genteel bearing and mannerwhich proved that they duly appreciated ... the occasion.”9 \Vhile clothing and women’sparticipation signified respectability, children’s participation represented future moral andsocial elevation. In addition to marching as members of schools, bands, and juvenile societies, children rode in carriages infusedwith symbolic significance, such as those depicting theconditions of slavery and freedom at the Cincinnati’s 1855 parade, or the beehive-shaped“Car of Industry” at New Bedford the following year.9 furthermore, children carried bannerswith morally uplifting themes. For instance, schoolchildren bore a banner inscribed, “Knowledge is Power” at Rochester’s 184$ celebration.92 Subsequent banners in that processiondeclared “Ethiopia Shall Stretch Forth Her Hands to God,” and below a Christian cross“With This We Overcome,” advertising the African American community’s religious piety.93Since its symbolic meaning exemplified piety, moral improvement, and respectability, theprocession ritual’s retention in African American First ofAugust festivities suggests effortsto cultivate positive sentiments within the local white community in order to counter thenegative images of African Americans as lazy, stupid, disorderly, and musical perpetuated bythe minstrel performances of the contemporary American theater.

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Duvid Robcrt.s

Projecting a positive collective image to the broader community clcpcndecl on the decorous commemoration of the First of August. African American organizers sought to conducttheir First of August jubilces without the violence and tumult that accompanied contemporary Independence Day celebrations. In the period’s public discourse, drunkenness connoted disorder; therefore, African Americans employed micidile-class temperance values toensure the perceived propriety of these festivals. Corresponding to the white abolitionistpromotion of a vision of racial equality and harmony in America through encouraging andpublicizing biracial gatherings, African Americans asserted their proper inclusion in Amen -

can public life by ensuring and disseminating newspaper accounts attesting to their orderlyFirst of August festivals. While “to many of us the First of August is ... a clay freed fromordinary restraints,” reported the North Star, “the masses conducted themselves with propriety as well as freedom.”1 Recalling the 1848 Rochestcrjubilee, Frederick Douglass related,the “day passed harmoniously, soberly, and pleasantly without any of those riotous manifestations which are too apt to disgrace the rejoicing days both of blacks and the w’hite.” Thatsame year the National Reformer, expressing the hope that “our Fourth ofJuly might... be asorderly and appropriately celebrated. . as was the first of August by our colored citizens,”indlicateci the reception of this symbolic message by the white reform community.96 Throughtheir adherence to temperance principles as in their emulation of other middle-class values,African Americans enacted a strategy to prove their “worthiness” for American civil and po -

litical rights. The First of August prm’idecl the forum in which this “w’orthiness” could bedemonstrated to the community.

In enlisting First of August celebrations to execute this strategy, African Americansused the processns, which occupied public space, to assert their inclusion into Americanpublic culture. As the 1850s progressed, African American possession of public space in -

creasingly included locations with political significance, such as public squares and townhalls. For instance, the New Bedford celebrations convened annual evening meetings at itsCity Hall after 1851. First of August festivals’ ritual performances correlating to Independence Day activities, including renditions of the British Emancipation Act and the Declaration of Independence, salutes of cannon and bells, bonfires, marching bands, and militarydisplays, communicated the community’s “Americanness” and emphasized its commonalities with the white community. Appealing to shared traditions and a common heritagereinforced African American claims for political and social equality. The participation ofmilitary units, which recalled African American participation in the Revolutionary War,bolstered demands for the blessings of the Revolution, especially those inalienable rights ofcitizenship embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

The Revolutionary theme and natural rights rhetoric, animated by republican ideology,recurred throughout First of August ritual and oratory. At the 1858 New Bedford gathering,‘William ‘Vells Brow’n reminded his audience that they assembled “not only [to] celebratethe anniversary ofWest Indlian emancipation, hut . . . [to] announce to the world our own

4]

fORGOITE\ A\IFRICA\ OssrR\ XCt

rights, our natural rights which are recognized in the Declaration of Tndcpendence.”7 Addressing New Bedford’s festival five years earlier, ‘William Watkins demanded their “rightsas men, as freemen, as citizens of the United Stites . those absolute inalienable rights, forwhich our fathers clied.” In addition, performance rituals emphasized their Revolutionaryheritage. During the 1844 evening soiree in Boston, for example, the unfurling of an AfricanAmerican regimental standard commissioned during the War byJohn Hancock highlightedthat America represented their native land.99 Reiterating this theme at Philadelphia’s 1836collation, a participant proposed a “cold water” toast to the “Colored Citizens of the UnitedStates—We love the country of our nativity; we have defended it against foreign invasion andwill veto co1onization.”°° In fact, the First of August served frequently to mobilize tileAfrican American community politically against colonization proposals, as well as to selectrepresentatives to national conventions. For example, tile 1849 Cincinnati First of Augustgathering elected delegates to tile national “Convention of Colored People,” while an 1851I ncianapolis jubilee assembled to discuss “the propriety of emigration and to elect delegatesto tile National Convention.”’ The culmination of tile First of August’s function as a political platform occurred with tile “Colored Citizens Conventions,” convened in New Beciforciand Boston in 1858 and 1859, respectively. The first of August festivities provided the symbolic invocation of the conventions, whose object was “to take into consideration the bestmeans of promoting Vfrican American’s] moral, social and political elevation.”02 Similar topreTious First of August celebrations, republican rhetoric pervaded this discourse. For instance, William ‘vVells Brown opened the Boston convention, appealing to African Amencans, “let us ...v indicate our right to citizenship and pledge ourseh es to aid in completingthe Revolution for human freedom commenced by the patriots of 1776 and see our country• . free.”°3 For the African American community, the First of August provided a politicalforum to express their collective identity, articulate their public agenda, and cultivate publicopinion in favor of civil and political equality through appeals to American cultural beliefs.

Conclusion: Resolving the Paradoxes

American First of August festivals offer historians a wealth of research opportunities,while presenting many ambiguous and paradoxical relationships: an American holidaycommemorating a foreign event, a rival celebration of American liberty employing Independence Day rituals; and separate and distinct white and African American festivals pursingmany common goals. As a result of these paradoxes, initial impressions often obscure thecelebrations’ significance and meaning.

During the thirty year history of the First of August jubilee, abolitionists invented arepertoire of ritual practices that bore only a cursory resemblance to West Indian emancipanon. Abolitionists instead understood and attributed meaning to tile event ill terms of the

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Dciv id Roberts

American cultural belief systems of republicanism and evangelical Protestantism’s middleclass reform values, thereby translating and mediating British emancipation into contemporary cliscoLirse concerning American liberty and slavery. To engage in this public discourse,abolitionists, both black and white, viewed First of August celebrations as the foremostforum to influence public opinioti for the eradication of American slavery and for the reclefinition of American liberty to encompass racial equality and harmony. Observing this rivalfreedomjubilee that opposed the American Independence festival’s hypocrisy and debauchery, abolitionists appropriated slightly modlifieci Fourth of July conventions, ritual forms,and aspirations of human liberty. As a result, First of August celebrations resembled morethan diverged from Independence Day commemorations. Each event’s ritual performancereinforced collective purposes and identities. Similarly, white and black First of Augustjubilees, while often convened in separate locations and comprised distinct rituals, served acommon opinion-making function that promoted a shared commitment to emancipationand racial equality, expressed in the same discursive language. Moreover, First of Augustcelebrations forged collective identities and mobilized mutual benefit networks that bothwhite and black abolitionists considered crucial to sustaining and furthering the cause. Theapparent divisions between w’hite and African American festivals represented different em -

phases and tactics to pursue common strategies and goals. Ultimately, both sides of thehistoriographical debate contribute to understanding abolitionism’s multifaceted character.While identifying divisions highlights abolitionism’s complexity, these commonalities con -

y how it confronted and interacted with the contested political and public culture of ante -

bellum America.American commemoration of West Indian emancipation provides one final paradox.

Abolitionists vowed repeatedly to celebrate this event “until the great clay of the deliveranceof the American slave shall furnish us with a true birth -day of American Liberty.”104 However,First of August festivals continLiedi after the issuance of Emancipation Proclamation and theratification of the Thirteenth Amendment, proving the importance of this annual event mdcpendent of its original commemorative significance. Through its continuation, abolitionistsand African American communities sought to perpetuate their collective unity and theirinfluence within the public debate regarding African American civil and political rights. Atthe 1865 Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society sponsored festival at Abington Grove, SamuelMay contended that the time has “not quite come yet for us to discontinue its observance,”because the failures of the apprenticeship system offered lessons for Reconstruction.105 Asthe Liberator, the principal source of First ofAugust celebration reports, ceased publication in1865, the existence of subsequent white abolitionist festivals remains unexamined. Othersources document African American First of August jubilees continuing into the l$fOs.Nevertheless, its annual observance discontinued with the passing of the antebellum AfricanAmerican community leaders. One newspaper report commented, “there have been no celebrations of Emancipation Day since the death (circa 1875) of Abe Trower, a colored man.

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FORGOTTEN AtrRlcAN OBSERvANcE

through whose efforts the event was commemorated each August by a grand picnic.”1°’ AsReconstruction ended, abolitionists dispersed, and the African American antebellum generation passed away, the glorious First of August faded into obscurity, becoming a forgottenAmerican holiday.

David Roberts rcccivcd a BachciorofArts degree from the University ofCalifoniia atDavis, wherehcspcciaiizcci in Russian history anti titeraturc. Aftcralmost ten vcars in VublicAccountingandHcalthcareAd,ninist ration, Robcti.s rctwncdtoschooltoputsucgradttatcstudics in histon Robertsreceived a i\IastcrofArts degree in historyfrom San Frcmcisco State University in i\1ay2002, withancmphasi.son the tinitedStates colonicil and antebellum penods. “Potgotten American Obscn’uncc”is the200l 2002 SaraRuthAward winncrforbestsubnnssion to Ex Post Facto.

NOTES

I Liberator, 16 August 1839.2]uneteenth Day commemorates the day when African Americans in Texas learned oi their emancipation on June19,1865. The annual celebration of thisclay continues amongAfrican American communities.The historiography of nineteenth century public festivity aids in examining the First ol August. Serving as amodel to emulate and reject, the Fourth ot]uly was particularly significant. Three recent historical accounts,Simon Newman, ParadesanclPolitics oftheStreet:Festh’eCulttue in tlieEctt lvAmehcan Republic (Philadelphia: UniversityotPennsylvania Press, 1997), Len Travers. CelebratingtheFoutth: IndepcttdenceDavandtlie Rites ofNcttionalism in the EarlRepublic (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press. 1997), antI David \\‘aldstreicher, In tltcMiclst ofPerpetualFetes: The ?slukingofAniericun Nationalism 1776 1820 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), assessthe role of the Fourth ofjuly’s public rituals in forging a national identity and an arena where its definition wascontested. In addition, African American celebrations—New England’s Negro Election Day and New York’sEaster festival Pinkster—werc another source on which to pattern the First of August. Perhaps the bestdiscussion of the rituals associated with these celebrations is the article by Shane White, “‘It Was a Proud Day’:African Americans, Festivals, and Parades in the North, 1741 1834” Jountal ofAmerican History 81 (june 1994): 1350, which describes the importance of these festivals to African American communities.Barbara Eldof, ForEvenSectson:TheComplete GtncleioAfriccntAmeiicmtCelebrations liadit tonal toContemporan’ (New York:Harper Collins Publishers, 1997), 288 89.A note on source methodology and limitations. This analysis relics primarily on articles in the 1_i berator—whichcovered the Massachusetts Anti Slavery Society’s and the Boston Airican American community’s celebrations,with occasional references to other gatherings throughout the North—anti the newspapers edited by FrederickDouglass: the NorthStar,FrcclerickDouglass’ Paper, and the Dotigktss’Montltlv, which includes Douglass’s descriptionsof the celebrations he attended. These sources were review’ecl as follows: Liberator 26July 1834 to 1 October 1865;every year was scanned from the second week of] uly through the [irst issue in October. The same approach was

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David Robcrt.c

applied to the DougIasscclited papers for the following years: 184$ 1849, 1852 1855, 1859 1863. Due to gaps inthe collection, the following individual issues were scanned for incomplete years: 1850,5 September, 3 October;1851, 21 August. 4 and 26 September; 1858,17 September. Although mainstream newspapers ignored thecelebrations prior 1850 and include limited notices thereafter, the NcwYorhlimcs was scanned for five issuesfollowing 4 July and 1 August between 1852 and 1859 to obtain a mainstream perspective This source material,however, contams methodological limitations, including authors’ biased efforts to promote abolitionism andincomplete accounts that fail to convey participant motives and perceptions explicitly as svcll as inconsistentcoverage of celebrations beyond New England. Despite these limitations, the many detailed reports revealconsistent activity patterns, illustrating bow various anti slavery communities observed the First of August.The inspiration forthc community building function of the First of August wasprovidecl by AbnerCohen,\ last juctcidc Politics: Evplorai ion in thcStiuctwco[Urban Culttnall Iovemcnts (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press,1993), 5. He demonstrates how the Notting Hill Carnival in London became an “all West Indian institution”that came ‘to symbolise as well as enhance and demonstrate their corporareness and cohesion” that overcame‘divisions between island of origin, age, and neighborhood” to create their “identity here in Britain.”7The concept of public sphere originated with the pioneering work ofJurgeti Habermas, ThestmctutalTraitsfoisalion ofthcPublicSphcre, translated byT. Berger and F. Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989). This analysis,howeser, relieson the worksofAmcrican historians,who have pursued the discursive attributesof “publicculture” in the American context, notably Thomas Bender, “Wholes and Parts: The Need for Synthesis inAmerican Historv”JournalofAinericcmHistorv73 (June1986): 120 36, and Kathryn Kish Sidar, Florcncc Kclkvand theNation’s l’ork: TheRiseof’tI ‘omen’s Pol lOcal Cuftwc, 1830 1900 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), xii xv.0Jane NI. Hatch, ccl., ThcAmcricctn liookofDays (New York: The H. \\‘. Wilson Company, 1978), 621.Frederick Douglass, “What To the Slave Is the Fourth ofJuly?”Qvford Frederick Douglass Reader, ccl. William t_.Anclrews (New York: Oxford University Press., 1996), 118.19.6’Alcssanclra Lorini, RitualsofRacc:Amcricau PuthlicCulturcandtheScarchforRacial Demooacv (Charlottesville, VA:University Pi’ess of \‘irginia, 1999), xiv.“\\‘alclstreicher. 11. \\‘alclstreiehcr identifies the importance of newspapers and other printed media in creatingthe meaning of Fourth of July celebrations beyond the events themselves and analy:es this integral component ofthe public discourse.Benjamin Quarles, BlackAboliuionist(l_ondon: Oxtorcl University Press, 1972), siii.Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, BoundWith Them in Chains:A Biographical HistouyoftheAnti Slavcty ?s Iovement(\Vestport, CT: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1972), 22. Pease and Pease provide one such example of this trend.‘4James BrewerStewart,HolyWarriors:TheAbolitionistsandAmericcinSlcuven’ (NewYork: Hill antI Wang,l996), 125.‘5]ulie Roy Jeffrey, The Great Silent AimvofAbolitionism:Ordinaiy Women in theAntislaveuyMovement (Chapel HifI, NC:University of North Carolina Press, 199$), 4.16 The source information for this discussion of a typical Fourth of July was drawn of newspaper accounts ofcelebrations in New York and reports from other cities that appeared in the New York Times, 5]uly 1852 and 5]uly1855.° Lit,crator, ] $ July 1851.‘ Ibid., 21 August 1840.Ibid., 14 July 1843.

20 Ibid., 11 August 1843.a Ibid., 11 July 1851.Ibid., 22 August 1845.Ibid., 7 August 1863‘ lbicL, 27 July 1861. Abolitionist appropriation of the Fourth of July symbolism isconsistentwithflavicl\Valclstrcicher’s argument that Americans resolved their abhorrence of factionalism in the Early National Periodby depicting themselves as the legitimate inheritors of Revolutionary ideals. See \Valdcrstreicher. 9.

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FORGOTTEN AIcRIcAx Ol1scRvAxcE

Libcmtor, 27June 1856.Ibid., 13 July 1855.Ibid., 26 July 1834.ibid., 10 August 1838.Ibid., 30 july 1847.1_yclia sIariaChUcLTIicRig1itU’uv,ThcSafcU’uv Ptovccl bvEniancipcnioti inihcBuitish’cstIndics cuici Elscw’Jicrc (Louisville,

KY: Lost Cause Press. 1962), 92 95.Similar to the First of August festivals in the United States, historians have not explored the rituals or even

existence ol ongoing commemorative traditions in Britain or the \Vest Indies. As a result, insutficient sourceinformation precludes detailed comparison ofAmerican and ‘vVest Indian traditions, Limited glimpses providedby the abolitionist press in the United States suggests that West Indian celebrations used British cultural forms,such as singing”Gocl Save the King” in 1834, distinct from American festive traditions. In Britain, the First ofAugust was observed only intermittently after 1834; their renewed commemoration after 1850 coincided withrising British public opinion concerning the isstie of slavery in the United States. The international aspects of theFirst of August warrants further attention, but is beyond this article’s limited scope and purposes.This process of the translation of foreign events into existingdiscourse is similar to Audrey Fisch’s examina

tion of the British response to American slave literature and lectures in 18 SOs Britain. See Auclrey A. Fiseh,Ainci’iccniSkivcs ui Vict onus EiigluiithAbc1itioni.st Politics inPopulcwLitcruturc and Cuktu’c (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 2000), 10.° I_ihcratoi’, $ ALigust 1845.° Ibid., 9 September 1842,° Ibid., 26 july 1844.Ibid., 27July 1838 and 14 August 1840.Ibid., 13 August 1836.Ibid., 21 july 1843.ibid., 14] uly 1848.Ibid., 2 September 1853.Ibid., 21 July 1843.Ibid., 5 August 1842.Ibid., 9 August 1844.Douglass Monthly, August 1859.Libcrator, 23 August 1844.

IC’ This expression may be an antebellum commonplace. An observer at a contemporary meeting of nonabolitionists to honor the Pilgrims encouraged people to always “keep their memory green in our hearts.” Libcrutoi’,5 August 1853. In addition,green has traditionally represented hope in western folklore.T Lthcrutor, 11 Atigust 1843; 8 August 1845; and 15 August 1851.The come out tradition was a theme in antebellum reform movements. The term originated to describe how

individuals, energized by the evangelical fervor of the Second Great Awakening, left existing congregations toform new evangelical religious denominations. These people were referred to as “come outers.” The termbecame applicable to additional groups who “came out” from religious and political institutions to pursue areform agenda, such as various communitarian movements antI the Garrisonian abolitionists.Theodore C. Humphrey mcI LinT. Htimphrey, ‘c GuthcrlogctlicrFotclund Fcsiival i,iAmcrican I_iTt (Ann Arbor,

Ml: UNII Research Press, 198$), 1 2. Humphrey and Humphrey analyze the use of food in creating individualand collective identities and festival foods as a form of cultural expression.fasting nuy inclicategencler divisions het ceo male and female conceptions and participation in abolitionism,

since both these examples were gatherings organized and attended by women (one gathering white women andthe second African Americanwomen) and no corresponding male examples are documented.

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David Robeits

Ijbcrcttor, 17 September 1836 and 23 August 1844.Frcdci’ickfloughtss’ Paper, 12 August 1853.Liberator, 14 August 1857 and 10 August 1838.Ibid., 25 july 1835.

u Ibid., 15 August 1851; 19 August 1855; 15 Augtist 1856; and 20 August 1858.56 Douglass’ Mont IOu, Atigust 1859.v Lthcratcw, 8 August 1845.ibid., 30 July 1852.ibid., 7 August 1846.Frederick Douglass’ Paper, 27 july 1855.

° Liberator, 2SJune 1850.62 Ibid., 4 August 1843.6; ibid., 9 August 1834.61 ibid.. II Atigust 1843 and 25 August 1848.During the 1850s Douglass and Brown attended African American celebrations with increasing frequency,

“‘ Liberator, 8 August 1856.Ibid., 15 August 1856.ibid.. 9 August 1814,Ibid., 20 August 1852.ibid., 11 August 1843.

71 Shane White, “It Was a Proud Day’: African Americans, Festivals, and Parades in the North, 1741 1834,”Jotu’nalo[Amctican History 81 (June1994): 13 50,provicies extensive discussion of the rituals associated withElection Day and Pinkster observances in the African American community, and the transition from At’rican toAmerican emphasis.African American First of August celebrations’ dual and concurrent purposes to form a distinct African American

coDective identity anti to argue for incorporation into American society recal]s WEB. DuBois’s iclenhfication ofthe African American “double consciousness” in TheSoids ofBlack Folk. The first of August festivals may providethe origins or eai-l’ expressions of this current of African American thought that warrants further investigation.For ftirther discussion, see Wi]liam B. Gravely, “The Dialectic of Double Consciousness in Black Americanfreedom Celebrations, 1808 1863,” Journal ofNcgro Histoiy 67 (Winter 1982): 302 17.° This role and the aspirations of the African American community leadership evidences the existence of classand status clivisionswithin the African American community that are unfortunately beyond the scope of thisaiticle.North Star, 21 July 184$.

° Ibid.76 Frederick Douglass’ Papei’, 4 September 1851.°Liberatoi’, 4 August 1854.Ibid., 19 August 1853.ibid., 25 August 1854.

°° ibid., 20 August 1858.Frederick Dottglass’taf;er, iS August 1854.° Libcrcttor, 15 August 1851.° Ibid., 19 August 1853.°° Terryc Barron YiEar, “Afro ,American Music in North America before 1865: A Studs’ of ‘The First ofAugustCelebrations’ in the United States,” (Ph.D. cuss., University of California, Berkeley, 1984), 20i. Yizar argciesunconvincingly that although African Americans adopted Euro American fashion, music, and conventions, theunderlying structure of first ofAugust festivals, especially its music, remained African. Rejecting this argument,

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I contend that African Americans adopted Etim American lbrms and middle class values to project a positiveimage to the white community; this interpretation is consistent with ShaneWhite’s analysis of African Americanfestivals during the Early National era in his article, “It \\‘as a Proud Day. African Americans, Festivals, andParades in the North, 1741 1$34,”]ounial ofAmerican Histmy 81 (June 1994): 13 50.Liberator, 8 Atigust ]845.FrcckrickDouglass’Paper, 18 August 1854.° Liberator, 19 August 1859.Frederick Douglass’ 0017cr, 10 August 1855.The participation ofwomen in the processions and their non participation in afternoon orations and soiree

speeches indicates an interesting gender dynamic within the African American community that, while beyond thescope of this article, warrants further investigation.Liberator. 26 August 1859.Ibid., 27 July 1855 and 15 August 1856.Ibid., 1 September 1848.Ibid.Douglass’ loiithlv, August 1859.Frederick Douglass’ Paper, 4 August 1843.North Star, II August 1848.Liberator, 19 August 1859.Ibid., 19 August 1853.Ibid., 9 August 1344.Ibid., 17 September 1836.Ibid., 20 August 1849 and 1 August 1851.Ibid., 19 August 1859.Ibid.Ibid.. 5 Augtist 1842.Ibid.. Ii August 1865.Yiar, 138.

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