Firstpost book, Prime Minister Narendra Modi

8/12/2019 Firstpost book, Prime Minister Narendra Modi

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Prime Minister

Modi


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Table of contents

Decoding A Never Before Mandate

Real Modinomics: Why free market supporters could be in for a shock 04

With mandate for economic reform, heres what Modi must do next 06

Mandate Modi: What India really wants from its new PM 07

Perils of the big mandate: Why Narendra Modi must be careful 09

Five ways Modis big win has changed Indias political reality 11

For A CEO-style Leader, A Cabinet To Match

Yes Prime Minister! Why Modis cabinet picks dont matter 15

Arun Jaitley vs Arun Shourie: Frontrunners for FM in Modi sarkar? 17

Free for all: In Modi sarkar, BJP netas scramble for top posts 19

Sneak peek at Modis cabinet: Jaitley as FM, Rajnath for home 21

New PM, Old Fears

The 69% issue: Will Modi stand for those who didnt vote him? 24

Why Gopal Gandhis open letter to Modi is wrong-headed and odious 27

Threatening Ananthamurthy: Will Modi-led BJP say no to right wing thugs? 29

Early Forays Into Foreign Policy

Why Modis invite to Sharif is no olive branch to Pakistan 32

A hawk or a moderate? Modis National Security Adviser must know Pak 34

Can Modi diplomacy improve ties in Indias western frontier? 36

Modi invited SAARC leaders for swearing-in to strengthen ties: BJP 38
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Decoding A Never Before Mandate


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Real Modinomics:Why free marketsupporters could be in for a shock

MK Venu May 14, 2014

Some classical right wing economic think-ers trained in American universities arealready imagining that Narendra Modi

would follow an economic policy templateinformed by the "efcient market hypothesis".

Arvind Panagariya , Professor of Economicsat Columbia University who has publicly pro-claimed his admiration for Narendra Modi'sGujarat growth model, has already begun airingideas for Modi.

These economists, anxiously trying to sell newideas, will be disappointed simply because Modiprefers very pragmatic, homegrown economicmodelling and may not have much patience fortheoretical categories received from the west.

Modi could use market solutions if it suits himor he could even go for a completely State-ledapproach on key policy questions which mightresemble some of Amartaya Sens prescriptions,shocking doctrinaire market economists. Inshort, Modi will defy known templates of eco-nomic theory and practice. This is because thestarting point of Modis thought process will bethe political economy framework within whichthe farmers, craftsmen, weavers, small busi-

nesses and the self employed operate.

For instance, his promise virtually at every pub-lic rally of providing creative employment to the

bulging youth population is likely to involve the

use of State apparatus on a big scale.

What really needs to be watched is how Modiuses the the State apparatus to drive new ideas.This is something classical liberal economistsare deeply uncomfortable about. ManmohanSingh was inherently averse to using the Stateto directly provide employment. He was initially

very uncomfortable with the rural employmentguarantee programme. Modi wants to further

institutionalise MNREGA by linking it to assetcreation.

Modi explicitly promised last week at a publicmeeting in Varanasi that he would come up

with a cost plus formula to provide the farmersa return of 50 percent over the total input costsincurred. This means if the total cost incurred

by the farmer is Rs.100, he would get Rs.150 forthe produce which the government will ensure.

Now market oriented economists dislike anyeconomic activity carried out on a cost plus

basis. They would simply want the marketto dictate the price received by the producer,

whether a farmer or a manufacturer. Modi hasproposed a Market Stabilisation Fund for farm-ers to get optimum price for their produce. AndModi seriously believes he knows his agricul-ture economics after Gujarat's high agriculturegrowth rate over the last decade. Though many

economists are extremely uncomfortable withthe idea of a market stabilisation fund, Pana-gariya has sought to propose some form of cashtransfer to farmers instead of creating a fund.But Modi may think differently.

Panagariya and Jagdish Bhagwati are bothstaunch believers in the larger welfare benetsof removing barriers to free trade in goods andservices. Modi's bias may be to protect the do-

mestic sector in critical areas, like retail, insur-ance, banking etc where BJP may argue furtherstrengthening of the local industry before open-ing up.


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Modi has said publicly he would follow the Gan-dhian economic model of Trusteeship which ispassionately endorsed by BJP's ideological men-tor, the RSS. It might be interesting to imaginea conversation between Jagdish Bhagwati anda few Sangh Parivar elders on this subject. Oneclearly recalls what Bhagwati had said about ahomegrown economist who gave regular in-puts for policy making during Vajpayee's NDAregime. Bhagwati had publicly tried to deridethat economist by saying, If he is an economist,then I am a Bharat Natyam dancer.

Those were the days when reputed economiststrained in the West would be wary of associat-ing with the BJP and Sangh Parivar, describ-ing them as non-modern in their approach.

Of course, things have changed dramaticallynow. Top economists are lining before the BJPleadership with their CVs and ideas to revivegrowth. Indeed, some of them may not evenmind doing some Bharat Natyam, if required.

Ultimately Modi will treat technical advice forwhat it is -- just advice, and then proceed to dowhatever is politically pragmatic and effective.Modi will attempt to deliver high GDP growth.But make no mistake, his bigger obsession will

be to politically consolidate the new social con-stituencies he has managed to attract under hisleadership, especially from the other regionalformations in the 2014 general elections.


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With mandate for economic reform,

heres what Modi must do nextDhiraj Nayyar May 18, 2014

The mandate given by the people of Indiato the Narendra Modi-led BJP and NDAis strikingly similar to the one received

by Indira Gandhi in 1971. And its not just aboutthe proximate seat tallies (Indira won 352, Modihas won 334). These are perhaps the only twooccasions in democratic Indias history that aparty has won a decisive positive mandate basedlargely on the promise of a new economic agen-da. In 1984, the last time a single party achieved

a majority in Parliament, Rajiv Gandhi won onthe back of a sympathy wave. The verdicts of1977 and 1980, also clear mandates, were nega-tive votes, against the authoritarian Congressand the inghting Janata Party.

But in 1971, Indira Gandhi fought the polls onan aggressive left-wing economic platform. Andthe resounding mandate she received for Gar-ibi Hatao euphemism for a much greater roleof the state in the economy -- translated intosignicant change in policy. Without passing

judgment on the merits of either, the nation-alisation of banks and the abolition of princelypurses were radical measures backed by a plu-rality of voters.

Now, in 2014, voters have handed NarendraModi a clear mandate the BJP has a simplemajority without any allies. For the paranoid

on the Left, this is a mandate for brute majori-tarianism. That is the view they may share withsome extreme right-wing loonies.

But for a majority of those who voted for Modi,this is a mandate to x Indias moribund econ-omy, to revive the India story which has goneso horribly wrong in the last three years and tolead India to its rightful place in the comity ofnations.

Unlike 1971, this is a verdict against big gov-ernment. Rather ttingly, it may actually beTHE nal verdict to remove the last vestiges oflicence-permit raj and the statist economy thatIndira Gandhi had introduced after the man-date of 1971.

Modi likes to say that this is a verdict aboutaspiration and hope. It is. But it is also about a

specic path to a better economic future. ModisGujarat model of minimum government, maxi-mum governance is essentially about

1) Getting the state out of the business of busi-ness,2) Abolishing excessive policy discretion,3) Heavy investment in infrastructure4) Investment in skills and human resource de-

velopment rather than spending on doles and5) Trusting the states rather than the Centre todeliver public services.

It is the anti-thesis of the Nehru-Gandhi model.And because the Gujarat chief minister usedthe Gujarat model extensively in the campaign,he has acquired the mandate and legitimacy toimplement its principles in India. He will needto persuade his ministers and Parliament to act.

There are no excuses, like coalition pressures,

for the future Narendra Modi government. Thenext prime minister doesnt seem like a politi-cian who looks for them in any case.


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Mandate Modi:What India really

wants from its new PMR Jagannathan May 19, 2014

The beauty of an electoral verdict is that

we can read all kinds of things into it,depending on where we come from. But

if we were to take a birds-eye view, here aresome thoughts on what the electorates decisionto give the BJP a majority of its own - and theNDA a super-majority - could mean.

First, it is a mandate to deliver results. It is notabout right-wing ideology or anything else. Thecampaign was on governance and development,and the electorate has offered Narendra Modithis bargain: you need a majority, you have it.Now, give us growth and governance.

Second, it is a mandate against false identitypolitics. But it is not a mandate for majoritari-anism or exclusion. Even though Muslims mayhave voted against the BJP in many places, thepeople who did vote for it except for somemarginal fringe elements - did not do so to

bring in sectarian politics. A decade of stronggrowth has made all communities aspirational.They know that sectarianism will kill growth.

Third, it is mandate against dynasty politics.The fact that the only non-BJP victors in Ut-tar Pradesh are all Gandhi or Mulayam familymembers should shame both these families.

When the electorate rejects all their candidates

but themselves, the only thing it proves is thatthere is still a feudal vestige left in some places.But every other member of these parties must

be wondering if they are in the right place. Theonly parties to receive thumping mandates oftheir own Mamata in West Bengal, Jayalalith-aa in Tamil Nadu, and Naveen Patnaik in Odi-sha are all non-dynastic. Patnaik is an excep-tion, but he is a bachelor, and has no family axe

to grind in Odisha.

Fourth, the mandate is for restoring the prestigeof the Prime Ministers Ofce. The last 10 yearsof the UPA left the ofce debased, thanks to theexcessive meekness of Manmohan Singh, andthe Dynastys deliberate efforts to hold on to thereins of power indirectly. This is what made thechoice of Modi the ultimate non-dynast, whois no ones idea of anybodys lackey obvious tothe electorate.

Fifth, this is a decisive vote for change cuttingacross classes: the upper classes want growth,the middle classes want jobs and higher sala-ries, and the lower classes want inclusion withdignity, not patronising doles. This is why a gov-ernment that enabled the biggest redistributiveeffort ever was booted out of ofce ignomini-ously. Modi represents growth with dignity.

Sixth, this is a mandate for a responsive govern-ance. The people are fed up with governmentsthat seem remote. The rise of the Aam AadmiParty in Delhi before Arvind Kejriwal screwedup - is because the people saw a leader respond-ing to their needs. Modi epitomises responsiveleadership of a different kind: he talks to thepeople directly and in their lingo without theneed for middlemen. His ofce nds a way togive ordinary people access by being responsive

to their emails or grievances. Thats one reasonwhy Modi scored.

Seventh, this is not quite a mandate against cor-ruption. Despite the entry of BS Yeddyurappa


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in Karnataka, the BJP won. But it is a mandateto make corruption less all-pervasive. No one

wants corruption to become a huge impedimentto getting things done. Modis appeal is that hehas steadily whittled down the need for peopleto interact with venal government ofcials inGujarat so most things can get done withoutmuch hassle. Gujarat can hardly claim to be acorruption-free state, but systemic corruption isreducing steadily and transparency increasing.

Eighth, this is a mandate from the rest of Indiato tame Delhi; it is a revolt against the domina-tion of the Delhi political and social elite in In-dian politics. This is why they chose a rank out-sider to Delhi and gave him a massive mandate.Modi represents the regional anger with Delhisdominance in the national discourse. The states

want Modi to tame Delhi. The emphatic wins ofMamata, Jayalalithaa and Naveen Patnaik alsoemphasise the anti-Delhi nature of the man-

date. Remember, all three have been mentionedas potential prime ministers.

Ninth, the mandate shows that the nation isspeaking more or less with one voice. This is afervent plea from all Indians that we need tomake India great again. Different Indians may

want different things from India, but this is asclose to a national consensus vote as there islikely to be. Nothing epitomises this more thanthe sad defeat - zero MPs - of the BSP. The Dal-its are joining the mainstream.

The bottomline message from the voter is this:give us a government that works, not a govern-ment that gives us excuses for non-perform-ance. It is a mandate to change Indian politicsand governance for the better.


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Perils of the big mandate:Why Narendra Modi must be careful

Akshaya Mishra May 19, 2014

Narendra Modi must be careful, verycareful. With big popular mandatescome tagged the warning note: Dont

take peoples support for granted, it will bewithdrawn if you fail to meet expectations. Hehas promised too much, been all things to allpeople; now he has to prove that all that hypearound him is backed by substance. He is stillan untested quantity in national politics. He will

be under watch.

Modi would be well-advised to look into thecases of Mayawati and Mulayam Singh Yadav inUttar Pradesh. The former won a whopping 206seats of the states 403 in 2007, but squanderedthe goodwill quickly. Just as she was gettingcomplacent that she had worked a formidablesocial engineering formula to stay in power, theshocker came in the form 2012 assembly pollresults. Her BSP was reduced to 80 seats whilethe Samajwadi Party managed a handsome 224seats. After the impressive victory, Mulayamsparty was quick to go back to its errant ways.The slap from the voters has been resounding it ended up with a paltry ve seats of the 80 inthe state in the just concluded elections.

While the UPAs case will remain a persistentreminder what complacency can do the fate ofpolitical entities, he can take a look at the re-sults in the last few elections in Rajasthan too.

Massive mandates and near total blank outscome together in the desert state. Big mandatesare no guarantee for a second chance. Theycome with conditioned attached.

The biggest trouble with the UPA-II was mis-reading the verdict of 2009. Inside the party it

was interpreted in several ways; efforts weremade to t the mandate into ideological strait-

jackets. At the end of its ve-year term, there

was still no consensus on the nature of the vic-tory. This resulted in the party pulling in severaldirections in all matters, particularly the econ-omy. Problems in analysing electoral successor failure arise when the wildly complex factors

that determine results are reduced to a set offew standardized ones caste engineering,communal polarisation, populist schemes andcoalition building, for example. Such analysistosses thousands of other variables that inu-ence voting out of the window.

Modi should avoid this reductionist tendency a common disease among experts whileanalysing his success and not carried away. Itleads to a trap where successful parties keepgetting into. Heres a look at the way he shouldnot interpret his victory.

Its a victory for the Gujarat model of economy:Well, it is not. While economists keep tom-toming about the magnicence of the model,

theres reason to be skeptical about its exclusiveexistence in the state in the rst place. The so-called model is a broad template which all otherdeveloped and less developed states have beenfollowing since the opening up of the economy

with varying degrees of success. He should notbe guided into believing that a one-size-ts-alleconomic formula would work in a country withsuch diversity. And yes, he must remember thatthe villager in Uttar Pradesh or Bihar who voted

for him does not quite understand models. Hehas invested trust in him, it is Modis job to notlet him feel alienated from the economic proc-ess.


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It is a defeat for secularism: No way. Modi isstoutly backed by elements who are stronglyassociated with aggressive Hindutva and subtlyplaying up his hard line image was an importanttactical move in the battleground states. There

were attempts at communal polarisation ofvotes in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Now that theparty has come with impressive performancesin both the states it should not be construed as adeathblow to old world secularism. They did not

vote for the likes of Mulayam and the Congressbecause the parties were making secularism anexcuse for other serious failings. The Indian vot-er is impatient with forces of disturbance andinstability. Once theres a feeling that the partyis encouraging disruptive forces, the voters

would take no time to turn his back on him.

Its a mandate for one-man rule: The votershave spared Modi the trouble of a heading a co-alition government. It is a unique mandate andhe should feel fortunate about that. However,this should be no license to run roughshod overothers, particularly those with contrarian pointsof view. Indians appreciate a strong leader, butthey also hate leaders with a dictatorial ten-dency. Contemporary India is rich with ideasand opinions. Any action to muzzle expression

would be counterproductive for him. He mustbe wary of the regressive forces his victory islikely to unleash.

Modi is known to be a pragmatic person, noteasily swayed by theories that dont appeal tohis political common sense. But he too needs to

be careful.


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Five ways Modis big win haschangedIndias political reality

Lakshmi Chaudhry May 17, 2014

Everyone will inevitably focus on the bigtallies: the sheer awesome size of theModi tsunami; the abject defeat of the

Congress; the shocking upsets and devastatinglosses. It is a new era under a new leader, one

where the Gandhi surname can still win a seatbut no longer the election; where minority votesare required to prevail; where regional alliancesare no longer a necessity. But the historic vic-tory is not just about what no longer holds true.

But the real story of this election is better toldand understood when we pull together ve out-comes that together trace the contours of a radi-cally new political reality and hints of futuretrends that will lead to a truly new India.

Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh: The biggest Jat leaderin Uttar Pradesh lost the constituency he hasheld since 1998, when he formed his own party,

the Rashtriya Lok Dal. That Ajit Singh lost to arst time BJP candidate, former Mumbai PoliceCommissioner Satyapal Singh, is perhaps the

best symbol of the size and strength of the Modiwave in Uttar Pradesh. It was indeed a tsunamias Amit Shah predicted.

The unprecedented consolidation of the Jat votebehind the BJP marks its complete dominanceof Uttar Pradesh politics and one that shouldgive great pause to its current ruling SamajwadiParty. The SP had built a winning electoralcoalition by aligning Jat and Muslim voters, aformula that now is irretrievably broken. Thenext state elections arent till 2017, but we canexpect Amit Shah is already planning SPs fallright now.

Ajit Singhs fall marks the decisive realignmentof UP politics and voting blocs that no one party

will be able to undo in the near future. If Modi

can paint the Hindi heartland saffron both atthe state and centre over the next couple of

years, BJP will remain unbeatable for a very,very long time.

Uttar Pradesh may well be the staging groundfor a long era of BJP hegemony.

Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh: It was an enormousgamble, but Arvind Kejriwal was a man usedto doubling down on bad odds. After all, it had

worked so well for him in the past. No one inAAP seriously expected Narendra Modi to doa Sheila Dikshit, but a strong showing fromKejriwal would have, in one fell swoop, put him

in the same league as the most popular nationalleader in recent history.

But unfortunately, Dame Luck no longer fa-vours the ultimate aam aadmi and has not fora while, not since he pushed his luck over andover again. The last straw being the silly deci-sion to abandon the largesse in Delhi for im-aginary gains in Varanasi. Kejriwal wanted toposition himself as the only credible anti-Modileader in the country. He has instead managedto underline the vast and seemingly unbridgea-

ble gap between his ambitions and his strength.More damagingly, the one sole bright spot for

AAP ie Punjab has little to do with its leaderwho didnt campaign prominently for its candi-dates in the state.

The lesson for AAP is clear: It wins when it putsissues before personality and publicity gim-micks. In other words, keep it simple, keep it


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longer can the Chidambarams and Jaitleys hopeto ascend the highest peak without ever facingthe people. The only mark of leadership is theability to win elections starting with onesown.

Elections 2014 are not just historic becauseof the sheer numbers on the board. They arehistoric because they represent a classic realign-ing election, decisively shifting voting blocs and

behavior. These are not outcomes driven by

temporary factors such as an assassination ora national catastrophe. And they are thereforefar harder to shake or alter by merely rejigger-ing a campaign message or party platform oralliances. The mandate received by Modi marksthe beginnings of a new political power congu-ration both at the centre and in the states, andtherefore will be driven by a new power dynam-ic whose workings will unfold more fully overthe next ve years.


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For A CEO-style Leader,

A Cabinet To Match


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Yes Prime Minister!Why Modis cabinet picks dont matter

MK Venu May 22, 2014

There is frenetic speculation on what sortof Cabinet will Narendra Modi choose inorder to deliver the big promises he has

made to the nation. Normally in a coalition ar-rangement, as in the case of UPA, the partners

were actively consulted and indeed they wouldmake their wish known to the Prime Minister.

This routinely leaked to the media and oftensuch likely appointments would be debated onTV channels, as had happened in the case oftelecom minister A.Raja after Manmohan Singhtook charge as PM under UPA II. Coalitionpartners routinely put their claim on certainimportant ministries. Mamata Banerjee hadspecically asked for Railways, a high visibilityportfolio from the perspective of the commonman. One was also reasonably certain thatSharad Pawar would get Agriculture, given hisinclination for that portfolio.

But with Narendra Modis thumping electoralvictory the Cabinet formation is totally shroud-ed in secrecy. There are no claimants fromamong the coalition partners and only Modiknows what sort of Cabinet ministers he willappoint. Of course there is some certainty thattop leaders of BJP such as Arun Jaitley, RajnathSingh, Sushma Swaraj would get some impor-tant portfolios.

It is also obvious that Modi will give a majorrepresentation to UP and Bihar where BJP hasmade a huge dent, especially among dalits and

backwards. There would be predictable politicalmessaging on these aspects. Modi will take careto give representation to states like Tamilnadu,Orissa and West Bengal, Assam where BJP hasshown impressive performance for the rsttime.

Though the media is incessantly speculating onthe names of Cabinet ministers, the real sur-prise will be in terms of the structure of admin-istration that Modi places at the top. A hint ofthis came from Arun Shourie who has said Modi

may have a quasi Presidential style govern-ance structure at the PMO. This is interesting

because the BJP consciously ran a presidentialstyle campaign and the vote was projected asa referendum on Modi. It is natural that this isfollowed up with a somewhat US Presidentialstyle working arrangement at the PMO level.

What could this be like?

Simply put this means Modi will have a verystrong PMO with key persons driving policieson the economy, foreign policy and national se-curity. The policies will be eshed out and thenhanded over formally to the Cabinet Ministersconcerned, whether nance, defence, commerceor home for implementation. Modi may directlyconsult the Cabinet ministers before the details

of policy are eshed out and then it is pushedhard at the political level with full backing givento the bureaucrats to implement.

This arrangement somewhat takes away theindependence presently enjoyed by the Cabinetministers and the top bureaucrats working un-der them. Of course you wont have a situationlike Jiaram Ramesh writing a letter to the PMdisagreeing with him on environment clearanceor Kamalnath writing to Planning Commissionto refrain from interfering in the award of roadprojects, or the Home Minister disagreeing withthe UIDAI authority on how to go about cover-ing the population for granting unique identity


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numbers!

Under the Modi arrangement, the PMO ofcialsmight be experts from the outside or former bu-reaucrats with special skills, who will guide thegovernment. It may be recalled that during theNDA regime we had a very strong Principal Sec-retary in Brajesh Mishra. Mishra had tried to setup a Special Management Group(SMG) to drivepolicy and direct other ministries. That schemehad got sabotaged because both Vajpayee andMishra did not have the full backing of the thenRSS leadership which accused Mishra of creat-ing an extra constitutional authority. This timethe RSS may support such an authority underModi. The RSS has fully owned Modi and hisstunning victory. So the PMO this time will haveunhindered powers.

In a way, one can imagine that under Modis

Presidential style of policy making every detailwill be eshed out between the PM and con-cerned ministers, and the passing of the deci-sion at the Cabinet will be a mere formality. Forinstance, the big ideas in the Union budget will

be decided by the PM and the FM will work onthe details with the help of the tax departmentand expenditure division. In UPA II, Man-mohan Singh hardly gave any big ideas of hisown for budget making and Pranab Mukherjee

would nalise the draft budget and send it , asper protocol, to the PM for his clearance.

Manmohan Singh, even if he disagreed withsome provisions, like retrospective taxation,perhaps chose not to intervene. In NarendraModis government the ow will be reversed.

All big ideas will ow from the PMO which will

have the strongest secretariat possibly since thedays of Indira Gandhi.


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Arun Jaitley vs Arun Shourie:Frontrunners for FM in Modi sarkar?

Dhiraj Nayyar May 21, 2014

There is no ministry more crucial for thesuccess of Narendra Modi's govern-ment than the Ministry of Finance. The

BJP has won a stunning mandate on a promiseto revive the stalled economy. And ve yearsfrom now, the government will be judged on itseconomic performance. So it's hardly surprisingthat all eyes are on who Modi will choose for theimportant task.

There has been plenty of speculation on whowill be the nance minister: Arun Jaitley, ArunShourie or Bimal Jalan/Deepak Parekh/ArvindPanagariya. Leave aside for a moment the indi-

viduals. The choice before Modi is this: appointa professional politician, appoint someone whocombines politics with obvious economic exper-tise or choose a hitherto apolitical technocrat.

Each has its merits and pitfalls. In the end,some of the toughest and most important re-form measures to revive the economy need im-mense political skills.

Would not a hardened politician, like ArunJaitley, be best positioned to get the Good andServices Tax implemented? After all, it wouldrequire someone with political stature to ne-

gotiate with powerful chief ministers, acrossparty lines, driving a hard bargain. Would italso not make sense for a politician to persuadethe country, with forceful articulation in sim-

ple language, about the need to prune wastefulsubsidies?

Remember also, that the BJP will not have amajority in the Rajya Sabha, so legislation willrequire support from opposition parties. Again,only a veteran politician would have the skillsto acquire this support. A seasoned politician

would also be able to crack the whip on cabinetcolleagues who lobby for wasteful expenditures.

Still, there isnt an open and shut case for aprofessional politician to occupy the nanceministry.

Could not someone like Arun Shourie, who hasbeen in active politics (but no longer is) andwho also has considerable domain expertise asa trained economist be better suited to the job?Perhaps someone who is not mired in partisan

politics and whose outstanding reputation asa technocrat is better positioned to persuadechief ministers on the merits of the GST. Also,someone with some expertise in economicsmay be better placed to direct a cutting down insubsidies and reorientation of government ex-penditure. However, on legislative matters, thepolitical weight of the prime minister may berequired. But that disadvantage could be morethan made up by the extra condence such anappointment would inspire in investors, bothdomestic and foreign.

The case for an outsider technocrat is based onthe Manmohan Singh experiment of 1991.

Of course Manmohan Singh wasn't much ofan outsider having been nance secretary, RBIGovernor and Deputy Chairman of the Plan-ning Commission. He knew the way govern-ment functioned. The chief argument against

someone who doesnt have extensive experi-ence in government is that they wont be ableto navigate the byzantine world of politics and

babudom. The main argument in favour is that


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a technocrat would not be burdened in anyway by the need to appease particular interestgroups or constituencies, a weakness of anyonein active politics. In a crisis, a technocrat backed

by a powerful prime minister may be an optionworth considering. But is India in such a crisistoday? Not necessarily.

Modis nal decision may depend on how muchof the heavy lifting on the economy he would

want to do himself. If he wants to be hands on,he will appoint a technocrat. But a prime min-

ister has several responsibilities, and Modi maynot want to get tied down to the many battlesthe nance ministry will have to ght its waythrough, with other ministries, with states, withthe bureaucracy. If that is the case, a politicianlike Arun Jaitley or a semi-politician like ArunShourie is the likely choice and not a technocrat.

Fortunately for all those with an eye on theeconomy, both the Aruns would be eminentlysuitable nance ministers.


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Free for all: In Modi sarkar,BJP netas scramble for top posts

Sanjay Singh May 21, 2014

At 6 pm on 26 May, Narendra Modi willtake the oath of ofce as the 23rd PrimeMinister of India in the forecourt of

Rashtrapati Bhawan.

This much has been known to the world sincelast afternoon. But even as he announced thetime after receiving President Pranab Mukhr-erjees letter, most BJP leaders were still in thedark about their 'role' in the new government.

The strength of the mandate, Modi-maniaamong party workers at large and his masterlyacceptance speech has left party leaders awe-struck and driven his in-house critics into eithersubmission or silence.

Most party leaders who think they could havehad some chance of getting a cabinet berth nowdont want to be seen seeking trivial details. Stillothers are making educated guesses about whyModi opted to assume ofce next Monday.

Party leaders suggest that it will give Modienough time to mull over composition of hisgovernment, its size and its priorities. He alsohas to ensure that there is a smooth transition

of government in Gujarat before he shifts baseto Delhi.

A reliable party source told Firstpost that Mo-

dis meeting with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwaton 10 May, the day campaigning for last phaseof polling ended, was very signicant. It wasdecided in this meeting that there would be nodirect interference from the Sangh Parivar ingovernment formation.

Modi has been given a free hand but he has alsobeen given a few suggestions, pertaining to min-istries that have a direct bearing on RSSs out-

look and work areas. These 'suggestions' relatedto four ministries, most notably to the ministryof HRD and culture.

There have also been talks between the top RSSfunctionaries and Modi to gure out the nomi-nation process for the post of party president ifRajnath Singh nally agrees to join the govern-ment, sources added.

It is, however, also true that despite the RSSsstated position, BJP leaders who are alsoministerial hopefuls are making a beeline toJhandewalan, the RSS headquarters. The factthat senior leaders like Nitin Gadkari, SushmaSwaraj, Arun Jaitley and Amit Shah have beenseen there is only fuelling suspicions that theRSS may try to force its preferences or recom-mend its favourites to the new PM.

While a number of BJP leaders believe thatModi, like he had done in Gujarat, will not allowthe RSS or any of its afliates to dictate terms tohim on issues of governance, some others raisedoubts over whether he will be able to do this,given the support he received from the organi-sation in general elections and the overt exten-sion of patronage to party leaders by senior RSSfunctionaries Suresh Soni and Dattatreya Hosa-

bale.

They are RSS point persons who act as a linkbetween the Sangh and the BJP. Soni, in partic-ular had played a pivotal role in Modis anoint-ment as prime ministerial nominee despite


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opposition from LK Advani.

Sources said Rajnath has been convinced by theRSS and his close supporters that he should jointhe government. Firstpost had earlier reportedthat Rajnath is tipped to get home ministry andis likely to be number two in the government.Defence is the other option.

Rajnaths entry into the Cabinet should havemeant the return of Nitin Gadkari as partypresident but Gadkari has made his preferencesclear join the government and take care of onekey economic or infrastructure ministry ratherthan taking care of the organisation. The soft-spoken and mild mannered JP Nadda couldtherefore see a surprise elevation to party presi-dent.

Arun Jaitley is a sure entrant into the cabinet,either as nance or external affairs minister.

With Rajnath and Jaitley in two of the big fourministries in the north and south bloc, there isgreat speculation about who will be given con-trol of the other two.

Modis keenness to make an impact throughthe Railways has generated lot of curiosity in

the BJP circles as to who would be entrustedwith this key portfolio. A reliable party sourceconrmed that there has been some support fortime tested technocrat E Shreedharan.

The idea behind his nomination was two fold,rst was his proven track record and vision forthe Railways and second, the fact that he is fromKerala. But given his age and current state of

health Shreedharan has expressed a disinclina-tion to take up a post as active as railway min-ister but he is not averse to heading an advisorypanel or something of that sort in the railways.

In his three-day stay at New Delhis GujaratBhawan, Modi met only a handful of BJP lead-ers, either his close condantes like Jaitley,Gadkari and Amit Shah or colleagues likeSushma Swaraj with whom he had to meetto ascertain their views. He chose to spend agreater portion of his time meeting with expertsand trusted retired bureaucrats, even taking a

brieng from the home secretary and sendingguidelines to the Cabinet secretary about whathe would expect in his rst brieng with thesecretaries of union government.

In his interactions with the leaders who methim these days, he has not revealed his cards.He has only listened to them. His control overhis emotions has often been bafing to those

who expected to get a clear response from him.

While his Cabinet will have the usual balance ofcaste, community and region, the biggest andmost curious questions still have no answers

will Sushma Swaraj will be one of the Big Four

ministers? What will be the role of two of thesenior-most leaders in the BJP, LK Advani andMurli Manohar Joshi? Who will get the HRDMinistry? Who will get the Railways?

Questions that only Modi has the answer to andat the moment, like a veteran Poker player, he iskeeping his cards close to his chest.


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Sneak peek at Modis cabinet:Jaitley as FM, Rajnath for home

Sanjay Singh May 19, 2014

Moments after BJP's parliamentarymeet was concluded, Narendra Modiurged Rajnath Singh to accompany

him to Varanasi. The BJP President had otherwork lined up in the day. Nevertheless, he can-celled all plans and decided to go with Modi.

More than a symbolic gesture - that of havinghis party's president by his side while he per-forms the widely-watched Ganga aarti - Modiand Rajnath decided to do the Varanasi triptogether to discuss the look of the Cabinet, saysources. Also, BJP's PM nominee was keen onconvincing Singh to take up a portfolio in thecabinet - possibly home.

A BJP leader told Firstpost on the conditionof anonymity that the rst person to take oathafter Narendra Modi is sworn in as the PrimeMinister, will be Rajnath Singh. By doing that,Modi will send out a strong message that Ra-

jnath Singh will come second, only after him, inthe power hierarchy.

The process that leads to Modi assuming ofceas the country's Prime Minister will be set inmotion on Tuesday. The 285 BJP MPs will then

elect Modi as their Prime Minister. A meetingof allies who are part of the NDA, will be thenheld. Following which, a group of NDA leadersled by Narendra Modi, LK Advani and Rajnath

Singh will meet President Pranab Mukherjeeand stake claim on the new government.

After a long time, Modi is trying to turn anotherpolitical philosophy into a reality - the idea thatforming the council of ministers is only thePrime Minister's prerogative.

Sources say that Modi has been consulting hiscondantes Rajnath Singh, Arun Jaitley and Ni-

tin Gadkari to decide on his cabinet, but no oneknows for sure what he has in mind as of now.Though there has been widespread speculationsabout the RSS' involvement and the leaders ofthe Hindutva outt have also made their pres-ence felt, they might not have a great say in thecabinet formation, if Modi's style of functioningis anything to go by.

On the other hand, Arun Jaitley defeat in the

polls will not affect his prospects within theBJP. Rajnath Singh has ofcially stated that theparty will make the most of his expertise. Giventhat he is still a Rajya Sabha MP, he might still

be a part of Modi's cabinet. Unless somethingcompletely unforeseen happens, Jaitley is all setto be the next Finance Minister of India.

Sources in the BJP have said that SushmaSwaraj wants to head the external affairs min-

istry. The foreign ministry is one of the mostsignicant ministries of the country and is espe-cially of great importance to Modi, given his his-tory of discord with the West. The external af-fairs minister also become a part of the CabinetCommittee on Security (CCS). However, givenSwaraj's conicted relationship with Modi, it isnot clear what role she would get to play in thegovernment, her expertise notwithstanding.

Right before the results were declared, Swaraj

had reportedly told Singh and Gadkari that shedoesn't wish to be a part of a Modi government- that might go against her now. Given that themassive mandate BJP has clinched is being


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largely attributed to Modi, there's little roomfor negotiations by others. A BJP leader saidthat Modi's critics will have to fall in line or stayout of his way - and this was made clear in theParliamentary Board meet attended by all topBJP leaders.

Another notable face in the government couldbe SS Ahluwalia, who won from Darjeeling,West Bengal. He is not only the only Sikh MPin the party, he also represents the party in

West Bengal, a state where the BJP doesn't havemuch clout yet. The other BJP MP from WestBengal is singer Babul Supriyo.

Shahnawaz Hussain, who was surely sup-posed to be a part of the cabinet, lost from theBhagalpure parliamentary constituency. That

leaves Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, a Rajya SabhaMP as the only Muslim face of the BJP in bothHouses of Parliament.

While Hussain's supporters are rallying behindtheir leader and have demanded he be includedinto the Cabinet and later be inducted in theRajya Sabha, that might not happen. A partyleader said since Modi was already making anexception in the case of Arun Jaitley, he wasin no position to make a similar exception foranyone else.

This might be the lowest the Gandhi family hasever fallen in politics, their BJP counterpart isset for better days ahead. While Varun Gandhi

will remain as general secretary, Maneka Gan-dhi would be inducted in the Cabinet, sourcessaid. Ravi Shankar Prasad will surely have a keyportfolio on his shoulders.

UP and Bihar is set to witness a strong repre-

sentation in the Cabinet After all, those are thestates that literally handed the polls over to theBJP.


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New PM, Old Fears


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The 69% issue:Will Modi standfor those who didnt vote him?

Sandip Roy May 20, 2014

It is an indisputable fact that NarendraModi has led the BJP to a clear majority onits own in the Lok Sabha.

It is equally an indisputable fact that at 31percent of the vote the BJP has the lowest voteshare of any party to win a single party major-ity in the same Lok Sabha. (To compare theBJP number in 2014 to the Congress in 2009is an apples and oranges comparison because

the Congress did not win a majority on its ownthen).

But to insinuate that because of the latter, theformer is somehow suspect or even illegitimateis mischievous, delusional and ultimately un-democratic.

While vote share might be of interest to pse-phologists and strategists, for the purposes offorming a government its the number of seatsthat counts. Thats the way the game has beenset up and no one can change the rules of thegame at this stage just because they are unhap-py with the results. And the BJP will rightfullyoccupy 282 seats in the 16th Lok Sabha thats52 percent of the Lok Sabha, not 31 percent.

Those who want to take solace in that 69 per-cent who did not vote for the BJP, or the 61.5percent who did not vote the NDA, can do so

but those numbers are in the end crumbs ofvery cold comfort.

If the 69 percent is important its not because itcan be used to question the legitimacy of Modis

victory but because it signals the work he has todo given that his supporters have been claim-ing a mandate in a way a Manmohan Singh wasnever able to.

If the BJP wants to downplay the importance ofits national vote percentage it cannot simultane-ously play up the tripling of its vote share in astate like West Bengal even though it only won acouple of seats there. Likewise Amit Shah is tooshrewd a strategist to assume that Mayawati isirrelevant in UP politics because her BSP drew a

blank in terms of seats. It still got 20 percent ofthe vote, something the BJP would be foolish toignore when time comes for Assembly elections

there.

Of course Modi does not have to be accommo-dating if he does not want to. (T)his this wasnot a mandate for consensus but for audacity

writes Swapan Dasgupta urging Modi to notyield to the merchants of caution. His partyhas a comfortable majority, he has a free handand he can rule as he wishes, serving the inter-ests of the 31 percent who elected him. He canstart building a Ram Mandir tomorrow andannounce a Uniform Civil Code the day afterand the 69 percent can do little except weep intotheir op-eds and blogs.

Yes, he can. But what good does it do him?

After Barack Obama won the US presidentialelection in 2004, a bitter and acrimonious elec-tion where his race had become a factor, Obamarejoiced in the historic victory, much as Modi

did in Vadodara, but Obama also reached out tothose who did not vote for him.

"And to those Americans whose support I have


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yet to earn, I may not have won your vote to-night, but I hear your voices. I need your help.

And I will be your president, too."

Many in that 69 percent were straining to hearechoes of that in Modis rst speech after win-ning as well. Modi gave some indication of that

when he said I want to tell my fellow Indiansthat in letter and spirit I will take all Indians

with me.

Obama tried, not always successfully, to liveup to his promise appointing Republicans tohis administration, trying to build a consensusaround issues like health care reform.

The 69 percent question for Modi will be howhe chooses to walk his talk. Modi wants to put

India rst. But as Ramakrishna, the mentor ofhis favourite icon Vivekananda put it jata mattata path. (there are many ways to God). OneIndia cannot be the same thing as homogeneousIndia.

While the nal vote breakdown numbers arestill trickling in, Modi and his advisors mustalready have a good inkling about who makesup that 69 percent. Muslims are the group who

have gotten the most attention. The nal datamight give the BJP some good news there. IndiaToday notes that the BJP won big in many seats

with high number of Muslim voters Lucknow,Gauhati, Chandni Chowk for example. It pointsout that of the 102 constituencies where at leastone in ve voters is a Muslim, the BJP won 47seats. In 2009 it had won 24 of those seats.

If a signicant number of Muslim voters, tired

of being taken for granted by Congress and SPhave in fact given the BJP the benet of thedoubt, Modi needs to reciprocate that gestureand build on it. While no one should begrudgehim his Ganga arati, and he can continue torefuse to wear a skull cap as a matter of princi-ple, Modi will have to understand that he is notdiminished by a visit to a dargah. That can bea sign of respect rather than a token gesture ofappeasement.

Meghna Patel might gush that hes like thatsingle uncle you fancy who occasionally comesover for meals but pre-poll studies have shownthat the BJP went into these elections with a

gender gap despite the best efforts of the likes ofthe all-female NaMo Bharathi group.

Rajeswari Deshpande of the University of Puneanalysed NES gures from 1996 to 2009 toconclude that Among those who favoured Modias prime minister, 62 percent were men and38 percent were women. Despite the PramodMuthalik volte face by the BJP bosses, women

who dont want any political party to policewhat they wear, when they leave the house,and where they drink, or whether they drink atall, view the BJP and its chhote bhaiyyas withsuspicion. Even after the BJP kicked him out,Muthalik reiterated his steadfast support forModi and said All I wanted was to see the BJP

becoming a major force in the state.

While Modi has been more successful thanany other BJP leader in giving his party a pan-Indian national footprint, the south and the eaststill remain the most unconvinced about hisparty. The road to Delhi might have been pavedthrough Uttar Pradesh but now it will be forModi to demonstrate that it does not look likethe country is being governed by Uttar Pradeshand the Hindi heartland. While the BJPs voteshare went up in every state including the

southern and eastern ones, Adam Ziegeldwrites in the Washington Post that The BJPremains relatively uncompetitive across a largeswathe of southern and eastern India.

And lets not forget that the much derided SujanSingh Park liberal worried about freedom of ex-pression and the gay Indian disappointed withthe BJPs stance on Section 377 are also partand parcel of this diverse India that Modi will

have to lead. Modi supporters might dismissthem as inconsequential whiners but the rightsto privacy and the right to dissent are not incon-sequential for the health and well-being of anydemocratic society.

Technically speaking Modi can ignore all thesegroups. The election results of 2014 have clearlygiven Modi the right to the bully pulpit. Thatdoes not mean the country has given him carte

blanche to be the bully. The 69 percent gure

should not be bandied to question Modis rightto be the next Prime Minister of India. But itshould be a reminder to him that all of India isnot on the same page as he is after an election


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that was presented as a referendum on him.

If Modi wants to claim a mandate, he shouldinclude that 69 percent in his calculations. Oth-erwise he could just claim victory and formulatepolicy on behalf of the 31 percent who voted for

him. Vote share or no vote share, Modi has thekeys the kingdom. Its his choice what he does

with it whether he decides to be the primeminister of India or the commander-in-chief ofthe 31 percent.


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Why Gopal Gandhis open letter toModi is wrong-headed and odious

R Jagannathan May 19, 2014

Iam appalled at the odious open letter writ-ten by Gopalkrishna Gandhi in The Hindutoday (19 May) to Narendra Modi, giving

him not only unsolicited advice, but effectivelytelling him he does not have a mandate to gov-ern. The best thing Modi can do is lie low and bea genial and over-compromising non-achiever

who keeps detractors happy.

After beginning his letter saying he did not wantto see Modi as PM, Gopal Gandhi asserts star-tlingly that while many millions are ecstaticthat you will become prime minister, manymore millions may, in fact, be disturbed, greatlydisturbed by it.

Now, how did Gandhi come to this conclusion

that many more millions may be disturbed bya Modi prime ministership? From the fact thatthe BJPs vote share is 31 percent. So Gandhiglibly concludes that 69 per cent of the vot-ers did not see you as their rakhvala. They alsodisagreed on what, actually, constitutes ourdesh.

Lets be clear. In a rst-past-the-post electoralsystem and in a fractured society like ours,

mandates will be won on the basis of a minorityof votes. This is the case not only with Modismandate, but everybodys in recent decades and it is true in the states as well.

But can a 31 percent vote be interpreted as a 69percent rejection rate? This is bunkum. All itmeans is that for the balance 69 percent, Modi for local and other reasons may not have

been a rst choice. It does not imply any kind ofrejection unless we are talking only about theminorities, where, admittedly, Modi has some

work to do.

The only way to get a minimum 50 percent

mandate is to have a French style system of hav-ing one or more eliminating rounds before thenal vote. This would knock out the parties withthe lowest shares in progressive stages leavingonly the two nalists seeking 50-percent plusand victory. The other way is to have a two-party system, or a German-style proportionalrepresentation system where parties getting lessthan 5 percent are knocked out. In this elec-tion, a German-style system of proportionalrepresentation would have left only the BJP and

Congress as worthy of parliamentary represen-tation. No other party touched 5 percent at thenational level.

But taking the Gopal Gandhi logic of 69 per-cent rejecting Modi to its logical conclusion, it

would still mean that Modi was the politicianIndia objected to the least. The Congress, with19.3 percent of the vote, was rejected by over 80percent of the electorate, the BSP by 96 percent

of the electorate. If you consider the point thateveryone, from Mulayam Singh to Nitish Kumarto Mamata Banerjee to J Jayalalithaa was alsoa contender for the PMs job, one can well sayover 95 percent of India rejected them. Only 69percent rejected Modi. (Actually, the gure is61.8 percent, since the NDA got 38.2 percent ofthe vote, and all NDA parties accepted Modi astheir PM nominee).

You may object that it is not fair to pit par-ties which are primarily present in some statesagainst national parties in terms of vote share,

but look at how they fared in their own states:Mamata Banerjee won 39.3 percent of the vote


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in West Bengal. Should we say 61 percent ofWest Bengal rejected her?

In the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections of2012, the Samajwadi Party got all of 29.13 per-cent of the vote. Should we now ask them to re-sign, since, by Gopal Gandhis logic, 71 percentof the state rejected Akhilesh Yadav?

Clearly, Gopal Gandhi was wearing his preju-dice on his sleeve rather than anything else

when he told Modi that 69 per cent of the vot-ers did not see you as their rakhvala. There isno basis to assert this.

Worse was his gratuitous advice to Modi onwhat he needed to do to redeem himself inthe eyes of his detractors. The sum total of his

advice is: let the opposition parties decide keyposts that will come up for deliberation early ina Modi administration.

To redeem the trust of those who have notsupported you, Gopal Gandhi advises Modi todo the following: When you reconstitute theMinorities Commission, ask the Opposition togive you all the names and accept them with-out change. And do the same for the panels on

Scheduled Castes and Tribes, and LinguisticMinorities. And when it comes to choosing thenext Chief Information Commissioner, the nextCAG, CVC, go sportingly by the recommenda-tion of the non-government members on the se-lection committee, as long as it is not partisan.

You are strong and can afford such risks.

So if the opposition plants mischief in theseposts, Modi is supposed to just take it lyingdown? Gopal Gandhi is essentially saying thattill he voluntarily rejects the powers he has beenconferred with, Modi will have no legitimacy.Gandhi did not give this advice to any previousgovernment in Delhi only to Modi.

And why would Modi want to be such a door-mat? Because, says Gandhi, many of the thingshe has stood for strikes fear, not trust. I dontthink anybody will disagree with Gandhis ideathat the fears of minorities need to be ad-dressed, and addressed fairly soon, but surelyhe is going overboard when he thinks that theidea of a uniform civil code is old and hack-neyed. It is one thing to address this issue sen-

sitively, quite another to think this essentiallyegalitarian idea is hackneyed.

The only thing old and hackneyed is the ideathat Modi is about to unleash a wave of Hin-dutva where Trishul-wielding militants will beTalibanising and terrorising India. Unfortu-nately, this is an idea that can be dispelled onlyover the tenure of Modis prime ministership.The proof of the pudding will be in the eating.

Meanwhile, anyone, including Gopal Gandhi,is free to continue with his scare-mongeringtactics.

(You can read the full Gopalkrishna Gandhiarticle here)
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/an-open-letter-to-narendra-modi/article6022900.ecehttp://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/an-open-letter-to-narendra-modi/article6022900.ecehttp://www.firstpost.com/


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Threatening Ananthamurthy:Will Modi-led BJP say no to right wing thugs?

Sandip Roy May 22, 2014

In what he now admits was a moment ofoverreaction, Kannada writer UR Anantha-murthy said hed leave India if Narendra

Modi was elected prime minister.

Now Modi is going to be the prime minister,and Ananthamurthy is still very much here ironically, under the protection of the Indianpolice.

The protection has been given because Anan-thamurthy has said he has received threateningphone calls from unknown persons. A groupcalled the NaMo Brigade has also sent him aone-way travel itinerary to Karachi.

The itinerary is a perfectly acceptable tongue-in-cheek riposte to Ananthamurthys emotionaloutburst. The same freedom of expression thatcovers his sentiments covers that reaction fromthe NaMo Brigade.

Threats however are a different matter. Andthat distinction seemed to escape the BJPsSeshadri Chari when he appeared on CNN-IBN

with Sagarika Ghose along with Mr Anantha-murthy as well as Javed Anand and Shabana

Azmi.

Mr Chari, had he wanted, could have seized themoral higher ground and set the tone. He could

have said that the BJP vehemently opposes Mr.Ananthamurthys views and thinks of them asinsulting and retrograde. But it just as stronglyopposes any threats to him for his dissenting

views. He could have categorically disassoci-ated his party from the threatening callers whoare after all unknown miscreants anyway andcondemned them. End of story.

But instead Mr Chari said "it takes two hands

to clap," suggesting that somehow Mr Anantha-murthy brought this on himself. He asked if Mr

Ananthamurthy himself was not being intoler-ant when making such statements about Indiasprime minister elect.

Mr Chari neatly elided over the fact that there isa huge difference between dissent and intoler-ance. Mr. Ananthamurthy had said he wouldleave India an action which threatened no vio-lence to any other person. That is qualitativelydifferent from those who call and try to intimi-date him. Freedom of expression can never bethe same as the freedom to threaten.

Yet that is exactly what most political parties inIndia routinely do. Mamata Banerjees govern-ment arrested a man for forwarding a cartoonshe didnt funny and threw a farmer in jail forquestioning her about fertilizer prices. TwoMumbai girls were arrested for questioning onFacebook the city's shutdown after Bal Thack-eray's death. Kapil Sibal tried to formulate rules

to purge the Internet of offending contentand force Google and Facebook to pre-screencontent. At that time Arun Jaitley fought backercely.

The days of censorship, of withholding in-formation is all over, he said. I believe if theInternet had been in existence, the Emergencyof 1975 would have been a big asco.

It is far easier to be a brave votary for freedomof expression from the benches of the opposi-tion. But the real test is in government whenone holds the levers of power. Now Mr Jaitleyshould walk his talk and draw the clearest,


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brightest line possible.

The Ananthamurthy case is probably much adoabout nothing. No one is really going to frog-march the Jnanpith winner to the Wagah bor-der. And this incident is hardly an indicator thatall the liberal doom and gloom scenarios arecoming to pass and dissent in India has had itsmouth taped shut by Modis mandate. Its notlike Amit Shah's minions are making calls to Mr

Ananthamurthy.

But it is an opportunity for the new BJP govern-ment to set a tone, to establish that it is a differ-ent kind of government. It is very easy to be achampion of freedom of speech and expression

when you agree with whats being said. The acidtest for freedom of expression comes when you

disagree strongly with what is being said and yetare steadfast in defending the speakers right tosay it.

The same freedom of expression that protectsa Dr. Subramanian Swamy when he calls SoniaGandhi and Rahul Gandhi Vishkanya and Bud-dhu publicly, also protects Mr Ananthamurthy

when he voices his opposition to NarendraModi. No one should threaten Dr Swamy with

any dire consequences for disrespecting thedemi-gods of the Congress pantheon. The sameholds true for Mr Ananthamurthy.

The Ananthamurthy story should not evenhave gathered this much steam had not theBJPs foot soldiers overreacted to Mr Anantha-murthys overreaction. The American directorRobert Altman said hed leave the US and moveto Paris if George W Bush was elected presi-

dent. After Bush was elected Altman joked hehad meant Paris, Texas. He continued with hismovie career and died peacefully in West Hol-lywood at the age of 81 in 2006. He didnt needpolice protection and didnt complain of intimi-dating phone calls.

In the end, a robust democracy understandsthat neither Altman nor Ananthamurthys prot-estations have any real impact on anything. Butthe response to them is a measure of the ma-

turity of a democracy and its ability to absorbdissent.

Freedom of speech is routinely trumped in

India by the freedom to get offended. But JohnStuart Mills spelled it out pretty clearly back inthe day when he wrote there should be abso-lute freedom of opinion and sentiment unlessthere is a threat of harm to others. Thats

where the difference between a threateningphone call and a one-way travel itinerary comesin. As Mills said:

"If all mankind minus one were of one opin-ion, and only one person were of the contraryopinion, mankind would be no more justied insilencing that one person than he, if he had thepower, would be justied in silencing mankind."

Its a lesson our political parties are loath toabsorb. The BJP, already strongly secure in itsnumbers, actually has a golden opportunity to

be different and demonstrate that it is going toa staunch defender of values other parties paylip service to. Mr Chari would have done well toactually take his cues from Sandalwood actorand fellow BJP member Malavika Avinash onMr Ananthamurthy.

She tweeted He has an opinion now that I hopewill change by 2019 or earlier but until then,may I request all my friends to give-up making

digs at the Jnanapitha awardee, URA. C'monguys, let's show some grace!"

A little grace, on all sides, would be nice. Butreal progress for the BJP requires distancingitself from the ugly bullying of the many fringegroups who threaten and intimidate dissentersin its name. It would also give Modi himself anopportunity to lay to rest the alarmist concernsabout his authoritarian style of governance. But

what we got instead was the same old wink-and-nudge endorsement of rightwing thuggery,ducking the need to take a moral stance byresorting to a false equivalence between URA'scomment and outright threats.

As Hartosh Singh Bal points out in Caravanafter Modis sweeping victory There is noshortage of cheerleaders for this verdict, but fordemocracy to function, the sceptics have to ndtheir voice. We will all have to recognise that

no mandate is a mandate to silence opposition.Neither is this mandate reason to silence one-self.


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Early Forays Into Foreign Policy


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Why Modis invite to Sharifis no olive branch to Pakistan

Rajeev Sharma May 22, 2014

Prime Minister-designate Narendra Mo-dis move to invite SAARC leaders forhis 26 May swearing in ceremony was

discussed with President Pranab Mukherjeeat their meeting on Tuesday and the Presidentpromptly approved of it.

This conveys quite a lotas among other SAARCheads of governments the Indian invitation wassent to Pakistan as well. This is a clever move

by Modi and shows that he has not only hit theground running in matters related to foreignpolicy but also that he is capable of out-of-the-

box thinking.

Why? Because this is the rst time ever when

an Indian PM-designate has sent such invites tothe leadership of Indias neighbours. Manmo-han Singh never sent such invites to the neigh-

bours for his installation ceremonies in 2004and 2009.

That was largely because Manmohan Singh rana coalition government both times and was tieddown to coalition politics compulsions. He mustnot have been unaware of the domestic back-

lash, particularly from the Shiv Sena which doesnot even favour a cricket match between Indiaand Pakistan on Indian soil.

The Shiv Sena is the largest ally of the Modi-led

NDA with as many as 18 Lok Sabha seats (a gainof seven seats from the 2009 tally). This con-notes only one thing. Manmohan Singh was too

weak and too bogged down with domestic poli-tics fallouts even when the Shiv Sena was not so

big in numerical strength in the Lok Sabha.

But now despite the fact that the Shiv Sena hasgained in numerical stature in the Lok Sabha,

Modi has cared two hoots about it is simply be-cause that he is leading a majority governmentwhere pre-poll allies like the Shiv Sena have nooption but to fall in line and agree to whateverIndias new strongman determines.

This is the new political order in India to whichall neighbours, including Pakistan, must recon-cile.

But the chances are that almost all neighbours

would reconcile to this new political order inIndia and recalibrate their India-specic strate-gies accordingly but Pakistan wont.

Perhaps even Bangladesh wont even thoughit is ruled by Indias tried, tested and trustedfriend Sheikh Hasina. That is because of thetough stance taken by Modi during his cam-paign against illegal migrants in India fromBangladesh, a statement that sent Hasina into

a huddle with her inner coterie to decide hercountrys future policies with a Modi-led India.But that is different matter and will be dis-cussed later in a Bangladesh-specic write-up.

The focus of Modis unprecedented diplomaticoutreach to SAARC is denitely Pakistan.

It will be interesting to see how Pakistan re-sponds to the invitation sent by Foreign Secre-

tary Sujatha Singh at the behest of Modi.

Will Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif at-tend Modis installation on 26 May? It is hard totell. But it appears highly unlikely given the fact


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that India-Pakistan bilateral relations are gov-erned by the unwritten, unspoken code of reci-procity. Sharif had invited Indian leadership forhis installation one year ago but India chose tosend its High Commissioner in Pakistan, SharatSabharwal, to attend the event which was de-scribed by the then External Affairs MinisterSalman Khurshid as a local event.

Everything will depend on the Pakistan Armyseventual decision on the Indian invitation. Thenal call on the Indian invite will be made not

by Nawaj Sharif but by the other Sharif -- Paki-stans army chief General Raheel Sharif.

General Sharif may get an idea of doing a PervezMusharraf on India when the then Pakistanimilitary ruler had come to India for the infa-

mous Agra Summit in July 2001. Then also aBJP-led government was at the helms in NewDelhi. If that were to happen, Modi will ndhimself up against core foreign policy issues onDay One of his tenure as PM.

So far only three SAARC leaders from Afghani-stan, Sri Lanka and Bhutan have conrmedtheir participation in Modis swearing in cer-emony on 26 May.

Whether Pakistan sends its Prime Minister orPresident to Modis installation or not, Modi

has already played his diplomatic cards ratherdeftly. Whatever the Modi move may be inter-preted as, it cannot be construed as extendingan olive branch to Pakistan. It is just a courtesy;nothing more, nothing less.

This move alone should not be seen as Modisignaling his desire to normalise relations withPakistan. Diplomacy does not function in such azero sum manner.

For India, the good old policy towards Pakistanhas been this: you shut down your terror export

business and we will talk with you. The UPAgovernment followed this policy all through.There are no indications that Modi will departfrom this policy.

But there is one difference this time. Modi hasconveyed to Pakistan that he can do what wasdeemed unthinkable during the UPA tenure. Ifhe can take a strong step for peace, he can takeother steps in other scenarios too.

And for sure, Modi wont have to look to otherparties, allies or rivals, for deciding his govern-ments Pakistan policy.

The writer is a Firstpost columnist, a strategicanalyst and author of several Pakistan-centric

books who tweets @Kishkindha.


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A hawk or a moderate? ModisNational Security Adviser must know Pak

R K Raghavan May 22, 2014

Iam writing within minutes of the ofcialannouncement that the incoming PrimeMinister desires to have an international

presence at his swearing-in ceremony on the26th. What better way to begin ones innings asIndias new CEO! All his overworked and fa-tigued detractors have been bowled over by thisremarkable piece of diplomacy. Some have beeneffusive, and the others somewhat economicalin their praise. Nevertheless an auspicious be-ginning has been made. But however much thePrime Minister is demonstrative and transpar-ent, some solid backstage work has to be done,and that has to come from the bureaucracy led

by the National Security Adviser (NSA).

In all probability, the incumbent Shivshankar

Menon will have to give way for another personof the new governments choice. This is a pity

because Menon is a devoted and self-effacingprofessional who played a competent role

without being amboyant. I am sure many ingovernment, especially in the MEA and HomeMinistry, found him agreeable and never over-

bearing. Of course, who knows whether he willbe replaced at all? Given Modis penchant forspringing surprises, he may still want to retainMenon.

Reports however point to a new kid on theblock. Ajit Doval, a former Director, IntelligenceBureau, is being mentioned in dispatches as one

who could succeed Menon. Doval has alreadyhad a publicized meeting with Modi where he

was said to have briefed him.

Doval and I were colleagues at the IB. I haveseen him work doggedly and achieve remark-able results. He is rated high in operations, andis therefore a right choice in dealing with ourneighbours, especially Pakistan. His knowledgeof the ISI and its bellicose stance towards us isof particular relevance to the current situation.

We expect the new Prime Minister to be politeand courteous to friend and foe, but withoutlosing the verve to hit back when provoked. Thenew NSA will have to be in sync with this dif-cult style, and if my assessment of Doval is cor-rect, he will t the bill admirably. I know he hasalso his own detractors in high places in the pre-

vious administration. Hence he had to lie lowfor nearly a decade. He has bounced back with a

vengeance and determination to prove himself.

I see no reason why he should not succeed.

I have seen at least two previous NSAs closelyat work. They had contrasting styles. The lateBrajesh Mishra, who served Vajpayee admira-

bly well, was crisp and sharp. Without beingbrusque he made it clear that he wanted you tobe with him for only just a couple of minutesand not a minute longer, for transacting any

business. He knew when to assert himself and

when to withdraw. I still remember how at myrst meeting with Atalji he was present only toperform the niceties of introduction. Thereafterhe was conspicuously absent, leaving the twoof us all to ourselves. His self-assurance wasremarkable, possibly something traceable tothe condence he enjoyed with Atalji. Mishra

wielded enormous clout on which he drew with-out revealing any signs of arrogance or rancour.This is why he continued to be respected even

years after ceased to be NSA.

When I describe MK Narayanan (MK) I have tobe necessarily subjective. He was my IB boss fordecades, and later a very good friend. He has


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not forgiven me to this day for leaving the IB topursue higher studies in the US. He thought I

was DIB material.

Compared to Brajesh, MK was more plodding.His knowledge of both theory and practice wasphenomenal. He was a visionary as well as apractical man. He knew when to be theoreticaland when not to be. His success was his capac-ity for hard work and an enormous interest inmeeting people and absorbing whatever theyconveyed. His long years in the IB and his closeassociation with Rajiv Gandhi gave him an elan

which nobody can surpass. He enjoyed beingimportant in a positive sense. If he can establishrapport with a mercurial Chief Minister such asMamata, there is no one he cannot break bread

with. The ease with which he moved into in-

ternational arena from a mere domestic intel-ligence specialist spoke volumes for his abilityto adapt. Of course, in all this, his acceptabilityto the family accounted at least partially to hisgreat success and image.

Modis NSA will have to contend with a peoplesPM, and not one who was anointed by a coterie.Modi may be on unfamiliar territory as far asforeign policy was concerned. He has however

shown himself to be a quick learner. The NSAwill have to take care of a little mentoring in the

area. A competent Home Minister should tendthe domestic situation and leave enough timefor Modi to concentrate on an equally craggyterrain of Pakistan and China. Here Dovalsamazing knowledge of Pakistan will greatlyhelp.

There is no place in the PMO for histrionics ora trigger-happy response. The NSA cannot be ahawk. He should be a moderator and shock ab-sorber rather than an Army Commander itchingfor action.

Above all, the NSA should take care of theniceties of etiquette in dealing with the mightyin the Establishment, both ministers and civilservants. The latter should look upon the NSAas a facilitator rather than a power centre. The

temptation to interfere in the routine of securityagencies is enormous. If the NSA doesnt keepoff from the politics that is in-built here, he willget distracted and bring a bad name not only tohimself but to the whole PMO itself. Above all,if he makes the grade, Doval can draw on hisknowledge of how both Mishra and MK worked.Perhaps the two past NSAs complemented eachother, and there is a lot to learn from their suc-cesses and failures.

(The writer is a former CBI Director.)


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Can Modi diplomacy improveties in Indias western frontier?

FP Staff May 21, 2014

BJP prime minister-elect Narendra Modialready indicated a paradigm shift inIndia's foreign policy as he invited Saarc

leaders including Pakistan Prime Minister Na-waz Sharif to attend his swearing-in ceremonyin New Delhi on 26 May. The move came as asurprise and got due appreciation from politi-cians in Jammu and Kashmir and pundits inforeign affairs.

"Modi wants to signal that India wants to im-prove ties with its neighbouring countries. Modidoesn't want to make a Pakistan-centric foreignpolicy. Moreover, we cannot invite other Saarc(South Asian Association for Regional Coopera-tion) leaders and not invite Pakistan. We arenot against the business community of Pakistanfor instance but with the establishment thatpaints India as enemy number one," BJP leaderSeshadri Chari told CNN-IBN during a paneldiscussion.

Former Indian envoy to Pakistan G Parthasar-athy considered the move as a diplomaticallyprudent one.

"Modi is celebrating his victory in the largestdemocracy of the world with his neighbours.This is a message to the world, not just Paki-stan," he said.

However, there are doubts that Prime MinisterSharif will be able to attend the ceremony and

would be represented by President MamnoonHussain instead.

"There is a lot of civil-military tension brew-ing in Pakistan. Many people are watching

what Sharif will do. Before coming to power,Sharif promised to lot on good ties with India,increased trade opportunity and so on. On the

ground the situation is quite different," saidsenior journalist from Pakistan Wajahat S Khanwho joined the debate via Skype.

The former Indian envoy to Pakistan also aired

similar views.

"There are serious problems that Nawaz Sharifis having with Pakistan Army Chief GeneralRaheel Sharif. He already faced coup twice asprime minister before. Once in 1993 from thenGeneral Abdul Waheed Kakar and in 1999 fromGeneral Pervez Musharraf. Whatever that may

be vis-a-vis relationship with Pakistan Modicannot leave the (Atal Bihari) Vajpayee legacy,"

Parthasarathy said.

The baggage from the past is however still refus-ing to leave Modi completely, particularly thescars of the Godhra riots of 2002.

"There are a lot of Pakistanis who came to knowabout Modi fortunately or unfortunately be-cause of the Gujarat massacre. His career beena subject of interest after that. Modi denitely

worries Pakistan," said Khan.

The shadow of the Gujarat riots may also castsome mistrust on the India-US relationship asthe Indian Prime Minister-elect still cannot getan US visa as a regular citizen.

"Both sides will benet by leaving the Gujaratissue behind. Earlier the Congress party, theIndo-American community in the US alsopushed for the visa restrictions on Modi. How-

ever, during the campaign this time Modi didnot focus on communal politics but focused ondevelopment and good governance. Let the past

be in the past. The Obama administration wasalso too slow in engaging with Modi. The US is

behind the curb as Britain did engage with Modiin 2012 itself," said Lisa Curtis from The Herit-age Foundation in Washington.

A known Modi-critic, professor Kamal Mitra

Chenoy of the Jawaharlal Nehru University,however, appreciated the diplomatic acumen ofthe Prime Minister-elect to start off. He did notgo after Modi for the 48 hour delay in respond-ing to US President Barack Obama's congratula-


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tory message.

"Modi is trying to re-calibrate this messageto shed his Gujarat image. India is a regionalpower. The US cannot do without India. Thereare still issues in the legal court that have to beresolved. But in the the response to the Obamaa slow Twitter response is not a rebuff. He ismaking a new government and is busy otherthings after all," Chenoy said.

Parthasarathy felt that the US is adapting dif-ferent yardsticks for different countries on theissue of human rights when the 2002 riots aretaken into account.

"The US is playing a double standard game. Hu-man rights violation in Pakistan, Libya, Iraq etc

exceeds far more than it was in Gujarat. Ameri-can behaviour has been churlish. The day theUS ASmbassador to India meets Modi, the USState Department says the visa ban still holdson Modi. The warmth of relationship is seen inthe Twitter exchanges that Modi had with Japa-nese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe," the cx-Indianenvoy to Pakistan said.

Strategic analyst Vidya Shankar Aiyar was of the

opinion that there was no point on holding onto the past.

"Modi is not going to be worried with the bag-gage of past years. He is trying to rise above hisparty in that direction. He arrives in Parliamentlike an irresistible force. He did the right thing

by taking 48 hours to reply to Obama," Aiyarsaid.

The BJP spokesperson perhaps summed it upaptly.

"There is still a trust decit between the USand Modi. But it is also a fact that the economicdevelopment has shifted from the West to theEast," Chari said.


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Modi invited SAARC leaders forswearing-in to strengthen ties: BJP

PTi, May 21, 2014

New Delhi: BJP today said that it wasPrime Minister-designate NarendraModi's desire to invite the heads of gov-

ernment of all SAARC countries to his swearing-in, saying it is a rst step towards improving ties

with India's neighbours.

The party also said the installation of a newgovernment in the world's largest democracythrough peaceful transfer of power is also an oc-casion to showcase the strength of democracy.

"This is a big occasion for India's democracythat the country's elections have concludedpeacefully and the world's largest democracysees such a change. Such a peaceful change in

the world's largest democracy is an occasionto showcase to the whole world the strength ofdemocracy," BJP leader Arun Jaitley said.

He said "it was Prime Minister-designatehimself who desired that all heads of states ofSAARC nations be invited."

Jaitley said "it is Modi government's intentionto maintain good ties with its neighbours and

this is the rst indication of that intention."

He said the decision to invite neighbours to theswearing-in is also an indication that "we carefor them and want to maintain relations withthem."

Sources said Modi, after being appointed thePrime Minister, has conveyed it to the Rashtra-pati Bhawan and the External Affairs Ministryhis desire that all SAARC countries be invited tohis swearing in on 26 May.

For the rst time, SAARC Heads of State andGovernment including Pakistan Prime MinisterNawaz Sharif, Sri Lanka President PresidentMahinda Rajapaksa and Bangladesh PremierSheikh Hasina have been invited to Modi'sswearing-in.


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