EUROPEAN CITIES/METROPOLIS Robustness, inequalities, · PDF file ·...

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EUROPEAN CITIES/METROPOLIS

Robustness, inequalities,

governance

Patrick Le Galès

Professor of Sociology and Politics

Directeur de recherche CNRS at CEVIPOF

Sciences Po Paris

Patrick Le Galès 2

• I) European cities obsolete or rising ?

• II) Inequalities , the case of upper middle

classes

• III) How to govern fragmented

cities/metropolis

Patrick Le Galès 3

I) ROBUST DYNAMIC EUROPEAN

CITIES / METROPOLIS

Patrick Le Galès 4

Good reasons not to be

interested in European cities

• Decades of « end of cities » views

• Everything is now urban ?

• Sprawls, fragmentation, chaos, Los Angeles

view of the world

• Mega/large/global/posmodern cities

• European cities are obsolete

• Mobility : Can we be anything anywhere ?

Patrick Le Galès 5

Convergence towards megacities

• Megacities : size

• World cities : hierarchies, networks

• New Global cities : Sassen, advanced services and polarization

• New Megacities : Castells, nodes of networks

• Global city regions : innovation, social formations, political actors

• Post metropolis, post cities

• Liquid society view, nomades

Patrick Le Galès 6

Future of European cities after 50

years of single market ?

• ‘Of cities like Amsterdam, Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Copenhagen, Dublin, Frankfurt, Hamburg, Lisbon, Liverpool, Lyons, Manchester, Marseilles, Munich, Naples, Newcastle, Nuremberg, Stockholm, Stuttgart, Turin and Vienna, half must either grow or decline: expanding to become one of the six or seven European urban giants, or declining into provincial insignificance … The carnage will likely be most pronounced among the mid-sized cities of Germany and the United Kingdom.’

Patrick Le Galès 7

Political mechanisms of urban

decline : role of middle classes

• As Europe overall becomes less urban but its few

largest cities grow, the cultural divide between

city and suburb will likely grow, and

• political support for the needs of cities generally

may well decline – as has clearly occurred since

the 1960’s in the US’ (Rogowski 1998: 23).

• Less public investments and redistribution in cities

Patrick Le Galès 8

Thinking beyond convergence :

European cities are part of

European societies

• Role of the state, welfare state

• Territorialisation

• Institutions

Patrick Le Galès 9

Europeans are born to stay not

born to run

• Only 1,5 to 2% of Europeans move to another country, stable over time (3% at the global level, ILO)

• 7,2% change house (over 16% in the US), half of them stay in the same area

• Transnational movers, only 30% of skilled workers

Patrick Le Galès 10

European cities

• The relative long-term stability of the European

urban system

• Its original structure—with a concentration of

medium-sized cities—and the remains of its

physical form.

• Cities as distinctive characteristics of European

societies

• Cities versus metropolitan regions : dynamics


European cities

• A mix of public services and private firms,

including a robust body of middle class and

lower-middle class public-sector employees

and professionals, who constitute a firm

pillar of the social structure.


• European cities, are still structured and

organized within European states: in

particular, welfare states. The state and

Europe, in part, protect the city including in

terms of resources.


Public expenditure

• 1985 1990 1995 2000

• GERMANY 45,6 43,8 46,3 42,9

• FRANCE 51,9 49,5 53,5 51,4

• ITALY 49,8 52,4 51,1 44,4

• NETHERL 51,9 49,4 47,7 41,5

• SWEDEN 60,4 55,9 62,1 52,7

• UK 41,9 44,4 39,2

•

• UE 48,3 46,7 48,7 44,2

• USA 33,8 33,6 32,9 29,4

• Source : OECD Economic Outlooks, june 2001. P.278


Political dimension

• The continuing representation of the city as

a whole and the increased legitimacy of

political elites in sustaining and re-inventing

this presentation.

• Political leaders, organised interests

• Planning, strategic project


Robust European cities

• Accumulation of resources

• Despite increasing social tensions, inequalities,

even riots at times, European cites have resources,

identities, and political legitimacy, and it is not

appropriate to describe them as dual cities.

• 60 % of public investments (not in the UK) is

controlled by local or urban government in the EU


European cities are becoming

more European

• The institutionalization of the EU is

creating rules, norms, procedures,

repertoires, and public policies that have an

impact on cities.

• The EU also is a powerful agent of

legitimization. By designing urban public

policies and agree ‘a Europe of cities’,

supporting transnational networks


Two scenarios

• Rise of megacities in Europe and the carnage of

medium sized cities,

• Continuous growth of globalising medium sized

European cities

• Evidence sofar : in most countries, economic and

demographic development of cities/metropolitan

area/urban region (not in the UK)


II Inequalities versus

integration/integration/cohesion

• No ideal view of European cities, no ideal coherence within an integrated urban society

• Competition

• Sprawls, environment issues

• Immigration

• Economic inequalities

• Social differentiation


In What sort of European Urban

societies do we live in ?

• Denationalisation of societies

• Europeanisation ?

• Globalisation ? A liquid society ?

• Disembededness (Giddens)

• Fragmentation,

• Decline of national organisation, institutions, the state

• Take one issue here as a threat to the integration process within cities : the rich, upper middle classes


Are the upper middle classes

exiting from national society and

the urban fabric ? Dual cities in

the making ?

• Gated communities

• Ghettoes of rich

• Secession

• Suburbanisation

• Potentially a major threat to cities, privatisation, individualisation, fears, end of public space


Where do cadres supérieurs live

? (Préteceille ‘s study) : more in

Paris, more in suburbs • Category Cadres supérieurs and professions

intellectuelles :

180.000 in Paris in 1962, 400.000 now

• 66% of the category in Ile de France now

live in outside Paris, mainly in the western

suburbs of Paris, classic residential location

of the French bourgeoisie (52% in 1962)


No radical gentrification or

suburbanisation

• No massive gentrification process : gradual

• No white flight : continuous embourgeoisement

• No dualisation of the global city

• Public sector/cultural cadres supérieurs more in

Paris, private sector managers in both spaces,

ingineers more in western suburb : new middle

class suburbs in the East


Moyennisation of Paris/ile de

France space

• Because of decline of working class and more

middle class groups everywhere, more ethnic minorities also

• Two exceptions

- The making of ethnic/urban poor neighborhoods in Seine St Denis

- Slow but regular increase of social segregation of private managers and ingeers, firms executives from the private sectors in the most exclusive western suburbs (similar to the income argument)


Income : top 10% increase their

share of national income in the

past 10 years • Piketty : long term stability of share of the highest

decile of wages in proportion of the overall wage

structure in France over the 20th century (between

25 and 28%) ie 2.5 the average wage

• Middle classes wages rose in parallel to average

wage in France over the century

• However, increase of that share over the past

decade : not as much as the UK but evolution


French context : the differentiation

between les cadres and les cadres

supérieurs • Middle class public versus private sectors, the

particular category of « les cadres », rise in the 1960’s, consumption society

• After the 1980’s from 1,8 million in 1982 to 3,2 million in 2003 : massive growth and differentiation 13% of the French social structure

• More women but only a third of firms managers

• One third in the Paris region, over 55% for cadres supérieurs Paris as a social escalator region and a pump


Are UMC Exiting ?

• Two dimensions

• Transnational dimension

• Urban dimension


Social differentiation :

globalisation effect

• Differentiation and overlapping of various scales of interactions for individuals, beyond the national frontiers, open room of manoeuvres for individuals in terms of choice of residence, of social practices, of identity claiming, of invesment of different resources

• In principle, mobility and individualisation increase the dynamics of choice for invididuals and households....

• a major influence to blur national logics of stratification, disctinction, national income or prestige hierarchies.


A European/transatlantic new

bourgeoisie in the making ?

• Economic processes are leading the globalisation dynamics (which is contradictory, not linear, conflicts)

• Groups which are related to these dynamics take advantage of the processes : status, prestige, income

• New resources (mobility) can be mobilised by groups in order to challenge existing hierarchies, to push for different modernisation projects, to articulate an interest of their own and to sustain their ambitions.


UMC partial exit

• The rise of various types of mobility allows some individuals, particularly upper middle classes to partially exit from the national society to which they belong.

• They can choose to exit but that remains pretty rare. Mostly, they can choose to partially exit : their culture, consumption, friends, jobs, housing, children, financial investment, may be organised at the transnational level or in relation to this level. They have a different set of opportunities which allow them to play at different level : the transational scale, the national or the local/urban.


UMC : locals and cosmpolitans

• most upper middle classes are mobile.At the same time, they live in local/urban area, hey send their children to schools, they use services, they are consumers.

• for upper middle classes groups, their status often results from both their occupation (may be narrowly defined by a type of employment or a professional community) and a residential choice, or trajectory, cities. (Savage)

They partly define who they are by the place –neighbourhood, city, urban region- they live in


To renegociate their integration

• This opportunity for partial exit allows them to negociate their own position within the national social structure, for instance to actively campaign against high level of taxes, to escape taxation or to send their children to international schools and universities.

• They have some capacity to mobilise and invest resources at the national level but also at the international level, that gives them extra resources to put pressure on national structures and on cities


Renegociating their integration

within the national societies

• Pressure on school, or against high level of taxes,

to escape taxation or to send their children to

international schools and universities, social

segregation

• Evidence : decrease of 15% of the income tax in

Europe over the last twenty years

• Capital is mobile, decrease of company taxes, high

income can partially avoid taxation


EXIT : transnational and urban

dimension

Transnational

exit

Urban

exit/secession

+ -

+ Nomades Immobile

Retreat from the

city

- Mobile and locally

rooted

Immobile and

locally rooted


Paris Case

• Pressure on schools

• Groups isolating themselves from the urban fabric

• Not the dominant process

• Similar results for London (Butler)

• No dual cities….sofar

• Ongoing research in Milan, Madrid, Lyon,

London, Paris , what about gated condominium in

Madrid ?


III Urban Governance

• Government and governance of

metropolitan areas : how to govern

• The Democratic question

• State and UE : defining the parameters of

urban governance


Agregation of groups, interests

Cities as political beasts

• Cities may be more or less structured in their economic and cultural exchanges and the different actors may be related to each other in the same local context with long-term strategies, investing their resources in a co-ordinated way and adding to the social capital riches.

• In this case the urban society appears as well structured and visible, and one can detect forms of (relative) integration.

• If not, the city reveals itself as less structured and as such no longer a significant subject for study:


• This analysis suggests to look at the interplay and conflicts of social groups, interests, and institutions,

• which regulations have been put in place through conflicts and the logics of integration.

• Cities do not develop solely according to interactions and contingencies: groups, actors and organizations oppose one another, enter into conflict, co-ordinate, produce representations in order to institutionalize collective forms of action, implement policies, structure inequalities, and defend their interests.


Government

• Rules, constitutions

• Organisations

• Processes : agregation of interests and

steering

• Outputs, public policies


Gouvernance enchangée ou

gouvernance en chantier ?

• Good governance to solve problems beyond the failures of government : functionalist

• Governance : triumph of private interests in the growth coalitions

• The enchanted land of governance

• Modes of governance as the articulation of regulation


Modes of governance in the

making

Coalition,

Institutions

political orientations and goals,

Outputs : resolution of conflicts, allocation of

resources


Governance, Collective actor

• Common good

• Sense of unity

• innovation

• integration mechanisms

• representation


back to the usual suspects

• European cities : urban governance, competition, flagship projects, construction, utility network, Agencies,

• Coordination : contracts, chartes, strategies, partnership

• Urban oligarchies ? Favourable context for corruption, urban growth coalitions/urban regime


Restructured Metropolitan

governance

• Restructured goverments

• Services and policies

• Less clientelism and day to day management

• More strategic authorities

• More bureaucracy (flexible governance arrangement) versus more democracy


New policy instruments

• Public policy instruments as :

“ a particular type of institution, a technical device with the generic purpose of carrying a concrete concept of the politics / society relationship and sustained by a concept of regulation”


Definition and typology of policy instruments (2)

Type of instrument

Type of political relations

Type of legitimacy Brief outline

Legislative and regulatory

Social guardian state Imposition of general interest by mandated

elected representatives

“Old” policy instruments as routinized legal forms constituting the archetype of state interventionism

Ex. : Norms, Taxes, Permits

Economic and fiscal Redistributive state Socio-economic efficiency

Agreement- and incentive-based

Mobilizing state Seek direct involvement

“New” policy instruments as less interventionist

forms of public regulation.

Ex.: Voluntary agreements, Codes of

conduct, Labels

Information- and communication-

based

Audience democracy

Explain decisions / accountability

De facto and de jure standards / Best practices

Competitive mechanisms

Mixed : scientific / technical and / or

pressure of market mechanisms


Parameters of Urban governance

• A new cycle of the nation state

• The EU


New forms of state control

• Regulatory state

• Control and surveillance

• Competitive state

• Mobilising state


EU : decline of territorial

cohesion priority

• ESDP : marginal

• Regional funds

• Urban programme

• EU competition dynamics versus territorial

cohesion

• Horizontal europeanisation : work in

progress


Conclusion

• Metropolitan growth does not mean global cities or nothing

• Spread and growth of urban regions does not mean the end of cities

• Globalisation does not mean urban convergence

• Spatial segregation is also a question of middle classes


• Individual choices of those groups are also influence by collective choices on public investment

• Political processes are central : how to govern cities which are more diverse, with more immigration and to keep some collective dynamism (fears, extreme right)

• EU : a bad cycle, what comes next ?

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