1

EWE HISTORY

HIGHLIGHTS OF EARLY EWE (OUR) HISTORY - "OURSTORY"

A Short Summary by Prof. D. E. K. Amenumey

Department of History - University of Cape Coast - Ghana

The Ewe people inhabit the territory equivalent roughly

to the south-eastern quarter of Ghana and the southern

half of TOGO.

The EWE country is bounded by the rivers MONO

and VOLTA and extends from the Atlantic coast inland

up to about latitude 7. 6'N. in the east and latitude 7o 20'

N. in the west. Across the south eastern boundary line a

related people - the FON of BENIN (formerly DA-

HOMEY).

The EWE people have not always lived in their pre-

sent home. Their traditions recall a migration from the east - more precisely KETU a YORUBA

town in modern BENIN. KETU is also called AMEDZOFE or MAWUFE in the accounts. KETU

was founded by the YORUBA people by the fourteenth century at the latest.

In it lived besides the forebears of the EWE, the YORUBA and the ancestors of the AJA,

FON, and GA-DANGME. It was the expansion of the YORUBA people that pushed the EWE and

related peoples westward.

The migrants went to live at TADO in present-day TOGO from where they later dispersed in vari-

ous directions.

Some returned east to settle at ALLADA from where they founded the AJA kingdom of AL-

LADA, WHYDAH, POPO and JAKIN, and later the FON kingdom of DAHOMEY in the early

eighteenth century.

The ancestors of the EWE went to live at NOTSIE, which was walled round.

Here, the entire community known as DOGBOAWO lived together, each unit in its individual

ward under its own head. All of them were ruled by the king of NOTSIE. The early kings ruled

well and the kingdom expanded. Trouble began when AGOKOLI ascended the throne. It is not

clear whether he was the third or fifth king.

Because of his harsh and tyrannical, rule the people decided to escape. During the flight from

NOTSIE the fugitives divided into three major groups. Broadly speaking, one group went to settle

in the northern part of the new home. It founded the towns of HOHOE, MATSE, PEKI, KPANDO,

AWUDOME, ALAVANYO, KPALIME, AGU, VE, KPEDZE and WODZE.

Flag of the EWE people

2

The second group founded the settlements of HO, AKOVIE, TAKLA, KPENOE, HODZO,

KLEVI, SOKODE, ABUTIA and ADAKLU. And the third group took the southern route and went

to settle in the coastal region of the new homeland. It founded TSEVIE, BE - which later gave birth

to AGOENYIVE, BAGIDA and LOME - TOGO, ABOBO, WHETA, ANLO, KLIKOR, AVE,

FENYI, AFIFE, TSIAME, GAME, TAVIA, TANYIGBE, etc.

Later other peoples from the west, ACCRA, ELMINA, LEKPOGUNO and DENKYERA came to

settle near and amidst them. The GA (from Accra) settled around GLIDZI, the ANE or MINA from

ELMINA settled at ANEXO, the DANGME from LADOKU settled at ADANGBE, AGOTIME,

while the DENKYERA settled among the TONGU, along the river VOLTA.

The traditions do not provide any absolute chronology of the episodes and incidents recounted.

However, in the early twentieth century when the accounts were first recorded, tradition then put

the arrival of the Ewe in their new home at ten or more generations back.

Furthermore, the Ewe tradition concerning their accession to their new home is corroborated by

evidence in the form of traditions of other people like the AJA, and FON and identifiable sites, re-

corded history and archaeological reconstruction.

On the basis of evidence from these other sources it can now be stated that the dispersal into

their new home must have occurred sometime during the early seventeenth century. It would ap-

pear that the area into which the EWE moved was not completely devoid of human habitation.

But the original inhabitants were easily assimilated. As to whether what occurred was a mass

movement or that of a few lineages, which later disseminated their story among the people of the

dispersed settlements, the evidence points to the former rather than the latter probability.

The EWE penetrated their new homeland in a series of waves. Later, some groups broke away

from the original settlements to found new ones. It was in this way that the area was filled up. The

original settlements were few and dispersed. They took the form of villages consisting of small

kinship groups.

The people settled down and laid claim to all the land in the area. The land was parcelled out

among the various families. With the growth of the population the prestige of the leaders increased.

Apart from the chiefs that had existed in the days of the sojourn at NOTSIE other chiefs now

emerged.

These were mostly the original founders of villages. The kind of chieftaincy that emerged was

one of a constitutional head. The chiefs reigned rather than ruled, and their powers were effectively

circumscribed by the elders whom they had to consult always.

Contrary to Prof. D. Westernann's claims, the EWE had had chiefs at least from NOTSIE on-

wards. Quite early chieftaincy became hereditary patrilineally either in two clans as in ANLO or

two or three lineages as in PEKI, HO, and NOTSIE or in individual lineages, which is the more

widespread practice.

Though the office was hereditary, yet within the particular lineage or clan it was elective. In

course of time the original settlements expanded to become the individual states of present-day

Eweland, some of which encompassed a number of towns and stretched over substantial land areas.

3

The names of the original nuclear settlements came to be applied to all the area occupied by

the people originating from them. For example ANLO derived from ANLOGA the nuclear settle-

ment and WATSI from NOTSIE. These states or DUKOWO varied in size from WODZE, which is

a single city state to ANLO, which had 36 towns. In 1906, the North German missionary Jacob

Spieth counted 120 of these.

In the days of poor communication when vast areas lay much unexplored the territorial unit

was perforce small. The DUKOWO were independent of one another except by way of trade. Each

DUKO considered itself an autonomous unit, however all acknowledged that they were all essen-

tially one people.

Some of these DUKOWO are the following. Along the coast going east away from the river

Volta, are ANLO, BE, GE. Inland behind the coastal DUKOWO are PEKI, ADAKLU, TOVE,

HO, KPANDO, WATSI etc.

The EWE did not evolve a single all - encompassing state. A number of reasons account for this.

Some were geographical, others were economic. Another crucial reason was that no single

EWE DUKO was able to permanently impose its authority on the others and thereby create a uni-

fied state. For example, ANLO and GE tried to expand to attain boundaries that would ensure their

political and economic survival, and also confer on them prosperity and political power.

But both were operating at the same time and in the same restricted area, that is the EWE

coastal belt. Furthermore, both depended a good deal on the same economic activity-trade in

slaves. This clash of territorial and economic interests led to many conflicts and wars between them

in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Neither, however, enjoyed absolute military superiority over the other, so complete military

defeat became impossible. Therefore permanent conquest could not be achieved. The conflict be-

tween ANLO and GE was never to be permanently resolved in favour of either. The frequent

clashes merely resulted in stalemate or transient acquisition of territory by one at the expense of the

other.

Foreign political and military intervention in the EWE territory also contributed to the inability

of the EWE to evolve a single political unit. This contributed to the inability of either ANLO or GE

to completely dominate the other and possibly the rest of EWELAND. The consequence of foreign

intervention was generally to disorganise the territory and accentuate the division of the states.

In the period before the imposition of colonial rule over the EWE, the states that intervened in

EWELAND were GRAND POPO, AKWAMU, DAHOMEY and the European state of Denmark.

The intervention by GRAND POPO and DAHOMEY was inconsequential while that of the other

two had a greater and more enduring impact.

From the late seventeenth century AKWAMU began to help ANLO in its wars with GE and

more importantly those with ADA and other states west of the river VOLTA. A number of writers

like WILKS, KEA and more recently GREENE and ACHEAMPONG have claimed AKWAMU

hegemony over ANLO. The so-called evidence in support of this claim is however contradicted by

the known facts.

4

The AKWAMU-ANLO relationship was one of a politico-economic alliance. Through its

alliance with ANLO AKWAMU was assured of regular supplies of salt and dried fish and the

coastal markets to which she could take its slaves for sale. For its part ANLO was assured of mili-

tary assistance. Since the late seventeenth century (1682) various witnesses and writers have testi-

fied to the persistence of this alliance.

Despite the linguistic difference and the geographical separation between the two peoples, the

AKWAMU-ANLO entente was to endure into the nineteenth century. So intimate and persistent

was the relationship that some versions of ANLO traditions actually claim that the AKWAMU also

evolved from KETU, like the EWE.

The ANLO-AKWAMU alliance provided a wider dimension to the numerous wars that ANLO

fought with the GE to the east and ADA and its allies to the west. As a riposte to the ANLO-

AKWAMU alliance, GE also found allies in the enemies of ANLO and AKWAMU, to wit, ADA,

GA, AKWAPIM etc.

The ANLO-GE conflicts occupied the closing years of the seventeenth and the best part of the

eighteenth centuries. These conflicts derived from a clash of competing political and economic

interests. They came to an end by the close of the eighteenth century. Neither state had succeeded

in expanding permanently at the expense of the other, nor in absorbing it.

However, it is fair to state that the GE state which, on the whole, proved the stronger of the

two was only prevented by the actual or threatened intervention of AKWAMU and ASANTE on

certain decisive occasions.

On the other hand it would appear that ANLO was generally more involved in its conflicts with its

western neighbours.

ANLO's quarrels with these people - ADA, GA and AGAVE were mostly due to a clash of

economic interests, squabbles over salt and fishing right in the VOLTA estuary and occasionally

actual slave raiding. The economic rivalry aided and abetted by other factors led to a number of

battles in which the ADA, AGAVE and GA were usually ranged against ANLO.

These wars started around 1750 and lasted well into the nineteenth century. There exist docu-

mented accounts of hostilities in 1750, 1769, 1776 and 1780. It was the signal defeat that ANLO

inflicted on ADA on 26 October 1780 when it surprised ADA, defeated it and burnt the town that

provided the background to a subsequent mobilization of forces against ANLO by the DANES in

1784.

This was because the ANLO victory threatened the DANISH company which had built a

commercial lodge at ADA and which was now trying to dominate the entire coast east of Accra.

The fact is that even though European nations and trading companies had been operating in West

Africa from the fifteenth century onwards, the EWE coast had originally been free of European ac-

tivities because of its " burning surf".

The little trade done by Europeans was transacted on board passing vessels. But from about

1720 the DUTCH and later the ENGLISH and DANES began to establish lodges at ANEXO,

AFLAO, KETA and WOE. Beginning from the 1780's the DANES took advantage of the ANGLO-

5

DUTCH war of 1780, which had weakened the DUTCH position on the GOLD COAST, to initiate

a plan to establish their commercial dominance in the area east of Accra.

This policy very quickly brought the DANISH company face to face with ANLO which, fol-

lowing its defeat of ADA, now controlled the VOLTA river. Furthermore, ANLO wanted to estab-

lish conditions in which it could dictate terms to the EUROPEAN traders and also pick and choose

which of these it would deal with. This attitude and the possibility of ANLO trading with DEN-

MARK's rivals stood in the way of DANISH plans.

The plunder of the DANISH agent nicknamed "SAGBADRE" (swallow) at KETA in 1783

provided a convenient excuse for the DANES to declare war on ANLO. In March 1784 the DAN-

ISH Governor of CHRISTIANSBORG secured a force among the GA, ADA, KROBO, AK-

WAPIM and GE all of whom had by then become traditional enemies of ANLO. An army of 4,000

troops heavily defeated ANLO.

The people had to flee and seek refuge with WHETA and KLIKOR in turn. A number of

ANLO towns were burnt. ANLO was made to sign a peace treaty which was initialled on 18th June

1784. Under its provisions the DANES secured the right to build a fort at KETA and a free passage

through ANLO. They also obtained the permission to set up a trading post at ANLOGA, the ANLO

capital which had to be rebuilt.

ANLO was made to give an undertaking not to trade with any European nation other than

DENMARK, and not to take its canoes to sea. These stipulations amply demonstrated what the war

had really been about. The terms of the treaty aimed at one thing - namely to make DANISH com-

merce predominant in the ANLO area. The construction of the fort began almost immediately af-

terwards.

The military defeat of ANLO proved to be a blessing in disguise politically because it served

to bind some of the neighbouring EWE states to ANLO. The lessons of the war were not lost on

them. The result was that other DUKOWO like DZODZE, KLIKOR, FENYI and WHETA began

to identify themselves with ANLO and to regard it as their champion against foreign imperialism.

The beginnings of what emerged more clearly later as the ANLO Confederation or Greater

ANLO can be dated to this period. The Danish victory of 1784 did not lead to any effective imposi-

tion of DANISH authority on ANLO. The invasion did not achieve a complete pacification of the

country. In less than a decade the fragile DANISH position at KETA was made untenable.

The hostility that was aroused against the DANISH presence and the garrison of the fort at

KETA in particular was to lead fortuitously to civil war in ANLO in1792. This was the SOME

war. The people of KETA were forced to flee to settle on land given them by the people of

KLIKOR. Here they founded the state of SOME with its capital at AGBOSUME.

From this time on the former people of KETA now the SOME ceased to be part of ANLO.

BLEKUSU, about five miles east of KETA became the eastern boundary of ANLO. This secession

of the former residents of KETA constituted one of the permanent political set-backs that ANLO

suffered during the pre-colonial period.

If ANLO suffered some loss of its territorial integrity during this phase, what happened to its

rival to the east, GE was even worse. The GE state evolved from the mixture of the local segment

6

of the EWE and the immigrants from ACCRA, ELMINA and LADOKU from the seventeenth cen-

tury onwards.

It spanned 15 towns, starting from east of BAGIDA to AGOUE along the coast and extending

inland up to the latitude of VOGA. Its most important towns were GLIDZI the capital and ANEXO

(Little Popo) the commercial centre. The component towns had their own chiefs who were subor-

dinate to the king of GLIDZI.

Fairly early, ANEXO acquired a position of prominence. Being the only coastal port of the

GE it took on an aspect of importance. It was the one place where foreign and local trade was

transacted. It was at the base of the economic development of the entire state. Because of its fa-

vourable commercial position ANECHO began to steal the limelight from GLIDZI, at least as far as

external affairs were concerned.

In the accounts of the Europeans the name Little Popo (ANEXO) came to be applied to the

entire GE state. The king of GE was called the king of Little Popo while in reality his seat was at

GLIDZI. The GE consolidated their position in the area of their settlement and engaged in wars and

a series of alliances that would guarantee their security.

During the course of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they periodically extended

their political power westwards over BE and AFLAO and even further west occasionally. For ex-

ample in 1792 they helped the former residents of KETA to defeat ANLO.

They also engaged in conflicts of one kind or the other with their neighbours to the east - AJA

and FON. Though they won individual spectacular battles they did not extend their control over the

peoples to the east. In fact the effective establishment of DAHOMEY along the AJA coast from the

1730's put paid to GE ambitions there. In fact by the end of the eighteenth century GE political

control became restricted once more to the original frontiers.

From this time the capital began to degenerate apparently due to internal squabbles within the

royal house and collateral lineages. On the other hand ANXEO continued to rise to prominence

thanks to the enterprise of its inhabitants who engaged actively in trade. Before the end of the

eighteenth century ANEXO had become the most important GE town.

This subversion of the traditional political hierarchy and system became accentuated during the

course of the nineteenth century. Just as ANEXO had eclipsed GLIDZI in importance because of

the wealth it drew from its trade with the Europeans, in like manner the most prosperous lineage in

ANEXO began to challenge the legal political head - the chief of ANEXO.

The position of chief of ANEXO became the object of rivalry, which in turn interfered with the

customary obligations of the office. These disputes led to the opposition of the LAWSON lineage -

the most wealthy and best "educated" lineage to the ruling ADJIGO family of ANEXO. In 1821 the

LAWSON family inaugurated a rival chieftaincy in the town.

Henceforth, two lines of chiefs continued to reign concurrently over different sections of AN-

EXO, each claiming to be the rightful chief of the entire town. The rivalry flared into open war

again in 1835. These developments in ANEXO did not only affect the position of the chief there,

but the authority of the king of GLIDZI as well and the cohesiveness of the GE as the polity.

7

GE society divided into two groups - one around the king residing at GLIDZI, the other around

the "Caboceers" i.e. the notables of ANEXO - the ADJIGO and LAWSON were richer and more

powerful than the king at GLIDZI.

The conflict between the ANEXO factions completely discredited the authority of the king of

GLIDZI.

From the mid-nineteenth century travellers' accounts it is clear that the GE state had disinte-

grated into a collection of politically independent towns. AGOUE, PORTO SEGURO, GLIDZI,

ANEXO were all described as autonomous. This position contrasted vividly with those of ANLO

and PEKI, which by this time - the middle of the nineteenth century had either increased their po-

litical influence or extended their frontiers.

ANLO's relations with AKWAMU contrasted sharply with that of PEKI and neighbouring

states known collectively as KREPI. KREPI was the vague term by which Europeans in the eight-

eenth and nineteenth centuries designated the north-western part of the EWE territory. Broadly

speaking it approximates to the dialect group that the people themselves call "WEME".

KREPI was not a single political entity but comprised a number of states or towns, which were

independent of one another. PEKI was the most renowned of these, but others were HO,

KPANDO, ALAVANYO, TAVIEFE and HOHOE. During the first half of the eighteenth century,

AKWAMU, which built up a strong empire in the south-eastern part of the GOLD COAST, ex-

tended its authority over KREPI also.

In July 1707 a large AKWAMU army crossed the VOLTA and fought a number of engage-

ments with some KREPI towns such as HO, KPANDO and PEKI. It appears however that it was in

the years after 1730 that AKWAMU came to establish its suzerainty over KREPI. In that year

AKWAMU lost the western half of its empire following a severe defeat by AKYEM and others.

A section of the royal family retired to the eastern territories of the former empire and founded

a new capital AKWAMUFIE in the VOLTA gorge. It was during the period after this settlement

across the VOLTA that AKWAMU really subdued the KREPI. By the close of the eighteenth cen-

tury it had imposed some form of suzerainty over most, if not all the KREPI towns.

There were economic reasons that motivated AKWAMU domination of KREPI. The KREPI

towns were strategically placed on the important trade routes and along the river VOLTA that

linked the coast with the important market centres up to KRATCHI and SALAGHA and beyond.

Slaves could be obtained in the northern centres and in KREPI itself and taken to the coast.

By maintaining a hold on KREPI AKWAMU could control traffic on the VOLTA and also

land traffic between the coast and the north. Besides, this would complement its policy of support-

ing ANLO in the latter's attempt to dominate the VOLTA estuary. AKWAMU did not introduce

any regular imperial administration over KREPI. No viceroys or governors were posted to KREPI

towns, as for example had been the case in NINGO and ADA.

The local chiefs continued to perform their usual functions. But AKWAMU exacted tribute in

kind - mostly slaves, and in cash from the people. This was enforced by periodic military expedi-

tions and raids. The KREPI towns also provided military assistance in times of war and were re-

quired to provide safe passage to AKWAMU traders.

8

Though AKWAMU itself came under ASANTE’s suzerainty from the 1740's it retained its

hold on KREPI. The latter still remained its vassal except that it now paid tribute to the ASANTE-

HENE through the AKWAMUHENE. AKWAMU hold on KREPI was quite high-handed and ac-

cordingly thoroughly resented.

It was able to maintain this hold largely because of the lack of cooperation between the various

KREPI towns. PEKI the strongest town enjoyed a favoured position in the AKWAMU imperium

and was actually employed by AKWAMU to maintain its hold on the KREPI states.

Only concerted action could end AKWAMU domination, but this was not easily achieved.

Two futile attempts by AWUDOME in 1829 and NYIVE in 1831 to throw off the AKWAMU yoke

are significant only in this respect that they illustrate the apathy and disunity among the KREPI

states.

Rather than come together to fight for their independence, some states like PEKI together with

other non-EWE towns like BOSO and ANUM actually fought alongside AKWAMU to subdue the

defiant towns. The third attempt in 1833 was to succeed because it was spear-headed by PEKI and

also because it involved concerted action by all the KREPI states and towns.

As part of the preparatory groundwork chief KWADZO DEI of PEKI organized an alliance of

the KREPI states. Together they defeated AKWAMU and regained their independence. PEKI

emerged from the war as the leader of a new bigger territorial unit. During the war nearly all the

EWE states north of ADAKLU and west of PALIME united under its leadership.

There are conflicting views about the exact nature and import of the 1833 alliance. One is that

it was merely a war time entente while the other is that it was meant and actually constituted a per-

manent union. PEKI has always maintained that it was a permanent affair and that after the conclu-

sion of the war the other chiefs made KWADZO DEI of PEKI their head and subordinated their

stools to PEKI.

This claim has been hotly denied by some of these states and peoples. It appears from the evi-

dence available that apart from the towns in the neighbourhood of PEKI like ANUM, BOSO,

AWUDOME, ABUTIA, HLEFI, AVEME, SOKODE and ANFOE, PEKI had no real claim to and

exercised no suzerainty over the other KREPI states or towns. The former states recognized PEKI's

leadership for a long time after the 1833 war.

In the case of BOSO, ANUM and AWUDOME a permanent union with PEKI was created.

This is borne out by the fact that since then BOSO and AWUDOME acquired the right to enstool

the FIA of PEKI. The chiefs of the states outside greater PEKI did not require recognition from the

FIA of PEKI or paid him any tribute. All the same the various KREPI states and towns appeared to

regard PEKI as their protector and paid some measure of deference to its leadership.

By the middle of the nineteenth century the political outlines of the territory of the EWE peo-

ple had long been fixed more or less. There was no centralized government embracing the entire

country. The few attempts at territorial aggregation had achieved only limited success. The people

were still split into a number of DUKOWO or states of varying sizes and military potence. On the

other hand some of these had come together to form bigger political units.

9

The two most important of these states were ANLO and PEKI. Except for the state of SOME

which was separate from ANLO, the political authority and or influence of the ANLO King now

extended far beyond the traditional 36 towns to includes all the area roughly east of the VOLTA to

AFLAO and extending inland up to the southern boundary of ADAKLU but excluding the majority

of the TONGU states along the VOLTA.

The 13 TONGU states were independent of one another but subject to the competing influ-

ences of ANLO, ADA and AKWAMU. Further inland, PEKI had formed a big composite state with

AWUDOME and the KYERENONG states of BOSO and ANUM and their environs. Furthermore,

in his capacity the leader of the alliance that overthrows AKWAMU, the king of PEKI had acquired

some prestige in the eyes of the members of the erstwhile alliance.

Though not a political unit, these states shared some degree of understanding. In between

ANLO and the KREPI states lay the state of ADAKLU, which was autonomous. It belonged to

neither group but the superior power of ANLO and AKWAMU usually swayed it to their side. Fur-

ther east there were no big political units. The former paramountcy of GE had disintegrated into a

collection of virtually independent towns.

The only state of any considerable size was AVE. It comprised eight divisions each of which

had its own chief, but all of these were subordinate to the king at KEVE. This situation of separate

and individual existence on the part of the EWE states was to be ended by the imposition of colonial

rule towards the end of the nineteenth century.

When that phase in turn came to an end by about the middle of the twentieth century the EWE

territory remained split between the independent republics of GHANA and TOGO.

Prof. D. E. K. Amenumey

10

Map of Notsé, Togo

11

The EWE people:

The Ewe ("Ewe people", "Ewe nation") are a people located in the southeast corner of Ghana, east

of the Volta River, in an area now described as the Volta Region, in southern Togo and western

Benin as well as in Burkina Faso and Nigeria. They speak the Ewe language and are related to other

speakers of Gbe languages, such as, the Fon, Gen, Phla Phera, and the Aja people of Togo and Be-

nin.

Origins

According to Ghanaian Professor D.E.K. Amenumey, author of "Ewe Unification Movement: A

Political Movement" and "The Ewe in Pre-Colonial Times" the Ewe people originally came from

Ketu, a Yoruba area in Benin, but were eventually forced to migrate eastward as a result of Yoruba

expansion. However, another source claims that the original Ewe homeland is Oyo in western Nige-

ria where the Ewe fled after the collapse of the empire. A Third source suggests that the Ewe origi-

nally migrated from Kotu or Amedzowe east of the Niger. It is believed that the Ewe migrated into

Ghana in the fifteenth century.

Description and culture

The Ewe are essentially a patriarchal people; the founder of a community was the established chief,

and was then usually succeeded by his paternal relatives. The Ewe are divided geographically be-

tween Ghana (Volta Region), its eastern neighbour, Togo (southern) and the western part of Benin

(formerly Dahomey). This area was colonized by the Germans and was originally called Togoland.

After the German defeat in World War I, the Ewe homeland was split between France and England.

Most Ewe can trace male ancestors to their original villages and make their territorial divisions

along those lines. Extended families are the most important units of Ewe social life. Ewe have never

supported a hierarchical concentration of power within a large state.

Ewe kente cloth

In modern times, chiefs are generally elected by consensus

and get advice from elders. There are a number of guidelines

regarding the behaviour of chiefs. They are expected to keep

their heads covered in public, and are not to be seen drinking.

The people see the chief as the communicator between the

everyday world and the world of the ancestors. The chief

must always keep a clear mind. Traditionally, chiefs are also

not to see the face of a corpse. They may take part in the fu-

neral, however, once the corpse is buried or inside the coffin.

They are not to have any contact with the corpse.

Traditionally, chiefs sit on a black stool. A white stool is re-

served for 'honorary' chiefs. These are auspicious individuals who have been made a 'chief' as rec-

ognition for their contribution to a village. Certain rituals cannot be performed by an honorary

chief, and must be attended by the true chief.

EWE kente cloth

12

The pouring of libations is an important ritual within Ewe society. Generally, only chiefs can pour

libations, but sometimes, at a durbar, a linguist performs the role. Libations are poured three times,

in honour of ancestors, life, and the libation's offered him.

The Ewe have a long history of weaving 'Kente' cloth, especially in the Kpetoe region. In the As-

ante wars against the Kpetoe area, weavers were captured; it may thus have been prisoners of war

from the Asante/Ewe wars that taught the Asante how to weave. The Asante legend holds that they

learned weaving from a spider. Kente might be a contaminated word for the Asante. Ke means 'to

open' in Ewe and Te means 'to press'; the Ewe hold that the word Kete thus describes the weaving

motion of the feet.

Geography

Ewe people are located primarily in the Volta Region of Ghana (Ewe Dome), Southern Togo, as

well as parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Nigeria.

Ewe Language

Ewe, also written Evhe, is a major dialect cluster of Gbe or Tadoid (Capo 1991, Duthie 1996) spo-

ken in the south-eastern part of the Volta Region of Ghana across to parts of southern Togo as far as

and just across the Togo-Benin border by about three million people. Ewe, and for that matter Gbe,

belongs to the Kwa family of Niger-Congo. Gbe languages are spoken in an area that extends from

Lower Volta (in southern Ghana) across into Togo, Benin and as far as Western Nigeria to Lower

Weme; that is, from the Greenwich Meridian to 3oE and from the Atlantic coast to about 8oN.

Ewe dialects vary enormously. Groups of villages that are two or three kilometres apart use distinct

varieties. Nevertheless, across the Ewe-speaking area, the dialects may be broadly grouped geo-

graphically into coastal or southern dialects, e.g., Avenor, Dzodze, Watsyi and inland dialects char-

acterised indigenously as Ewedomegbe, e.g., Ho, Kpedze, Hohoe, Peki, Kpando, Fódome, Danyi,

Kpele etc. (Agbodeka 1997, Gavua 2000, Ansre 2000). Speakers from different localities under-

stand each other and can identify the peculiarities of the different areas. Additionally, there is a

written standard that was developed in the nineteenth century based on the regional variants of the

various sub-dialects with a high degree of coastal content. With it, a standard colloquial variety has

also emerged (spoken usually with a local accent), and is used very widely in cross-dialectal contact

sites such as schools, markets, and churches.

The storytellers use a dialect of Anlo spoken in Seva. Their language is the spoken form and hence

does not necessarily conform to the expectations of someone familiar with the standard dialect. For

instance, they use the form yi to introduce relative clauses instead of the standard written si, and yia

‘this’ instead of the standard written sia. They sometimes also use subject markers on the verb

agreeing with the lexical NP subject while this is not written in the standard. A distinctive feature of

the Aŋ lɔ dialect is that the sounds made in the area of the teeth ridge are palatalised when fol-

lowed by a high vowel. For instance, the verb tsi ‘become old’ is pronounced [tsyi] by the story-

teller Kwakuga Goka.

Ewe is bordered to the west by Ga-Dangme and Akan and to the north by the Ghana-Togo-

Mountain languages, for example, Siwu, Siya, Likpe etc., all Kwa languages and some Gur lan-

guages such as Kabiye. To the east are the Gbe dialects - Gen, Aja and Xwla - all of which have

13

degrees of intelligibility with Ewe. Ewe is used as a second language in the Ghana-Togo Mountain

communities). It is studied as a subject at all levels of education in Ghana up to and including the

tertiary level and increasingly so in Togo. Ewe together with Ga and Akan are the three most impor-

tant indigenous languages in southern Ghana. In Togo, where French has been the official language,

Ewe and Kabiye have been declared the two indigenous languages being promoted for official use

in education, mass media, etc. Ewe is thus used for radio and TV broadcasting and in some commu-

nity newspapers in both Togo and Ghana. It is also used in adult literacy programmes leading to an

increasing number of publications in the language on topics of health, agriculture, and child rearing,

among others . English and French are present in the Ewe speaking communities in Ghana and

Togo respectively. Some speakers are bilingual or multilingual in Ewe and English or French and/or

other languages such as Akan, Ga, Hausa, Kabiye, Akposo, Yoruba etc. Due to contact with some

of these languages, some words are borrowed into Ewe. In the story told by Madam Hodolo Atɔ su,

she uses words like kɔ nset ‘concert’ and flawas(i) ‘flowers’ both borrowed from English.

Ewe religion

Ewe religion is organized around a creator/creatress deity, Mawu and Lisa. Mawu and Lisa (God-

dess and God) to the Ewe is the Supreme Being and is remote from daily affairs. In addition the

Ewe believe in many secondary gods (trowo) that are worshipped in unique ways. They also believe

in spirit ancestors and divination is practised. Se is a word for law, order and harmony; Se is the

maker and keeper of human souls; in an abstract sense, Se is destiny.

Ewe music

The Ewe have developed a complex culture around drumming. Ewe believe that if someone is a

good drummer, it is because they inherited a spirit of an ancestor who was a good drummer. Music

and dance are a force in cementing social feeling among members of an Agbekor society.

In general, Ewe drums are constructed like barrels with wooden staves and metal rings, or carved

from a single log. They are played with sticks and hands, and often fulfil roles that are traditional to

the family. The 'child' or 'baby brother' drum, kagan, usually plays on the off beats in a repeated

pattern that links directly with the bell and shaker ostinates. The 'mother' drum, kidi, usually has a

more active role in the accompaniment. It responds to the larger sogo or 'father' drum. The entire

ensemble is led by the atsimevu or 'grandfather' drum, largest of the group. Lyrical songs are more

prevalent in the southern region. In the north, flutes and drums generally take the place of the

singer's voice.

Ewe dance

The Ewe have an intricate collection of dances, which vary between geographical regions and other

factors. One such dance is the Adevu (Ade - hunting, Vu - dance). This is a professional dance that

celebrates the hunter. They are meant both to make animals easier to hunt and to give animals a

ritual 'funeral' in order to prevent the animal's spirit from returning and harming the hunter.

Another dance, the Agbadza, is traditionally a war dance but is now used in social and recreational

situations to celebrate peace. War dances are sometimes used as military training exercises, with

signals from the lead drum ordering the warriors to move ahead, to the right, go down, etc. These

14

dances also helped in preparing the warriors for battle and upon their return from fighting they

would act out their deeds in battle through their movements in the dance.

The Atsiagbekor is a contem-

porary version of the Ewe war

dance Atamga (Great (ga) Oath

(atama) in reference to the

oaths taken by people before

proceeding into battle. The

movements of this present-day

version are mostly in platoon

formation and are not only

used to display battle tactics,

but also to energize and invigo-

rate the soldiers. Today, At-

siagbekor is performed for en-

tertainment at social gatherings

and at cultural presentations.

The Atsia dance, which is per-

formed mostly by women, is a

series of stylistic movements

dictated to dancers by the lead

drummer. Each dance move-

ment has its own prescribed

rhythmic pattern, which is syn-

chronized with the lead drum.

'Atsia' in the Ewe language

means style or display.

The Ewe-speaking people in

the central and northern parts

of the Volta Region of Ghana

cultivate the Bobobo dance.

Bobobo (originally 'Akpese')

might have originated in the

Kpando area, and is said to

have been created by the late

Mr. Francis Kojo Nuadro. He

is thought to have been an ex-police officer who returned to Kpando and organized a group in the

middle to late 1940s. The dance has its roots in the 'Highlife' popular music of Ghana and other

West African countries. Bobobo gained national recognition in the 1950s and 1960’s because of its

use at political rallies and the novelty of its dance formations and movements. It is generally per-

formed at funerals and other social occasions. This is a social dance with a great deal of room for

free expression. In general, the men sing and dance in the centre while the women dance in a ring

around them. There are 'slow' and 'fast' versions of Bobobo; the fast Bobobo is believed to come

from the Kpando area and the slow version from Hohoe. The slow one is called Akpese and the fast

Ewe set: 1) Atsimevu 2) Kidi 3) Sogo 4) Kroboto/Tototzi 5) Kaganu 6) Agboba The Ewe sometimes think of them as a family: Atsimevu is the father (sometimes grandfather). As the master drum, he is in charge of everything. He gives signals to start or stop, to change the rhythm or introduce a new move. He stands out with a thunder voice, complex cross rhythms and improvisations. But instead of domi-nating the family, he assures that every member is heard. Sogo is the elder brother (or sometimes the father). In some pieces, he plays the same support role as Kidi. But he's able to take over the role of the master drum whenever needed. Kidi is the mother and plays the supporting role. She "talks" and re-sponds to the master drum and sometimes improvises on their little conversation a bit. Kroboto and Tototzi are the twin brothers. They are exactly the same in size and shape. The only difference between them is the tuning. Kagan is the baby brother. He always plays the same simple rhythm throughout the whole piece without changing. Agboba is not part of the original family. I like to think of him as the uncle. This bass drum was invented in the 1950's for a then newly com-posed piece.

15

one is termed to be Bobobo. Lolobi-Kumasi is known for doing a particular fast version of the slow

version.

The Gabada dance was originally juju and not a social dance. Its original use was as part of a ritual

used by men for seducing women. The dance was done after the juju had worked.

Agahu is both the name of a dance and of one the many secular music associations (clubs) of the

Ewe people of Ghana, Togo, and Dahomey. (Gadzok, Takada, and Atsiagbeko are other such

clubs). Each club has its own distinctive drumming and dancing, as well as its own repertoire of

songs. A popular social dance of West Africa, Agahu was created by the Egun speaking people

from the town of Ketonu in what is now Benin. From there it spread to the Badagry area of Nigeria

where migrant Ewe fisherman heard, adapted, and eventually took it to Ghana. In dancing the

Agahu, two circles are formed; the men stay stationary with their arms out and then bend with a

knee forward for the women to sit on. They progress around the circle until they arrive at their

original partner.

Gota uses the mystical calabash drum of Benin, West Africa. It was originally called "drum of the

dead" and was played only at funerals. It is now performed for social entertainment. The most excit-

ing parts of Gota are the synchronized stops of the drummers and dancers.

Tro-u is ancestral drum music that is played to invite ancestors to special sacred occasions at a

shrine. For religious purposes, a priest or priestess would be present. There are fast and slow

rhythms that can be called by the religious leader in order to facilitate communication with the spirit

world. The bell rhythm is played on a boat-shaped bell in the north, but the southern region uses a

double bell. The three drums must have distinct pitch levels in order to lock in.

Sowu is one of the seven different styles of drumming that belong to the cult of Yewe, adapted for

stage. Yewe is the God of Thunder and lightning among the Ewe speaking people of Ghana, Togo,

and Benin. Yewe is a very exclusive cult and its music is one of the most developed forms of sacred

music in Eweland.

TOGBUI AGBOLI KOSSI F. AGOKOLI IV, Membre de la Commission

Vérité, Justice et Réconciliation . Roi du Canton de Notsé, Togo, depuis 1991

16

The EWE people in West Africa:

Country: Benin

People Name in Country: Ewe

People Name General: Ewe

Alternate People Names: Ahoulan, Ebwe, Ehve, Eve, Kotafon, Krepi

Population in this Country: 117,000

Country: Burkina Faso

People Name in Country: Ewe

People Name General: Ewe

Alternate People Names: Ahoulan, Ebwe, Ehve, Eve, Kotafon, Krepi

Population in this Country: 33,000

Country: Ghana

Total Provinces on file: 2

Location within Country: Southeast corner.

People Name in Country: Ewe, Ebwe

People Name General: Ewe

Alternate People Names: Ahoulan, Ebwe, Ehve, Eve, Kotafon, Krepi

Population in this Country: 2,681,000

Country: Togo

Location within Country: Maritime Region and Plateau Region.

People Name in Country: Ewe, Ahoulan

People Name General: Ewe

Alternate People Names: Ahoulan, Ebwe, Ehve, Eve, Kotafon, Krepi

Population in this Country: 1,269,000

Country: Nigeria

People Name in Country: Ewe

People Name General: Ewe

Alternate People Names: Ahoulan, Ebwe,

Ehve, Eve,

Kotafon, Krepi

Population in this Country: 489,000 Population all Countries: 4,624,000