Etnicidad, Clase y Nacion en Allende

8/12/2019 Etnicidad, Clase y Nacion en Allende

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Bulletin of Latin American Research,Vol. 26, No. 3, pp. 319338, 2007

Debates about Ethnicity, Classand Nation in Allendes Chile(19701973)

JOANNA CROW

University of Bristol, UK

In 1964, Salvador Allende signed the Cautn Pact with leftistMapuche organisations in Temuco in which they pledged to support

Allendes presidential campaign and he vowed to introduce impor-

tant socio-economic reforms to benefit Mapuche communities and to

respect their culture and religion. As has been argued in previous

studies, there were limitations to the implementation of these

reforms in practice. This article suggests, however, that even so, an

important space was opened up for and by Mapuche people

within the governments left-wing nationalist project. This shift was

also reflected in the works of intellectuals closely linked to the

Unidad Popular.

Keywords: Chile, Mapuche, Unidad Popular, intellectuals, agrarian re-

form, Ley indgena.

Very few studies on indigenismoin Latin America have incorporated the Chilean ex-

perience, and scholarly works on the Chilean Left have seldom examined its responses

to the countrys so-called Indian problem. This is largely because Chile has been seen

as an exception to the histories of ethnic conflict in other countries of the region. Chal-

lenging this consensus, I outline one key example Mapuche political mobilisation inthe 1960s and 1970s of the way in which class and ethnic conflict became entangled

in twentieth-century Chile. I situate this case study within a discussion of the ways in

which intellectuals and state institutions in Chile have attempted to redefine the place

of indigenous cultures (specifically the Mapuche) in Chilean nationhood.1I argue that

1 The Ley indgenaof 1993 recognised the existence of eight different indigenous groupsin Chile. This paper focuses on the Mapuche the largest group because Allendesspeeches, his governments legislation and the pro-UP intellectuals discussed here pri-oritised them. According to official statistics from the mid-1960s, there were approxi-

mately 320,000 Mapuche people in Chile (four per cent of the total population). Themajority lived in rural areas in the southern provinces (their historic homeland),lth h i i b i ti t b t i h f k b


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Joanna Crow

Salvador Allendes revolutionary nationalist project (which, in reality, encompassed

several competing projects)2was a particularly important landmark in this regard. Re-

sponding to the demands of Mapuche political organisations, Allende made radical

changes both to official identity discourses and to government (social, educational and

cultural) policy on national inclusion, yet these aspects of his presidency remain un-der-explored.3This article brings together fragmentary evidence from various primary

sources (mainly the works of Pablo Neruda and Alejandro Lipschutz, and congressional

debates about policy reform) and several secondary sources on Unidad Popular (UP)

legislation to explore the different ways in which Allendes government sought to in-

clude the Mapuche in the nation. It also examines claims made by indigenous peoples

themselves to be part of this identity, and the tensions that resulted from such a conver-

gence, thus providing a useful case study of the problematic relationship between the

left, ethnicity and nationalism in Latin America.

Despite Paul Drakes claim that countries like Chile were unsuited to put such anemphasis on the Indian (Drake, 1978: 140), evidence shows that the Chilean Left

sought to incorporate the Mapuche into its public discourse many years before Unidad

Popular came to power. By the mid-1920s, the Federation of Chilean Workers (FOCH)

had developed close ties with the Araucanian Foundation, a Mapuche organisation led

by Aburto Panguilef (Bengoa, 1999: 132). In 1927, the Communist Party proclaimed

its commitment to defend the Indian way of life because we respect this national

minority, just as we respect their language and idiosyncracy (Bengoa, 1999: 134).4

Communist Party members and FOCH representatives attacked the government for its

repression of Mapuche peasants in Ranquil in 1934, publicising events in Congressand the national press (Painemal Huenchual, 1983: 5254). However, leftist parties

alleged concerns for Mapuche people and culture were rarely transformed into

concrete policy, even when they were included in governing coalitions, and their ef-

forts tended to focus on drawing the stereotyped backward, primitive Mapuche

into the revolution. (Significantly, the Communist Partys declaration in defence of

the Indian way of life, cited above, continued: naturally we aspire to perfect

[the indigenous race] and we will help them to overcome their own deficiencies.)

Indeed, between the 1910s, when the first Mapuche political organisations were

created, and the 1950s, Mapuche leaders were just as likely to affiliate with the Rightas the Left (Alb, 1999). By the 1960s, though, the situation had changed and

2 As noted by Chilean historian Julio Pinto, there were many different people, withdiverging even contradictory politics, involved in the Unidad Popular project. Thedifferent groups tended to agree on the ends of the revolution, but they did not agreeon the means (Pinto, 2005: 15).

3 Some studies of agrarian reform under Allende specifically analyse its impact on andthe involvement of Mapuche communities (e.g. Steenland, 1977), and several overviews

of Chilean state policy toward indigenous peoples note the key changes implementedby Allendes regime (Berglund, 1977; Alb, 1999; Rupailaf, 2002; Sznajder, 2003;Richards 2004) However they offer little detailed analysis of the implications of such


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Ethnicity, Class and Nation in Chile

Mapuche organisations became more consistently linked to leftist parties (Foerster

and Montecino, 1988).

Scholars have frequently highlighted the Lefts efforts to develop the class-con-

sciousness of Mapuche peasants; Loveman, for example, noted how the number of

unionised rural workers soared during the Unidad Popular government (Loveman,1976: 289). However, it is also important to bear in mind the cultural resurgence

that was taking place among Mapuche people during the same period. Newspapers

from the early 1960s documented many instances of political mobilisation around a

specifically Mapuche identity.5In 1966, Mapuche poet Sebastin Queupul Quintremil

published Poemas mapuches en castellano, the first book of bilingual (Mapuzungun-

Spanish) poetry to be authored by a Mapuche writer (Queupul, 1966). In 1970,

local Mapuche leaders organised the defence of the Araucanian Museum of Temuco

when it was threatened with closure: they organised street protests in Temuco; they

also sent delegations to Santiago to plead their case to the government.6It was notsimply a case of the Mapuche being mobilised bythe Unidad Popular or leftist or-

ganisations. To argue thus diminishes the agency of Mapuche people themselves,

undermining the fact that many Mapuche intellectuals and community leaders were

developing their own ethnic-based demands independently of mainstream political

parties. It is perhaps more accurate to say that the Left was able to draw on this

growing ethnic consciousness because many Mapuche leaders decided that their

peoples demands (particularly with regard to the land problem) were more likely to

be achieved through a broader class-based alliance.

It is clear that the Left (and even some governments on the centre Right, such asthat of Carlos Ibaez (19521958)) had sought to incorporate the Mapuche into

discourses of Chilean nationhood long before 1970. Nonetheless, many contempo-

rary Mapuche intellectuals have identified the Unidad Popular government as an

important turning point in the historic relationship between the Mapuche and the

Chilean state (Cayul, 1989: 26; Antillanca, Cuminao and Loncn, 2000: 35).

Mapuche academic Ral Rupailaf recently went so far as to claim that the Ley ind-

genaof 1972 was an inspiration to other Latin American countries; it was, he said,

at the forefront of important changes regarding indigenous rights in the region (Ru-

pailaf, 2002: 70). Even the Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco, a Mapuche organisationlabelled extremist by the Chilean press (several leaders are currently in prison on

charges of terrorism), has praised the accomplishments of Allendes government. The

organisations Annual Report (2002) described it as the first real opportunity that

the Mapuche had to solve a difficult situation of political, social and territorial mar-

ginalisation (Corvaln, 2003: 28). This contemporary revisionism coincides with

recent efforts in Chile to recall positive and perhaps less controversial aspects of

5 E.g. Nguillatn habr hoy y maana en el lugar indgena Collimalin, El Diario Aus-tral(18 March 1960); Estudiantes mapuches se han unido bajo una nueva entidad: laAdemay El diario Austral (10 May 1960); Eclosin mapuche en Arauco y Malleco


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Joanna Crow

Allendes regime.7(It is worth noting that it was an opposition-controlled Congress

that approved Allendes Ley indgenain 1972.) Such a re-evaluation is also indicative

of political developments in Latin America more generally the rethinking of revo-

lutionary politics, and the convergence of an indigenous rights-based discourse with

other popular sectors struggles against neo-liberalism triggered by the collapse ofthe traditional Left. Allende was manifestly keen to promote himself as pro-Mapu-

che and he was well aware of the importance and utility of symbolic gesture. Film

footage of his electoral campaigns (in 1964 and 1970) in the southern provinces, for

instance, shows him in a poncho, travelling by cart and accompanied by many

Mapuche compaeros.8Photographs exhibited in the National History Museum in

Santiago also testify to such electoral strategies.9 Having signed the Cautn Pact

with Mapuche organisations in 1964, one of the first things Allende did as president

was to travel to Temuco to preside over the closing session of the Second National

Mapuche Congress (December 1970). In a speech to Congress in 1971, he specifi-cally sought to distinguish the Unidad Popular from previous governments, claiming

that the indigenous problem [was] a fundamental concern of the Popular Govern-

ment, as it should be for all Chileans (Allende Gossens, 1971: 2783). It was also

during his government that the music group Quilapayn, which drew heavily on

indigenous musical styles, instruments and imagery (indeed, its very name was Ma-

puche), became an official representative of Chilean culture (Pinto, 2005: 149).10

Moreover, when the publishing house Zig-Zag was bought by the state in 1972 and

given the task of democratising the literary experience (i.e., producing thousands of

cheap copies of key texts), it was renamed Quimant, a Mapuche word meaning thelight of knowledge.

Pablo Neruda: Seeking Inspiration in Chiles Indigenous Past

Studies of indigenismo may have excluded the Chilean experience, but few stud-

ies of Pablo Neruda have failed to mention his defence or indeed glorification of na-

tive America. Neruda was a close friend of Allende and a key spokesman for the

7 A recent truth commission on indigenous rights in Chile confirmed the Unidad Pop-ulars positive legacy among the Mapuche: according to one of its reports, Allendesgovernment struck a deep chord with the Mapuche people: [seeking to restore]what had been destroyed by colonialism (Vera, Aylwin, Couecar and Chihuailaf,2004: 83).

8 Some of this footage was shown at El sueo existe[The Dream Exists], a memorial

concert held in Chiles National Stadium in September 2003 to commemorate the30-year anniversary of Allendes death.

9 In 2003 these images could be found in the last room on the top floor of the museum


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UP: he was appointed ambassador for Chile in France, and through speeches and

public appearances he tirelessly laboured to gain international support for Allendes

government as it came under increasing attack at home. He also played a central role

in imagining a new revolutionary Chilean nation, drawing heavily on the heroic im-

agery surrounding the indomitable Araucanian warrior of the sixteenth century. Per-petuating a discourse invented by political leaders of the independence era, Neruda

attempted to link the Mapuches victorious struggle against the Spanish conquistado-

res to a national identity based on resistance (Lewis, 1994). However, his narrative

diverged from these earlier (official) uses of Chiles indigenous past by connecting

such resistance to the class conflict of contemporary Chile.

The plight of Chiles indigenous peoples did not become a major concern

for Neruda until he went to Mexico in 1940 (at least, there is no reference to

indigenous peoples in either his writings or his speeches before this). As consul

there, Neruda sought to increase Mexicans awareness of Chilean culture and, tothis end, published a magazine called Araucana, which displayed the smiling face

of a Mapuche woman on the front cover. Neruda sent copies to state officials in

Chile, purportedly expecting praise and gratitude for his endeavour. Instead, he

was severely reprimanded and instructed to suspend the publication: We are not

a country of Indians!, they told him (Neruda, 1968). From this point on, Neruda

seemed determined to incorporate Mapuche people as central protagonists in his

version of the national narrative. The poems of Canto general(1950) continually

exalted the bravery and military prowess of the Araucanian warriors and

proclaimed them the liberators of the Chilean nation. In Educacin del cacique[Training of a Chief], Neruda praised the cunning and intelligence of one of these

liberators, Lautaro: His youth a driving wind. / He prepared himself like a long

spear. / He accustomed his feet to the cascades. / He trained his head in the thorns

(Neruda, 1991).

By romanticising the heroic Mapuche past but ignoring their suffering in the pre-

sent, Canto generallargely subscribed to the dominant discourses of Chilean national

identity. However, Neruda rejected the stereotypical imagery of barbarism surround-

ing the Mapuche warriors, focusing instead on the well-developed strategies behind

their battlefield tactics (as shown above in Educacin del cacique), and, overall, hispoetic representations of indigenous peoples seem to have been well received by

Mapuche readers and listeners. A Mapuche poet, Elicura Chihuailaf, for example, has

recently translated some of Nerudas verses, including Educacin del cacique, into

Mapuzungun and praised the Nobel Laureates understanding of the Mapuche way

of life (Chihuailaf, 1996). More important than Nerudas indigenismoitself, though,

was his attempt to use the glorious Mapuche rebellions of the past to justify the so-

cialist revolution of the present. In Nerudas narrative, Araucos celebrated tradition

of resistance was reincarnated in key political figures such as Luis Emilio Recabarren

and it was the workers who ultimately emerged as the hroes de la patria. Signifi-cantly, this link between the noble Mapuche warriors of old and the contemporary


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Joanna Crow

of the sea, of the stones [] and at the same time of man, of the heroes of the home-

land, of our Araucanian ancestors, of the miner, the railroad worker (Teitelboim,

1996: 462).

In Nerudas Incitacin al nixoncidio y alabanza de la revolucin chilena(Neruda,

1973), the connection between the historic Mapuche struggle against Spanish colonial-ism and the Chilean workers contemporary struggle against savage capitalism and US

imperialism was made even more explicit. Willing Chiles socialist revolution to suc-

ceed, Neruda invoked the verses of Alonso de Ercillas sixteenth-century epic poem La

Araucana(in capital letters) to glorify the Unidad Popular and demonise US interfer-

ence in Chilean affairs:

The world made out the sudden blaze

and in your honour repeated the glorious voice:

ITS PEOPLE ARE SO[DISTINGUISHED,

so united, so resolute and brave,

the Unidad Popular in its prime,

SO MAGNIFICENT, NOBLE AND

[WARLIKE,

that it will risk its life in the struggle

against the seditious, suspect groups.

The peoples illustrious lineage,

is, as yesterday, rich and proudAND HAS NEVER BEEN RULED BY A KING.

And even if attacked and assaulted

my homeland, Chile will never be defeated

NOR SUBJUGATED TO ANY FOREIGN

[AUTHORITY.

Anti-imperialism has been a common theme of left-wing nationalist rhetoric

throughout Latin America. Neruda most certainly drew on this tradition in the

poem Juntos hablamos (in Incitacin al nixoncidio) above. In earlier works, suchas Canto general, however, the poets glorification of the indigenous past and

attacks on US imperialist strategies were as much americanistaas they were nation-

alist: it was their indigenous past and resistance against US domination that united

the countries of Latin America. In this sense, Neruda often sought to transcend

rather than reinforce national boundaries. The coming together of nationalism and

americanismo can also be found in Allendes official rhetoric, a point developed

below.

The Mapuche were also present in Nerudas prose. Moreover, they were Mapuche of

the twentieth century, not of Chiles colonial past. In Nosotros los indios (1968), Ner-uda protested against the lack of official will to protect Mapuche culture and language,


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with Mapuche politician Rosendo Huenumn (Teitelboim, 1996: 432).11That Neruda

was also in contact with Mapuche leader and fellow Communist Martin Painemal,

who invited him to speak at a meeting organised by the National Indigenous Associa-

tion, is further proof that the poet engaged with the contemporary Mapuche struggle

against discrimination and exploitation (Painemal Huenchual, 1983: 83). Neruda wasthus presented and presented himself as a man who talked with and not just about

Mapuche people; he also supported them in many of their demands, particularly with

regard to education. As I explore below, Allendes government did implement, or at

least planned to implement, some important changes in this area.

Alejandro Lipschutz: Anthropology and Revolutionary Discoursesof Nationhood

Of Lithuanian descent, Lipschutz first went to Chile in 1926 and became a Chilean na-

tional in 1930. He worked in the Physiology Department at the University of Concep-

cin until 1937, at which point he was invited by the government of Arturo Alessandri

to become director of the Institute of Experimental Medicine in Santiago. By the 1960s,

he was working at the prestigious University of Chile, and in 1970, he was awarded the

National Science Prize by Allendes government.

Despite drawing his income from experimental science, Lipschutz was also widely

acclaimed for his anthropological endeavours, particularly his studies of indigenous

peoples. The National Science Prize was, after all, bestowed upon him not only for his

work in endocrinology but also for his cultural indigenismo (www.gobiernodechile.

cl). Moreover, Lipschutz was a member of the Chilean Communist Party; he was

actively involved in Salvador Allendes administration and was persecuted for it when

Pinochet came to power in 1973.12For the purposes of this paper, the significance of

his work lies in its attempts to bring anthropology and history together to rewrite

Chiles national narrative, as well as its efforts to surpass traditional Marxist interpre-

tations of ethnic and racial issues.

In early works, such as Indoamrica y raza india (1937), Lipschutz refuted the

biological theory of race, asserting instead the dynamic and changing nature of human

societies. He denounced the idea that some peoples were biologically superior to others

as completely absurd and ridiculed the notion that racial mixing produced a degen-

erative people (Lipschutz, 1937: 49). More specifically, he criticised the way in which

such ideas had been used by Latin American ruling elites for the purposes of political

propaganda (15). The fact that indigenous peoples were decreasing in numbers in

Latin America was not explained by biological factors, Lipschutz argued, but instead

by the destruction of their traditional social organisation. Furthermore, this decrease

11 Rosendo Huenumn a member of the Communist Party was elected as deputy for the


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Joanna Crow

did not necessarily imply indigenous communities impending extinction, as so many

academics presumed. On the contrary, Lipschutz cited many examples of their cultural

resistance and survival (52).

Lipschutz concluded Indoamrica y raza indiaby promoting the cultural values of

Latin Americas indigenous peoples and asserting their active role in national societies,an argument that remained prominent in his work for the next 35 years. In Indo-

americanismo y el problema racial en las Amricas (1944), the author turned to the

specific case of Chile, claiming that the Araucanians in later books he referred

to them as Mapuche had participated fully in the formation of our Chilean race

(Lipschutz, 1944: 159). In contrast to many scholars at the time who presented

Mapuche society as one homogenous whole, Lipschutz stressed its internal diversity.

He also claimed that there was nothing to distinguish between Mapuche and white

Chileans in physical or intellectual terms. Instead, he said, it was their culture and

language (as well as social discrimination) which set Mapuche people apart (159).Lipschutzs indoamericanismopromoted the economic and cultural vindication of

the indigenous masses in Latin America and urged the need for agrarian reform, which

he saw as crucial to the continents future resurreccin indoamericana. By the 1970s,

he claimed that this resurrection had already become a reality for Chiles Mapuche

population: it is more than evident that there is a fervent desire for cultural resurgence

among the Mapuche of Chile (Lipschutz, 1974: 128). One only had to look at the

poetry of Sebastian Queupul, Lipschutz asserted, to appreciate the Mapuche peoples

growing confidence in their cultural and spiritual values.

Despite his fervent Communist beliefs, Lipschutz appeared to transcend the conven-tional Marxist approach to modernisation. He did not, for example, subscribe to the

view that class would eventually erase ethnicity: he conceived of race and ethnicity as

strongly connected to class but not reducible to it. Lipschutz argued that the category

of Indian could not be understood outside its social context: in colonial times, Indians

were allocated a specific economic role (slavery, forced labour), which continued, he

said, albeit in a different guise, after independence. Even in the twentieth century,

indigenous peoples often suffered the highest rates of social exclusion. However, he

did not ignore the important cultural elements of Indian identity and he repeatedly

stressed that indigenous cultures were not about to disappear in Latin America. Chile,he proclaimed, was home to at least 400,000 Mapuche (Lipschutz, 1974: 132). He

promoted the integration of this people, but he argued for an integration that allowed

the Mapuche to continue to be culturally different. More significant, however, was

Lipschutzs emphasis on the ability of Mapuche culture to change, adapt and moder-

nise without necessarily becoming less Mapuche. Speaking Spanish, wearing a

mini-skirt and living in a modern house, he professed, did not inevitably mean that

someone had lost their Mapuche identity; it implied instead a renegotiated version of

Mapuche-ness (129). Identities, for Lipschutz, then, were flexible and constantly

shifting, rather than innate and static.Scholars such as Jorge Larran have commented on Lipschutzs work, but have


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nated both nationally and internationally. By the early 1970s, he had given numerous

conference papers at the University of Chile, written articles for the Revista chilena de

historia y geografa, Auroraand the Boletn de la Universidad de Chile, and published

six books with mainstream publishing houses. He had also been invited to several

symposia abroad and was actively involved in the Instituto Indigenista Interamericano.Lipschutz discussed his work with many other Chilean intellectuals and political fig-

ures, such as Toms Lago, Olga Poblete, Alvaro Jara, Luis Sandoval and Luis Corva-

ln (Lipschutz, 1968). Indeed, in 1963, Neruda described him as the most important

man in Chile (prologue to Lipschutz, 1963: xi). All of this suggests that Lipschutzs

work did not emerge from a vacuum in Chile, but was instead part of a larger intel-

lectual debate.

This debate had a significant impact on the Unidad Popular government of Salvador

Allende. Lipschutz argued against the liquidation of indigenous communal lands. He

also opposed the cultural assimilation of indigenous peoples into the Chilean nation,and instead supported such measures as bilingual teaching in schools. Both issues were

incorporated into the governments revolutionary project. Indeed, Allende specifically

requested that Lipschutz be brought in to advise the authorities on how to include

Mapuche communities in the agrarian reform process. Consequently, Lipschutz be-

came involved in drawing up the new Ley indgenapassed by Congress in 1972, and

must have had a key role to play, as Allende made direct reference to his work when

he presented the new legislation to Congress in 1971 (Allende Gossens, 1971: 2783).

Against the backdrop of this discussion of attempts by Chilean intellectuals to re-

define the relationship between the Mapuche, the state and Chilean national identity,I will now explore the Unidad Popular reforms in further detail.

Revolution in the Countryside

Peaceful revolution, as Brian Loveman has commented, requires a formidable level of

consensus on values and objectives (Loveman, 1993: 24), which did not exist in Chile in

the early 1970s. Indeed, it did not even exist within the Chilean Left. This was nowhere

more apparent than in debates about agrarian reform how quickly it should be imple-mented, how much land should be expropriated, what to do with the expropriated land

and so forth. Notably, Mapuche organisations and political leaders were an important

element of the diversity on the Left, particularly in the southern provinces, where the

majority of peasants were Mapuche and where there was a history of severe land scarcity

(Steenland, 1977: 8586; Mallon, 2005: 106). It was also in the southern provinces,

namely Cautn (historic Mapuche territory), where most of the illegal land-occupations

and, hence, violent conflict occurred (Loveman, 1976: 281; Steenland, 1977: 207).

From the outset, the Unidad Popular pledged to deal with the specific needs of

Chiles indigenous population in its agrarian reform programme. A leaflet entitledPrograma del gobierno popular, produced by Allendes election team in 1970, told


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appointed Jacques Chonchol as Minister of Agriculture. Chonchol was renowned for

his mapuchista [Mapuche-friendly] agrarian policy; indeed, so preoccupied was he

with the land conflicts in the south that he temporarily moved his ministry to Temuco

in January 1971 (Mallon, 2005: 106). As noted above, anthropologist Alejandro

Lipschutz was drafted in to advise the government about the incorporation of Mapu-che communities into the agrarian reform. Perhaps drawing on Lipschutzs work,

Allende highlighted the specificity of the Mapuche land problem in a speech to Con-

gress in May 1971. Mapuche peasants, he said, fought to reclaim land that had

belonged to their ancestors, land that had been usurped by local hacendadossince the

nineteenth century. In contrast, non-Mapuche peasants fought for land to which they

had never had access, land which they had worked but which had not been theirs

(Allende Gossens, 1971: 2783). And it was no coincidence that in 1973 the govern-

ment agency ICIRA published a revised edition of Pascual Coas Memoirs of a

Mapuche Leader(Coa, 1973).13Evidently, a history of Mapuche communities lossof ancestral lands, their exploitation by local hacendadosand their increasing poverty

helped to justify the Unidad Populars expropriation of the large estates.

Allende pledged to eliminate the hacienda system in Chile. By 1973, he had largely

achieved his goal; almost all farms over 80 BIH (basic irrigated hectares) had been

expropriated by the state (Loveman, 1976: 280). His government had not been able

to pass its own agrarian reform law through Congress, but it had employed the legis-

lation enacted by the Christian Democrats in 1967, sought out loopholes and pushed

it to its limits. In six years, the Christian Democrats had expropriated approximately

1,300 properties; in two years, the Unidad Popular had expropriated over 3,000(Loveman, 1976: 280). In six years, the Christian Democrats had managed to return

only 1,443 hectares to Mapuche communities; by the end of 1971, the UP had already

returned 68,381 hectares (Alb, 1999: 822). This process of return, restitution and

expropriation (of lands stolen from Mapuche communities since the late nineteenth

century) was to be accelerated by the Institute of Indigenous Development, created by

the new Ley indgenaof 1972, which will be discussed later. For the moment, I will

focus on the way in which the Mapuche were incorporated into and took active and

diverse roles in the more general agrarian reform process.

Kyle Steenland has described how the grievances of Mapuche communities in theprovince of Cautn led to a great wave of illegal occupations of farms during the time

of the UP government (Steenland, 1977). These started under Frei in the late 1960s,

but escalated in the early 1970s, partly because peasants were aware that the govern-

ment was reluctant to use the police against them. With financial and technical assis-

tance from the state, the occupied lands were turned into farming co-operatives, and

many were named after legendary Mapuche heroes such as Lautaro, Caupolicn or

Galvarino (Steenland, 108). Steenland summarised the achievements of the reform by

saying we must remember that because of it tens of thousands of Chilean peasants

took control of their lives for the first time (22).Mallons in-depth historical study of Nicols Ailo, a community involved in the


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the positive consequences of agrarian reform for Mapuche people in Cautn. She

describes through interviews with the landowners and peasants involved the

take-over itself (in December 1970), its violent but brief re-occupation and the govern-

ments eventual expropriation of the farm in February 1971. For those Mapuche that

participated, she said, the occupation of Ruculan was the centre piece of a story aboutovercoming exploitation through direct action (Mallon, 2005: 17). The government

supported this action, and the farm was turned into an agrarian co-operative. Accord-

ing to Mallon, the Unidad Popular years were remembered as a time of tremendous

productivity; the Corporation of Agrarian Reform (CORA) assisted with technical aid,

machinery, fertiliser and herbicides, and participants recalled the commitment, strength

and sense of celebration that they shared (113).

In these accounts, the main protagonists of land reform were Mapuche peasants.

They acquired land not through state initiative, but rather because they organised and

took it over themselves. Both Chonchol and Allende publicly condemned such landinvasions, on the grounds that they hindered the reform by creating a climate of

instability in the region, thereby making the government vulnerable to attacks from

the Right. However, Chonchol went on to expropriate many of the occupied farms,

thereby lending legality to the illegal actions of the peasants. In a sense, then, Mapuche

peasants were not so much part of the revolutionary states project, as working outside

it. Collaborating with groups such as the Movement of the Revolutionary Left (MIR),

which was not part of the governing coalition, they forced Allende to speed up the

agrarian reform and to consider farms (smaller than 80 BIH) that had not been on

his original agenda.Two further points emerge from the narratives of land invasions in southern Chile:

the diversity of the Chilean Left and the internal diversity of Mapuche communities,

both of which help to explain the problematic relationship that existed between ethnic

and class mobilisation. The MIR encouraged peasants to take over land themselves

rather than wait for it to be expropriated legally (Steenland, 1977: 82). There were

also elements within the governing coalition, such as left-Socialists and the United

Popular Action Movement (MAPU), who rejected the UPs commitment to working

within the framework of existing legal norms (Loveman, 1976: 280). In contrast, the

Communist Party vociferously denounced the land seizures. Mapuche communitieswere also divided on the issue. As documented by Mallon, several members of Nicols

Ailo considered the strategy foreign to local practice; they did not want to collaborate

with the MIR, preferring to continue their struggle for the restitution of community

lands through the courts (Mallon, 2005: 6). The rupture caused by the occupation of

Ruculan was exacerbated in the years of repression following the coup and in 2005

had still not been healed.

Mapuche peasants collaboration with the MIR is a subject of great debate.

Those who criticised the radicalisation of agrarian reform claimed the Mapuche

were manipulated by the MIR, used as pawns in a struggle in which they had verylittle say. Steenland noted the peasants initial suspicion of the MIR activists when


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Joanna Crow

of the MIR was clear in written declarations made by peasant groups, but this did

not mean the MIR misrepresented them (Steenland, 80). In brief, Mapuche com-

munities, well aware of their situation of economic, social and political marginalisa-

tion, asked for advice and help from the MIR, and received it. Mallon, likewise,

criticised the way in which landowners transformed Mapuche peasants into littlemore than puppets for a group of armed miristas (Mallon, 2005: 91). She argued

that the take-over of the Ruculan farm was supported but not led by the MIR;

members of Nicols Ailo made use of the advice of MIR activists through the

MCR (the Revolutionary Peasant Movement) but only one miristaparticipated in

the take-over.

It is important to distinguish between the MIR and the MCR. Members of the

MCR were often sympathisers of the MIR, and the latter initially helped to organise

the MCR, but they were not the same organisations. Moreover, in provinces such as

Cautn, the MCR was comprised mainly of Mapuche peasants. Hence, it was not anoutside imposition, but an organisation in which many Mapuche people were

actively involved; they were part of it and they set its agenda. Indeed, two key

leaders of the MCR, Moiss and Felix Huentelaf, were Mapuche. The former was

killed by landowners in an attempted take-over (Mallon, 2005: 111); the latter,

vice-president of the movement, was imprisoned shortly after Pinochets coup

(Steenland, 1977: 204).

It is also important to analyse the limits of the agrarian reform, notwithstanding

the positive achievements discussed above. There were many such limits, and Mapu-

che peasants were as much involved in these failings as they were in the successes.First and foremost were the effects of the political and social upheavals that domi-

nated the UP era. Whether caused by the government policies, or triggered by

opposition parties aiming to bring down the government, it is clear that they pre-

vented many new co-operatives from working productively. Another problematic

feature of the reform process was the National Peasant Council, created by state

decree in December 1970. It was supposed to provide a participatory role for peasant

organisations, both locally and nationally (Loveman, 1976: 285). However, the func-

tion of the Peasant Councils, particularly with regard to their relationship with

peasant unions, the Centres of Agrarian Reform (CERAs) and the agrarian agencies,was never made clear (Steenland, 1977: 116). Moreover, indigenous communities

one of the groups to which the Unidad Popular had promised the most were not

represented in the governments peasant council scheme (Winn and Kay, 1974: 150).

Mapuche peasants in Cautn, in protest against such a top-down initiative, formed

directly elected local councils and demanded that these be recognised by the govern-

ment. Eventually Chonchol acquiesced, permitting the creation of a larger council

which represented unorganised as well as organised peasants. Again, Mapuche

peasants had forced the government to revise its policy. As noted by Steenland,

Mapuche rural workers were able to dominate the agenda of Lautaros PeasantCouncil simply because they made up almost 90 per cent of the delegates attending


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basis of socialist agriculture in Chile? Although government policy on this was not

entirely clear, the basic aim was to transform the expropriated farms into farming

co-operatives. Congress strongly opposed such state-led collectivisation of land

(Gobierno de Chile, 1972: 336341). There were also Mapuche farmers who dis-

agreed with it. Even members of the Nicols Ailo community, whose memories ofthe period are largely positive, have complained that their co-operative was managed

inefficiently. Some remembered that people fought and drank too much; they also

recalled a lack of discipline (Mallon, 2005: 119120). More importantly, there is

much evidence to suggest that Mapuche peasants contrary to popular assumption

found it difficult to work collectively on the expropriated land. As documented by

Steenland, they tended to spend more time on their individual plots than on the

co-operative, and they refused to give up their lands on the reservations (Steenland,

1977: 210). In his speech to Congress in May 1971, Allende repeatedly asserted that

even though the formal ownership of indigenous lands was collective, Mapuchepeople had a tradition of farming and managing their land individually (Allende

Gossens, 1971: 27862788). Rather than accept this, however, he wanted to trans-

form their agricultural system into one of collective production, on the grounds that

land shortages made individual farming unsustainable (2789). He knew the reality

of the situation, but he wanted to change it.

Thus emerge the competing discourses of class and ethnicity in the Unidad Pop-

ulars revolutionary nationalism. Mallon claimed that indigenous cultural practices

were relegated to a secondary, almost clandestine, plane during this period. She

quoted Mario Castro recalling how in those days people didnt understand thecultural issues, the ethnic question [] they didnt differentiate between the Mapu-

che peasant and the wigka[non-Mapuche or Chilean] peasant [] This was one of

the biggest problems back then (Mallon, 2005: 121122). Such statements intimate

that Allendes willingness to acknowledge the distinct culture and history of Mapu-

che peasants had not been transferred into practice. Emphasis, Mallon argued, was

almost exclusively placed on the class element of mobilisation and, as a result, pow-

erful sources of inspiration and political strength that formed part of Mapuche

peasant identity were closed off (123).

Overall, Mallons assessment of the amount of space that existed for indigenouscultural practices during the early 1970s is a very negative one. Yet evidence suggests

that many Mapuche people continued to value their distinctive ethnic identity, and

that they often organised around it. Mallon herself mentioned traditional Mapuche

ceremonies being held at this time (even if some people refused to participate); she

also noted the continuing importance of Mapuche networks of kinship and exchange.

However, what she and other scholars have demonstrated is that Mapuche people also

developed important connections with wider society as a result of the agrarian reform.

Members of Nicols Ailo sought out broader participation, including landless people

of both Mapuche and non-Mapuche origin in order to occupy the Ruculan farm(Mallon, 2005: 109). Without this co-operation, the take-over may not have been


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Joanna Crow

ing specifically to the Mapuche struggle ( Mapuche people, the land is yours, defend

it!), but they also used more universal catchphrases in their graffiti (Land or death,

we will be victorious! and We want bread).14Ethnic and class identities were not

mutually exclusive; they could and often did co-exist, although as shown above

not without tensions.

New Definitions of Chilean and Mapuche Identities

The failure to differentiate between indigenous and non-indigenous peasants (or urban

workers) the tendency to interpret indigenous peoples problems in purely economic

terms has been a common criticism of the Left in Latin America. Such criticisms were

most certainly applicable to the process of agrarian reform in Chile. However, it is

worth reiterating that, on a discursive level at least, Allende attempted to eschew suchreductionist approaches. In his speech presenting the Ley indgena17.729 to Congress

in 1971, he stressed that the problems faced by Chiles indigenous community were

quite distinct to those faced by the rest of the peasantry. For this reason, he said, Chile

needed separate laws and institutions to address their specific needs (Allende Gossens,

1971: 2783). He also made a point of denouncing the racial stereotypes that had legiti-

mised the structures of domination over the Mapuche and other indigenous peoples in

Chile. Indeed, he went as far as to say that no one should be surprised by their almost

necessarily violent actions (he was doubtless referring to the illegal land seizures in the

south), considering the discrimination they had suffered (2788).The new Ley indgenaof 1972 officially acknowledged Chiles cultural and ethnic

diversity, and for the first time in Chilean history, indigenous identity was no longer

confined to those who lived in an indigenous community or those who had access to

communal lands. People could also be indigenous by language and culture.15Unidad

Popular representatives staked some prestige on this unprecedented move (and the Ley

indgenamore generally), proclaiming that theirs was the first government to truly

consider the needs of Chiles indigenous population. Even opposition deputies, such as

Seor Alvarado of the Christian Democrat Party, congratulated the government on its

efforts. Prior to 1970, he said, there had been very little government debate about howto resolve the indigenous problem, a problem that affected ten per cent of Chileans

and, indirectly, our [whole] nationality (Gobierno de Chile, 1972: 322).

When presenting the Ley indgena17.729 to Congress, Allende placed Chile firmly

within the Latin American collective, assuming the continents shared pre-Columbian

past. Quoting Mexican archaeologist Alfonso Caso, he claimed that Chiles similarity

to other Latin American republics lay not only in their common colonial past, but also

14 Captain Sergio Acevedo reported this graffiti to the Prefectura de Carabineros de

Cautn in a letter dated 11 March 1971. (Regional Archive of Araucana, Intendenciade Cautn, Oficios recibidos, Vol. 332).

15 There were lengthy debates in Congress about the definition of indgena after senators


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in the ideas and institutions that existed among American populations [long] before

the Conquest (Allende Gossens, 1971: 2783). In this sense, an acceptance of Chiles

indigenous cultures was not exclusively linked to nationalism, for it implied the need

to think beyond national boundaries and seek out a cultural heritage that united Latin

American countries. However, judging from the same speech, it would seem that theUnidad Populars decision to introduce new indigenous legislation was not influenced

by the indigenistapolicies of other Latin American states. Allende made no specific

reference to contemporary developments in neighbouring countries, which is rather

surprising given that the Chilean state had developed only minimal public discourse

on indigenous peoples before then. Allende did, however, draw on the work of

Alejandro Lipschutz, who was completely au faitwith the cultural and scientific issues

being debated by Latin Americas indigenistasat the time.

Parliamentary records show that the opinions of Mapuche communities and

political organisations were widely incorporated into the debates following Allen-des opening speech. Thus, Allendes government was not simply acting on behalf

of Chiles Mapuche population, but instead responding to and engaging with its

demands. In one session in June 1972, for example, congressman Tejeda (UP) made

several references to the National Mapuche Confederation and the requests it had

made regarding the communal ownership of indigenous lands (Gobierno de Chile,

1972: 322). In the same session, when deputies were discussing the definition of

indigenous (i.e. whether to include people who had left their rural communities),

it was pointed out that the opinion of the campesinos indgenaswas very divided

on the matter. It was also suggested that it should be the indigenous peasantsthemselves, not the state, who decided on the future of their communal lands

(331334).

The new Ley indgenaalso created the Institute of Indigenous Development (IDI),

the main objective of which was to promote the social, educational and cultural

development of indigenous peoples, taking into account their idiosyncrasy and

respecting their customs (Allende Gossens, 1971: 2798 ). Essential to this institutions

viability and success, as Allende himself stressed, was its inclusion of indigenous

political leaders. The management of the IDI was to be comprised of three representa-

tives of Mapuche peasants, two representatives of northern indigenous peoples andone representative of the National Peasant Council. There would therefore be five (or

potentially six) indigenous representatives out of a total of thirteen an undoubtedly

important presence in the reform process, and an unprecedented voice in the policy

decisions that directly affected indigenous communities.

It was not only a case of their opinions being brought into parliamentary debates

during the passage of the law and their participating in the new state institutions

created by the Ley indgena; Mapuche organisations were directly involved in the

drafting of the law in the first place. According to Ana Mara Flores, the Confederation

of Regional Mapuche Associations used the First National Mapuche Congress, heldin Ercilla in 1969, as an opportunity to compile a series of demands that would sub-


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Joanna Crow

had the full backing of the recently installed Unidad Popular government (Flores,

1999).

Evidence found in the Regional Archive of Araucana supports such claims: corre-

spondence between regional and national governments includes numerous references

to proposals made by Mapuche organisations to reform the existing Indigenous Law14.111. As early as the mid-1960s, the Indigenous Movement of Chile, the Galvarino

Indigenous Society and a support group for indigenous university students in Temuco

wrote to Bernardo Leighton (vice-president to Frei Montalva) with a list of claims

relating to communal lands, agricultural credits, housing and education.16 These

included the creation of agricultural and technical schools in areas with large indige-

nous populations, more schools on the rural communities, free uniforms and meals for

indigenous children, and student residencies in cities such as Temuco. As will be shown

below, the Ley indgenaof 1972 did indeed provide for such changes.

From the early twentieth century onwards, particularly with the Law for Compul-sory Education, passed in 1920, and the process of mass urbanisation which started

in the 1930s, increasing numbers of Mapuche and other indigenous children were

incorporated into Chiles public education system. Enacting similar assimilationist pol-

icies to other countries in the Americas, Chilean authorities were convinced that state

schooling provided the ultimate solution to the Indian problem. In short,

indigenous peoples escolarizacin was supposed to represent their chilenizacin

(Gonzlez Miranda, 1994: 29). Such an assimilationist ideology meant that bilingual

education having been practised for centuries by missionary schools was prohib-

ited. Despite this, one of the major demands of Mapuche political organisationsestablished in the 1910s and 1920s was increased access to education. They also,

however, campaigned for changes to be made to this education in order for it to better

serve Mapuche needs (Mariman, 1997: 162). The Institute of Indigenous Development

responded to such petitions.

The IDI immediately assumed the task of making education more accessible to

Mapuche people. As emphasised by Robert Austin, it greatly increased the number of

educational scholarships for Mapuche children (Austin, 2003: 170). The government

also made important investments in higher education. According to Staffan Berglund,

university grants for Mapuche students increased from 602 in 1969 to 1,093 in 1970,2,782 in 1971 and 9,297 in 1972 (Berglund, 1977: 84). In 1973, 17,000 grants were

awarded to Mapuche students, from fourth-year primary through to university level

(Corvaln, 2003: 28). In addition, the IDI pledged funding for new residences

(specifically for indigenous students) to be built in the major urban centres.

The IDI also sought to make schooling more relevant to Mapuche needs, and

school texts and teaching methodologies more respectful of Mapuche culture and his-

tory. Berglund highlighted the governments efforts to include Mapuche language and

Mapuche art and music in the curriculum. By this measure, he stated, it hoped to

put an end to Mapuche peoples reluctant rejection of their own culture, broughtabout initially by other Chileans condescending attitude towards it. He continued, it


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was regarded as the only road to emancipation of the Mapuche in the Chilean com-

munity. In particular, the project aimed at spreading bilingualism, which was just

about to be started at the time of the coup (Berglund, 1977: 84).

The Unidad Popular government was also keen to promote adult education

programmes among Chiles Mapuche population. Literacy and popular educationwere key themes of Latin American reformist politics throughout the twentieth cen-

tury. Hence, in some ways, the UPs initiative was nothing new; indeed, as with agrar-

ian reform, it developed policies first implemented by Frei Montalvas Christian

Democrat government (19641970). Austin makes one major distinction, however,

between the popular education programme of Allende and that of his predecessor (as

well as between his governments programme and that of other Latin American

governments). It was unique, he said, in that it promptly developed a program for

bilingual literacy in the densely indigenous south, which would become paradigmatic

for later links between popular educators and first peoples literacies throughout LatinAmerica (Austin, 2003: 134).

In 1971, the executive of the National Workers Education Programme, aware that

Mapuche people suffered the highest rates of formal illiteracy in Chile, set up a special

project entitled Cultural Mobilisation of Mapuche People. This comprised several

different components such as technical training, organisational development and bilin-

gual literacy. Adult education would be mainly organised around work centres, which

would act as sites of permanent collective cultural debate, decision and action

(Austin, 2003: 171). Such centres encouraged the development of Mapuche commu-

nities arts and crafts; they also ran agricultural workshops, which sought to combineMapuche knowledge of farming with recent technical innovations. The objective of the

literacy programme was to make 10,000 Mapuche bilingually literate;

more generally, it aimed to stimulate the increased use and study of Mapuzungun. The

programme prioritised Mapuche participation: it brought together the National Workers

Education Programme, the Institute of Indigenous Development and Mapuche organisa-

tions such as the Federation of Indigenous Students and the Confederation of Regional

Mapuche Associations. Focusing on consultation, educational self-management

and ethnic self-affirmation, the bilingual literacy project selected twenty Mapuche

monitors and 1,000 bilingual Mapuche teachers from local community and labourorganisations (Austin, 171). It also financed the production of new, locally designed

reading material for the classroom.

Austin stressed how different the Unidad Populars educational policy was from the

homogenising, civilising education programmes of previous governments and gave the

impression that the bilingual literacy project was in full swing by September 1973. Yet

this was surely unlikely: the IDI, a crucial partner in the scheme, was not officially es-

tablished until June 1972. Due to its short lifespan and the fact that most of the reforms

were never fully implemented, it is difficult to ascertain how intercultural or pro-

Mapuche the Unidad Populars education programme really was. Despite assertingthe need for the Mapuche to maintain their traditions (their language, art, religious


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Joanna Crow

(in Mapuzungun), so they could function better in the local and national community,

rather than aiming for an increased awareness of Mapuche culture, history and

language among Chileans more generally. The main objective of the teaching reforms

was to make efficient farmers or urban workers out of a previously marginalised

people. One congressman made this quite clear when he stressed the need for indige-nous peoples to be educated, trained and transformed into useful citizens, so that they

are no longer the worst paid workers in Chile when they arrive in the urban centres

(Gobierno de Chile, 1972: 326).

Even in its integrationist aims, however, the IDI was not necessarily imposing a

project on Mapuche communities that the latter did not want; there were of course

drawbacks to the reforms, but they nonetheless opened up an important space, and

Mapuche people were able to take advantage of them. Moreover, many Mapuche or-

ganisations themselves often appropriated the dominant discourses of integration, using

them to secure much-needed benefits from the state. The aforementioned letter to Ber-nardo Leighton, for example, affirmed Mapuche peoples inability to integrate of their

own accord into a civilisation that every day [was] more difficult to reach. It demanded

the government provide the economic, educational and material means to [] truly

integrate [themselves] into the great Chilean family.

Conclusion

There were many limits to the Unidad Popular indigenistareforms, not least because

of the turbulent political climate of the early 1970s and the violent curtailment of the

governments mandate. After 1,000 days, a military coup, led by General Augusto

Pinochet, brought an end to the Chilean Road to Socialism; Allendes project had

failed. The Mapuche were as much a part of this failure as the other diverse interests

and communities that had supported the Unidad Popular administration. The Mapuche

were part of the collective uncertainty about what Chilean socialism should be, and

indeed in many ways they epitomised the conflict over what the Chilean nation should

be. Mapuche intellectuals and political activists raised the problematic question of eth-

nicity and its place in such political agendas and imagined constructions. They asked

who would be included in the nation and how. A large number of Mapuche campesinos

in the south joined local efforts to push the agrarian reform to its limits and, in turn,

contributed to the instability and chaos of the region; yet they also rejected some of the

basic elements of this reform. Some Mapuche supported the rightist opposition to the

socialist revolution. There were also many, though, who at least briefly benefited

from the Allende reforms, and who consequently defend his legacy to this day.

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Etnicidad, Clase y Nacion en Allende

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