Environmental Education in Coastal Resource Management Programs
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Transcript of Environmental Education in Coastal Resource Management Programs
ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION
IN COMMUNITY-BASED COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT:
A CASE STUDY OF OLANGO ISLAND, PHILIPPINES
By
Brian J. English Ph.D
www.brianenglish.net
ABSTRACT
ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION
IN COMMUNITY-BASED COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT: A CASE
STUDY OF OLANGO ISLAND, PHILIPPINES
This study examined the dissemination of environmental knowledge and information in a community-based coastal resource management program in Olango, Philippines. Poor coastal planning and inappropriate fishing techniques threaten marine estuaries and coral reefs around Olango. Environmental education can be part of a solution to these problems through raising awareness of issues and encouraging behavioral change. As a case study of a community-based coastal resource management program, this dissertation facilitates an understanding of how the acquisition and learning of environmentally appropriate behavior take place through increased knowledge and attitudinal change. Using qualitative research methods, this study investigated how non-formal education can raise consciousness about coastal resource management, ultimately resulting in attempts to maintain a sustainable symbiotic relationship with the marine environment. The juxtaposition of several theories frames possible avenues for exchange of environmental knowledge and information. Social learning theories explain one process for the dissemination of environmental knowledge; however, other theories may offer complementing explanations for the dissemination of environmental knowledge and information. Organizational learning theories address the issue of how learning takes place within and among environmental organizations through the sharing of information that includes lessons learned from experience. Historical, experiential and political aspects of ecofeminist theory help to frame the process of community empowerment, a necessary step in the behavioral change process. The study specifically describes how the Coastal Resource Management Program (CRMP) mobilizes community members in the Olango area to collectively work for coastal resource management. The CRMP initiatives include consciousness raising campaigns about environmental issues, enterprise development for an alternative livelihood, and strategic planning for law enforcement. The CRMP multisectoral approach to consciousness raising emphasizes information, education, and communication. To encourage illegal fishermen to give up their practices, CRMP’s Enterprise Development division works with local island residents in the building and promoting of an eco-tour business. The enthusiasm among active community members gives optimism to the issue of sustainability for the Olango coastal resource management. However, lack of education and a rapidly growing population remain issues that need to be addressed.
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DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my parents, Charles and Leona English; and, to my sisters and brothers, Anne, Tim, Kevin and Maureen . It was their love, support and belief in me that helped keep me motivated through the research, writing and editing of this document.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my sincere appreciation and gratitude to all of the faculty and staff of the International Education program at the University of Southern California. Their guidance and assistance have been a major contribution to this work. Especially, I would like to thank Dr. Nelly Stromquist for her encouragement and advice through the research and writing process. I would also like to thank the fisherfolk on Olango and Gilutongan who welcomed me into their lives and hearts, the dedicated community organizers who assisted me in the field, and all the CRMP staff who made me feel at home in the Philippines.
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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
BFARMC Barangay Fisheries and Aquatic Resource Management Council
CI Conservation InternationalCLEAR-7 Coastal Law Enforcement Alliance in Region 7CRMP Coastal Resource Management ProgramDA-BFAR Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic
ResourcesDECS Department of Education Culture and SportsDENR Department of Environment and Natural ResourcesDILG Department of Interior and Local GovernmentGMS Gilutongan Marine SanctuaryICM Integrated coastal managementICNU Internation Union for the Conservation of Nature and
Natural ResourcesICRI International Coral Reef AllianceIEC Information, education and communicationIMA International Marinelife AllianceJAIP Jerusalem AIDS ProjectJICA Japanese International Cooperative Assistance AgencyLGU Local Government UnitNGO Non-governmental organizationOBST Olango Bird and Seascape TourOIWS Olango Island Wildlife SanctuaryPBSP Philippine Business for Social ProgressPCRA Participatory Coastal Resource AssessmentSEACAM Secretariat for East African Coastal Area ManagementUN United NationsUSAID United States Agency for International Development
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................................................................................2
CHAPTER 1.......................................................................................................................................................5
STATEMENT OF PROBLEM.................................................................................................................7OVERVIEW OF THEORIES................................................................................................................10RESEARCH QUESTIONS.....................................................................................................................1OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH METHODOLOGY....................................................................................12DEFINITION OF TERMS....................................................................................................................13ORGANIZATION OF DISSERTATION.................................................................................................17
CHAPTER 2.....................................................................................................................................................19
LEARNING THEORIES......................................................................................................................21ECOFEMINIST THEORY....................................................................................................................39EMPOWERMENT THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL EDUCATION............................................................46ENVIRONMENTAL NON-FORMAL EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES................................................54NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND NON-FORMAL EDUCATION....................................57SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW...............................................................................................62
CHAPTER 3.....................................................................................................................................................64
RESEARCH ON ENVIRONMENTAL PROGRAMS.................................................................................67RESEARCH DESIGN.........................................................................................................................68
CHAPTER 4.....................................................................................................................................................91
LOCAL INFORMANTS.......................................................................................................................92THE COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PROJECT.......................................................................93OTHER AGENCIES...........................................................................................................................98PROTECTED AREAS.......................................................................................................................101COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ISSUES................................................................................103ALBERT BANDURA, 1995..............................................................................................................107
CHAPTER 5...................................................................................................................................................107
TRAINING FOR RESOURCE ASSESSMENT AND MONITORING........................................................108ECO-TOURISM...............................................................................................................................121WORKSHOPS SEMINARS AND ACTIVITIES.....................................................................................128WOMEN’S INVOLVEMENT IN THE EDUCATION PROCESS..............................................................133SOCIAL INTERACTION IN THE EXCHANGE OF ENVIRONMENTAL KNOWLEDGE............................136EVOLVING TOWARD COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT.....................................................................147THE IMPACT OF COASTAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ON THE ENVIRONMENT............................163OTHER FACTORS IN DEVELOPING A COMMON ENVIRONMENTAL ETHIC.....................................165
CHAPTER 6...................................................................................................................................................175
SUMMARY.....................................................................................................................................176KEY FINDINGS..............................................................................................................................176GENERAL CONCLUSIONS..............................................................................................................179PRACTICAL AND THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS............................................................................184SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH......................................................................................187CONCLUDING COMMENTS............................................................................................................187
References.........................................................................................................................................................189
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"Our task must be to free ourselves--by widening our circle of compassion to embrace all living creatures and the whole of nature and its beauty."
Albert Einstein
Chapter 1
Introduction
Einstein’s words epitomize the spirit of environmental education that includes
elements of community cooperation and trans-generational communication. As
somewhat of a philosopher on education, Einstein was well aware of the need to
pass on knowledge about the environment to future generations in order for them to
better understand how to maintain a sustainable relationship with nature.
Environmental education has grown to include more than just field studies in
biology and geology. Environmental education also aims to teach critical thinking
skills that involve problem solving and decision making; occupation-specific skills;
and attitude development based on community morals and ethics (Gayford, 1996).
The undeniable human impact on the environment is causing communities all
over the world to rethink planning and development. Environmental education is
linked to development because it is through education that communities can raise
awareness of detrimental practices and hopefully nurture a new social
consciousness that will result in a more symbiotic relationship with nature. Many
theorists and educators believe that environmental education is fundamental to
effecting change in environmental attitudes and behavior (Milbrath, 1989; Bowers,
1995, 1997; Palmer, 1998). Because of the growing number of non-formal
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education programs in communities throughout the world, it is necessary to
examine more closely how information is passed on and how learning takes place
in non-formal educational settings. Therefore, this study aims to explain how non-
formal community-based environmental educational programs function, and how
they disseminate environmental knowledge and information. Specifically, this
study employs qualitative research methods to gather and analyze data on how a
community-based coastal resource management program uses and disseminates
information about the environment. A major goal of this study is to broaden an
understanding of how consciousness-raising efforts at the local level attempt to
promote pro-active programs that initiate change as well as minimize inappropriate
practices that threaten coastal environments. Although this study does not attempt
to uncover causal relationships, the findings add to a better understanding of the
variables that influence the implementation process and the effectiveness of
community-based coastal resource management programs.
Statement of Problem
There is a growing international concern about the widespread global degradation
of coral reefs and their related ecosystems (International Coral Reef Initiative,
1995). Exponential increases in coastal populations magnify the overuse and abuse
of coral reefs as communities compete for marine resources (Jackson, 1995).
Although some natural phenomena such as earthquakes, typhoons, climate changes,
coral eating predators and plagues may cause threats to marine ecosystems, human
activity accounts for the majority of degradation to coral reefs. Siltation, pollution,
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poor coastal planning and inappropriate fishing techniques are some of the ways
that humans threaten marine estuaries and ecosystems.
There are two basic reasons to argue that coral reefs are worthy of saving. The
first reason is that continued destruction or coral reefs will negatively affect
people’s ability to feed themselves. The other reason is that coral reefs have
intrinsic value beyond the need of humans. The former argument relates to
economics and development, while the latter is an eco-centric philosophical
argument. Many educators and planners may believe that the philosophical
argument alone demands that action be taken to limit human destruction of reefs.
Although others may not have the same view, the economic value of these marine
resources is indisputable. In many island communities, both the fishing and tourist
industries are dependent on healthy coral reefs. Thus, coral reef destruction can
result in higher unemployment, smaller fish catches and lowered income locally.
On a national level, coral reef degradation can lead to loss of income tax moneys,
urban crowding due to the collapse of local economies and diminishment in a major
source of protein (McAllister and Ansula, 1993). The economic implications of
destroying coral reefs alone should be enough to convince people of the need to
modify behavior.
Effective coastal resource management is essential to ensuring the health of
these important resources. The destruction of coral reefs can have catastrophic
effects on local economies and create potential problems for providing enough food
for local populations. Unfortunately, poverty and myopia in development planning
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cause people to seek short-term gains without realizing the long-term detrimental
effects. It is important that effective measures are taken at all levels of government
to ensure sustainable use of the coral reef resources and their associated
ecosystems. The International Coral Reef Initiative (ICRI) predicts that if proper
measures are not taken, 48% of South East Asia’s coral reefs will be depleted
within two decades (1995). Scientists and lawmakers are limited in their ability to
change attitudes and values. Therefore, it is necessary for educators at the grass-
root level to assist in the process of disseminating information about practices that
can help local communities maintain a more symbiotic relationship with the coastal
environment. Various types of programs that address coastal resource management
exist; however, localized educational programs may be more feasible and more
effective in creating environmental awareness. When members of the community
actively participate in the assessment of their coastal resources, they become more
environmentally aware of the need to manage those resources. This heightened
level of community environmental awareness facilitates better management of the
coastal resources. Knowledge empowers communities to plan effective strategies
for sustainable use of coastal resources; thus, building a healthier, more symbiotic
relationship with the ecosystem.
For many countries, and especially developing coastal nations, the economic
implications of healthy coral reef eco-systems are far reaching because coral reefs
provide food and a vital source of protein for local communities. In addition,
healthy coral reef eco-systems can “provide millions of jobs, earn export dollars
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and attract tourists” (McAllister and Ansula, 1993). Because these coastal
resources are tied so closely to the quality of life for those living in small island
communities, it is important to study how knowledge and information about caring
for the environment are disseminated at a local level.
This dissertation addresses the issue through analysis of qualitative data
collected in a case study of a community-based coastal resource management
program in the Republic of the Philippines. The Philippines is an example of a
developing country that has a heavy reliance on its marine environment. Coastal
waters provide “half the dietary protein for many of the 62 million Filipino people
and fishing employs over 2 million people either directly or indirectly”
(MacAllister and Ansula, 1993, p. 7). A significant number of these people are
women who gather mollusks, seaweed and other reef resources. Coral reefs also
help to support the tourist industry by attracting over a million foreign visitors a
year to the Philippine Islands.
The situation in the Philippines is particularly grave. In the Philippines, “coral
reefs occupy an area of 33,000 square kilometers at depths under 37 meters”
(Carpenter as cited in McAllister and Ansula, 1993). About 80% of these reefs are
in poor condition due to damage by humans (McAllister and Ansula, 1993; Pineda-
Ofreneo, 1993). The magnitude of inappropriate practices can be seen in one
example from the on-line magazine, People and Planet: “In the Philippines, over
6,000 cyanide divers squirt an estimated 150,000 kilograms of dissolved poison on
to some 33 million coral heads each year” (People and Planet, 1996).
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Inappropriate and destructive fishing techniques include fishing with explosives,
using cyanide or other poisons to stun rare tropical fish for the lucrative pet
industry, and using poles to break up the coral to drive fish into large heavy nets
(McAllister and Ansula, 1993; U.S. Department of State, 1998).
Overview of Theories
This dissertation attempts to explain how the acquisition and learning of
environmentally appropriate behavior take place through increased knowledge and
attitudinal change. The juxtaposition of several theories frame possible avenues for
exchange of environmental knowledge and information. Social learning theories
may explain one process for the dissemination of environmental knowledge via
community-based programs because ecological information can be passed on from
one person to another through social interaction and involvement in community
activities. Since social interaction is inherently part of community-based education,
it logically follows that social learning theory can at least explain the pathways for
sharing knowledge about the environment. However, other theories may offer
competing or complementing explanations for the dissemination of environmental
knowledge and information.
Organizational learning theories address another aspect of environmental
education and lend insight into how learning takes place within and among
organizations. A non-governmental organization (NGO) that promotes
environmental education in small coastal communities needs to develop approaches
to learning based not only on its own experience, but also based on the experience
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of other organizations with similar objectives. Organizational learning theories can
also help to explain how an organization’s structure affects the learning process and
how the organization changes over time to meet the needs of the community. The
discussion on organizational theories will consider the possibility that social
interaction is a key variable in organizational learning that may result in the
acquisition of new behaviors.
One competing theory that suggests an alternative view of environmental
problems is ecofeminist theory. Ecofeminist theory helps to frame environmental
problems in the context of productive and reproductive labor while also bringing to
light how the process of community empowerment is a necessary step in the
developing of proactive environmental behavior. Ecofeminism emphasizes the
need to change social and political constructs based on patriarchal attitudes that
breed unsustainable development. One major principle of ecofeminism is the
“absolute respect for nature as the foundation of liberation from both patriarchalism
and industrialism” (Castells, 1997, p. 117). In addition, ecofeminism attempts to
explain the need to include all members of the community and especially
marginalized groups that may suffer most from environmental degradation.
Education can increase awareness about such attitudes and help to promote change
by encouraging grass roots involvement in environmental programs. Therefore,
community-based environmental programs that reach out to and seek the
involvement of all members of the community become tools for empowerment that
focus on the importance of education to promote attitudinal and behavioral change.
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Through qualitative investigation, this study explains how non-formal education
can raise consciousness about coastal resource management, ultimately resulting in
attempts to maintain a sustainable symbiotic relationship with the marine
environment. This study is primarily concerned with explaining how a community-
based coastal resource management can effect change in attitudes toward the
environment over time through consciousness raising efforts and how any change
in attitudes might affect behavior.
An increase in knowledge about local environmental issues is expected to
contribute to the development of a enviromental ethic manifested in proactive
environmental behavior. Although it is hypothesized that community-based coastal
resource management promotes positive environmental attitudes resulting in
proactive environmental behavior, it is possible that other factors influence
people’s attitudes and behavior (see Figure 1.1). These factors include, but are not
limited to, peer groups, level of education, social norms, monetary incentives,
legislation and available law enforcement. Some of these factors may facilitate or
hamper a community-based coastal resource management program’s initiatives.
For example, peergroups may either function to challenge or to facilitate the
process of attidudinal change. Peer groups may pose as a challenge if the lack of
awareness about environmental issues results in peers continually modeling
environmentally inappropriate behavior. The continual modeling of inappropriate
behavior leads to the social norms of a group. Therefore, coastal resource
management programs can target specific peers groups (e.g., community
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Figure 1.1: Factors Influencing Pro-Active Environmental Behavior
KNOWLEDGE ATTITUDINAL CHANGE
Coastal Resource Management Program
Religious Beliefs Social Norms
Behavioral Change
Improved Environmental Conditions
$$$Incentives
Peer Groups Level of ED Legislation and
Law Enforcement
13
organizations and labor organizations) for involment in consciousness raising
activities. Helping these specific groups better understand the causal relations of
human interaction with the environment and the deep implications of their actions
is expected to effect change in attitudes and ultimately behavior.
Similarly, money is a double-edged sword in any campaign to manage
environmental resources effectively. Illegal fishing and other environmentally
determental activities are products of “want” or “need.” Money can influence
action and the lack of action. If environmentally appropriate practices are believed
to have greater financial rewards, it is hypothosized that peolple will adopt those
alternatives. Therefore, coastal resource management programs need to explore
how money can influence the development of an environmental ethic in
communities and what types of alternative livelyhood are available for those
dependent on illegal fishing or gathering of resources.
Finally, lobbying for legislation and effectively enforcing laws can pressure
individuals and companies to adopt more environmentally appropriate practices.
The lack of action on the part of law enforcement reduces any immediate negative
consequences that otherwise may discourage illegal degradation to the
environment. Therefore, community-based coastal resource organizations need to
lobby on behalf of the community and campaign for the protection of
environmental resources while also working with law enforcement to develop
effective strategies for enforcing regulations.
Exactly how all the factors in Fig. 1.1 affect the learning process in community-
based projects is one of the questions this study begins to answer. In addition, this
study examines the community empowerment process and how it relates to
building a more sustainable relationship with the marine environment.
Research Questions
The main research questions that this study addresses are:
1) 1) How does a community-based coastal resource management program
contribute to the dissemination process of environmental knowledge among
community members?
2) 2) What is the dissemination process of environmental knowledge in a
community-based coastal resource management program?
3) 3) How has the organization evolved over time in attempts to better meet its
goals?
4) 4) What effects has the coastal resource management program had on the
community?
5) 5) How has the community-based coastal resource management program
impacted the lives of women in the community?
6) 6) How has the community-based coastal resource management program
affected any marginalized members of the community?
7) 7) What other variables contribute to the acquisition of environmentally
friendly behavior?
1
Overview of Research Methodology
This study uses qualitative research methods to investigate how a community-based
coastal resource management program contributes to the dissemination of
environmental knowledge and information in an island community. The study is
particularly concerned with explaining any perceived changes in attitudes or
behavior. Data will be gathered through interviews, participant observation and
document analysis. The data will be analyzed through coding and theme definition.
Both emic and etic perspectives will contribute to the explanation of themes and
concepts as they emerge.
Assumptions
(1) (1) It is assumed that all the subjects interviewed have answered the
questions honestly and to the best of their ability.
Delimitations
(1) (1) Since this study focused on a specific community, its people and its
environment; the data may reflect a particular social, cultural or political
climate that may not be characteristic of other coastal communities.
(2) (2) This study was limited to the subjects who agreed to participate
voluntarily.
Limitations
The data and analysis will reflect only one experience involving the cooperation
of an environmental program and a local community. Other programs or
communities may have very different experiences.
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Definition of Terms
Much of the environmental literature refers to both coral reefs and their related
ecosystems. The International Coral Reef Initiative (ICRI) describes the related
ecosystems as “including mangrove forests, seagrass beds and beaches” (ICRI,
1995). In a broader sense, ecosystems refer to large and small areas and the
interaction of all living and non-living entities in those areas.
Sustainability is a common term in discussions about development and the
environment. Although sustainability is a common term, it is also sometimes
vague. Smith and Williams (1999) assert that “sustainability is about the
relationships between human beings and the world; it is about morality” (p.1).
They further define the concept as recognizing “natural limits” and deriving “an
understanding of sustenance directly from nature.” Sustainable development
should not be interpreted as a fixed notion, but should rather be seen as “a process
of change in the relationships between social, economic and natural systems and
processes. These interrelationships present a challenge to us in reconciling
economic and social progress with safeguarding the global life support systems”
(Van Ginkel, 1998). Although sustainable development has many definitions, the
most widely used definition comes from the World Commission on Environment
and Development in its 1987 report Our Common Future: "Sustainable
development is development that meets the needs of the present without
13
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” It contains
within it two key concepts:
the concept of needs, in particular the essential needs of the world's poor, to which overriding priority should be given; and
the idea of limitations imposed by the state of technology and social organization on the environment's ability to meet present and future needs.
Much of the community-based learning about sustainable use of resources takes
place in non-formal settings. Perhaps, the best general definition of non-formal
education is from the person who is credited with coining the term. Philip Coombs
(1968) describes non-formal education as “an important complement to formal
education in any nation’s education effort” and as having “a high potential for
contributing quickly and substantially to individual and national development” (p.
138). Coombs (1974) more specifically defines non-formal education as “any
organized, systematic educational activity carried on outside the framework of the
formal system to provide selected types of learning to particular subgroups in the
population” ( p. 8). Although this is an adequate general definition, more detailed
criteria will be introduced in the section on non-formal education.
Since this dissertation examines how environmental knowledge and information
are disseminated through social interaction, it is important to differentiate informal
education from non-formal education. Coombs (1974) again provides an
appropriate definition:
Informal education...is the lifelong process by which every person acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills attitudes
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and insights from daily experiences and exposure to the environment—at home, at work, at play from the example and attitudes of family and friends; from travel, reading newspapers and books; or by listening to the radio or viewing films or television. (p. 8)
Non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) have a role in promoting “bottom-
up” non-formal education that acts as a counter weight to governmental “top-
down” policy. These organizations have a vital role in the support and success of
community-based environmental programs. NGOs can be pivotal in providing
technological support and funding for community-based initiatives that encourage
coastal resource management. Ferrer and Nozawa (1997, section 6; available on-
line at: http://www.idrc.ca/cbnrm/documents/publications/ferrer.html) define a
community-based coastal resource management program as a “participatory,
integrated and multi-sectoral approach” to coastal management (also see Alcala,
1995).
The literature discussion of NGOs focuses on their relevance to the promotion
of non-formal education and community-based coastal resource management
programs. The discussion implicitly includes aid agencies that operate similarly to
NGOs. Specifically, it includes the Coastal Resource Management Project
(CRMP), a bilateral effort funded by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) and implemented through the Republic of the Philippines
government. Although NGOs and bilateral aid programs differ in definition,
CRMP functions similar to some development NGOs. Like many NGOs, CRMP
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gives technological support, provides expert advice and encourages community
participating to better plan for effective resource management.
Since this is a case study of a coastal resource management program in a
Philippine community, it is necessary to explain the barangay system of community
government. The word “barangay” is derived from the word for the large banca
boats that originally brought Malay people to the Philippine islands from Borneo.
As the arrivals formed villages, the villages retained the name of barangay. Before
the Spaniards came to the Philippines, a chief or “datu” headed this political
grouping. However, this decentralized form of government not only contributed to
village warfare, but it also weakened any organized resistance against the Spanish
campaign to colonize the islands. The Spanish maintained this localized system of
government during the years of colonization. Today, barangays remain a major
governing unit in the Philippine political system with an elected barangay captain at
the head of an elected barangay council. It is the barangay council that must serve
as a primary planning and implementing unit of government policies in order to
help decide what is best for the local community. In addition, barangay captains
often become mediators in disputes and problems involving neighbors or even
family members. There are about 42,000 barangays in the Philippines. Although
barangays are the most local form of government in the Philippines they must work
closely with the municipal governments, often referred to as local government units
(LGU) on issues of development and education.
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Organization of Dissertation
The following chapter gives an eclectic review of literature on community
involvement in environmental education. The first section examines learning
theories and discusses social interaction as a main variable in the learning process
of community-based environmental programs. The theoretical frameworks on
learning theories attempts to provide insight into how learning takes place among
the members of a community as well as how lessons are shared across community
boundaries. A broader discussion on organizational learning adds perspective to
how a community organization disseminates environmental knowledge and
information.
The following section addresses the more philosophical, eco-centered view of
why coral reefs are valuable resources from an eco-feminist perspective. This
dissertation draws on the liberating educational and philosophical aspects of
ecofeminism to argue for the need that the whole community has access to
participation in environmental programs and resource management.
The importance of involving all groups in environmental campaigns leads into
the following section, which examines the empowerment process in community-
based environmental education programs. Relating the discussion on
empowerment to non-formal education begins to explain the need for community
involvement to protect common resources and guard against the economic
marginalization of any specific groups. The section also provides several specific
examples of non-formal educational programs in the Philippines.
17
The final section of Chapter Two examines the role of NGOs and development
agencies in community-based environmental programs. This section defines, in
detail, the relationship between NGOs and non-formal education. It further
suggests that non-invasive approaches on behalf of NGOs and development
agencies may be more effective than invasive approaches.
The third chapter of this dissertation relates the research methodology to the
research questions. It details the nature of the study and explains why the research
methods were appropriate for this study. It also contrasts the etic, or outsider
perspective of the researcher as an observer, to the emic, or insider perspective of
the participant. The chapter ends with a discussion on how the data were analyzed.
Chapter Four describes the combined efforts of an aid agency and an island
community to promote coastal resource management. Social interaction is
discussed as an avenue for the dissemination of environmental knowledge at a
community level. Social interaction is also examined as an aid in getting
community support for resource management. The evolution of coastal resource
management in the community reveals the community’s struggle for
empowerment. The chapter ends with a brief discussion of how the coastal
resource management program has impacted the environment.
After summarizing the findings, the final chapter returns to the theories
discussed in Chapter Two. The data are viewed in the context of the theories with
comments on the appropriateness of each perspective. The chapter includes several
implications for future research and practice before the concluding remarks.
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“There is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things.”
Machiavelli, The Prince, 1513
Chapter 2
Review of the Literature
The term “environmental education” was first used in 1948 at the International
Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (ICNU) conference.
The term did not gain much popularity until the late 1960s when UNESCO became
concerned with several environmental issues (Palmer, 1998). In 1977 at the first
Inter-governmental Conference on Environmental Education in Tbilisi, USSR,
UNESCO established definitions, recommendations and goals for environmental
education. The Tbilisi recommendations state that environmental education is a
life-long process. It is interdisciplinary and holistic in nature and application. This
means that environmental education is an approach to education as a whole, rather
than a subject. It is concerned with creating an environmental ethic that fosters
awareness about the ecological inter-dependence of economic, social and political
factors in a human community and the environment. The major goal in the Tbilisi
report aims to create new patterns of behavior towards the environment. The
acquisition of knowledge through information learned in the education process can
lead to changes in values and attitudes, ultimately leading to behavioral
modification.
19
Consideration of future generations is a key element in environmental education
as C.A. Bower notes in his discussion of trans-generational communication in the
educational process (1995). Bower expresses the need to shift away from student-
centered learning and toward a process “of encoding, storing, and renewing a
cultural group’s ways of understanding and valuing the primary life sustaining
relationships between humans and the rest of the biome” or surrounding natural
environment (p. 135). This is an eco-centered approach that emphasizes tradition
and culture in a way that will require the elder generations to act as “carriers of
essential knowledge and values.” Bower’s description of the environmental
education process triggers images of “stewardship”, “nurturing” and “emancipatory
educational liberalism.”
In closer examination of the environmental education process, this chapter first
presents learning theories that may provide a better understanding of how
information and knowledge are disseminated in community-based education
programs. Learning theories from both social and organizational perspectives are
discussed. The discussion then focuses on social interaction as a key variable in the
acquisition of new behavior. The following section borrows ideas from
ecofeminist thought and ties them to an inclusive approach to environmental
education. The discussion on ecofeminism stresses the importance of equal
representation in community participation across generations and among specific
groups. The next section discusses how non-formal environmental education and
shared learning in socially valued pursuits can lead to community empowerment.
20
Finally, the role of NGOs and development agencies in education for empowerment
is examined.
Learning Theories
Benjamin Franklin once said, “Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I may
remember. Involve me and I learn.” In one sense, involve can mean to engage in
social interaction with other members of a community. In another sense, involve
can mean to learn through experiencing. These definitions of involve connect when
discussing participation in social movements, community action or community-
based education. Involving members of a community in campaigns toward
common goals creates an environment where social interaction and new
experiences combine to prompt reflection about common values and build on
shared knowledge. Shared learning that takes place in socially valued pursuits may
add to the evolution of old values and the acquisition of new values. Therefore, it
is important to understand the intricate relationships that can develop within,
between and among community organizations and how those relationships can
influence learning.
La Belle (1986) reasons that because nonformal education has a close
relationship with social change, to be effective the educational program must foster
change in the individual. “It is individuals who, acting alone are instruments for
changing their own behavior and, acting in groups, can sometimes reshape the rules
and institutions that support the social structure” (p. 59). The ideas of individual or
institutional change are embodied in Maples’ and Webster’s definition of learning
21
(as cited in Merriam and Caffarella, 1999). They define learning “as a process by
which behavior changes as a result of experiences.”
To better understand how learning takes place in community programs, it is
necessary to describe both the intra-organizational and the inter-organizational
relationships of a community-based educational program. The intra-organizational
relationships refer to the person-to-person communication that involves social
interaction among the individuals in a particular organization. By nature,
community-based educational programs promote social interaction among
participants. An examination of social learning theories attempts to describe how
interaction can affect learning in community-based educational programs. Since
learning takes place on multiple levels, learning on an inter-organizational level
might be best described by a review of organizational theories.
Social Learning Theory
Social learning theory combines aspects of reinforcement theories with cognitive
theories (Rotter, 1982a). However, in social learning theory the stimulus-response
is not a physiological drive; instead, reinforcement comes from social interaction
with others (Millard and Dollard, 1976; Bandura, 1976; Rotter, 1982a). Two major
components of social learning theory are the acquisition of new behaviors and a
change in learning to modify already acquired behaviors (Rotter, 1982a). In social
learning theory, the acquisition of new behaviors can take place either directly or
indirectly (Andreasen, 1995). Although social learning theory has been used to
describe such cognitive processes as language and memory, it can also be used to
22
describe the learning process of adults in community settings. Since community-
based education involves people in social dialogue, it follows that social interaction
should be a vehicle that disseminates knowledge and information to initiate
behavioral changes.
One interesting example of how social interaction can play a role in the
dissemination of information about environmental concerns comes from a case in
Thailand. Sudara (1999) writes about how Buddhist monks were able to use their
important roles in society to become vehicles in consciousness-raising efforts about
environmental concerns. Several environmental NGOs recognized the connection
between Buddhism and respect for the natural environment. Accordingly, they
helped to organize seminars on environmental awareness for monks. The monks,
in turn, incorporated newly gained knowledge into their teachings to people in their
local areas. In addition to raising consciousness about protecting natural resources,
the monks’ efforts prompted the King of Thailand to declare over one million trees
sacred, thus saving them from the saw.
This spread of environmental information via respected community members
exemplifies how NGOs can utilize existing community networks as vehicles to
promote learning about socially valued issues. The motivation in this case could be
that the locals expected positive feedback from the monks as respected members of
the community, or the desire to conform to Buddhist values, or positive feedback in
the form of acceptance from other members of the community. Cross (1981)
maintains that societal motivation can be an important factor for encouraging adult
23
learners to be more cognizant of issues relating to energy or ecology. Rotter
(1982b) claims that although the need for social approval varies among individuals,
the strength of the need is enough to motivate most people to conform to group
values. He cites the actions of millions of people during wartime as an example of
how individuals change their individual behavior to gain social approval. In the
Thai example, societal motivation and social approval may be perceived or actual
positive feedback from the monks or other members in the community.
A closer review of social learning theory can facilitate an understanding of how
social interaction is key in the dissemination of information for community-based
organizations. In part, the reinforcement aspect of social learning theory can be
credited to the work of B. F. Skinner. Although he worked mostly with animals, it
is appropriate to mention Skinner because in his learning programs he describes
reinforcement as being relevant to perception and memory (Talyzina, 1981).
Perception and memory are cognitive actions that allow individuals to process
information and make appropriate decisions based on experience and knowledge.
Involving these cognitive processes would seem to be a departure from traditional
behaviorism and a move through cognitive theory toward social-cognitive theory.
Bandura’s name is synonymous with social learning theory, a type of social
cognitive theory that emphasizes social interaction as a primary source of
information. Bandura combines the reinforcement aspect of behavioral theory with
the ability of the human mind to interpret and construct meaning (Simon, 1999).
24
Unlike Skinner, Bandura worked mostly with human subjects focusing on the
impact people have on people (Hergenhahn, 1986).
For Bandura (1997), social interaction begins with observing the behavior of
others. Rushton (1980) relates observational learning to adult acquisition of
altruistic behavior. He asserts that “if people see others valuing altruistic
consideration for others, then this will become internalized as an appropriate
standard of behavior” (p. 93). Andreasen (1995) claims that observational learning
can be more effective than direct learning, even when the observation takes place
through a film or video. Observing others enables a learner to witness a variety of
valued behaviors or undesirable behaviors without having to go through a rigorous
trial and error process.
In spite of the fact that Bandura’s early work was with children, his learning
theory applies to adults as well. Bandura’s theory has relevance to adult learning
because it encompasses both the learner and the learner’s environment (Merriam
and Caffarella, 1999). Although Bandura (1997) recognizes the difficulty involved
in acquiring cognitive skills through modeling, he contends that when covert
thought processes are adequately reflected in modeled actions, observational
learning takes on a cognitive element. A higher level of social interaction than just
observation needs to be involved for this process to be effective. An example from
an environmental program in Indonesia helps to illustrate how observation and
higher levels of social interaction combine to influence proactive environmental
attitudes and behavior.
25
Research describing the campaign to promote cleaner coastlines on the island of
Ambon in Indonessia reveals that obsevational learning alone is not enough to
sustain long-term behaviorial change (Uneputty, Evans & Suyoso, 1998). The
local government on the island combined forces with two NGOs to organize a
beach clean-up event for members of the coastal villages. The organizers believed
that modeling alone would not motivate villagers to keep coastlines clean so they
organized a one-day community event with an opening ceremony, speeches about
the importance of the marine environment and a group clean-up effort. The mix of
villagers participating in the event included community leaders, health department
officials, students and common villagers. After clean-ups in four villages, the
organizers held a seminar on marine pollution for about 100 government officials.
The results of a monitoring study after the event showed that the clean-up
activity had short-term effects (up to six months) on keeping shores clean. During
several months after the clean-up, monitors found that litter was being removed
from adjacent beaches by those not directly involved in the clean-up event.
Although the researchers do not speculate on a reason for this, it seems likely that
villagers from those beaches may have witnessed or heard about the clean-up and
showed efforts of trying to emulate that behavior. In spite of producing only short-
term results, this project was successful in raising consciousness about
environmental problems and solutions, a necessary step to effect change in the
legislative decision-making process. In the months following the clean-up event,
the city of Ambon implemented a plan to reduce litter on shores and beaches.
26
The impact that people have on people is dependent on the type of social
interaction and the specific situation in which that social interaction takes place.
Social learning theory considers how situational factors can influence behavior
(Andreasen, 1995). Lave and Wenger (1991) draw from Vygotsky in developing
the theory of situated learning. They borrow from Vygotsky’s idea that social
interaction is fundamental to the development of cognition. Social interaction is a
key feature in situated learning (Kearsley, 2000). Therefore, situated learning is a
derivative of social learning. Participating in communities of practice is learning
that involves “the whole person acting in the world” (Lave and Wenger, 1991,
p.48). The situated learning approach promotes the learning of knowledge and
skills “in the contexts that reflect how knowledge is obtained and applied in
everyday situations” (Stein, 1998). In situated learning, “cognitive apprenticeship
supports learning in a domain by enabling students to acquire, develop and use
cognitive tools in authentic domain activity” (Kearsley, 2000). Learning advances
through collaborative social interaction and the social construction of knowledge.
Learners engage in a “community of practice” acquiring group beliefs and
behaviors. Community-based education programs should have goals that include
community activities designed to share knowledge and encourage socially valued
behavior. This sharing of knowledge on an inter-community level typifies a
learning process consistent with the following principles of situated learning:
(1) knowledge needs to be presented and learned in an authentic context, i.e. settings and applications that would normally involve that knowledge, and
27
(2) learning requires social interaction and collaboration. (Kearsley, 2000)
Situated learning is a type of experiential learning that follows from a social
process involving cognitive problem solving, social interaction and knowledge
processing (Stein, 1998). This social process makes situated learning an
appropriate framework to describe how adults learn in nonformal education
settings. The experiential aspects of situated learning intensify its use as a
framework for community-based education. Kawashima (1999) affirms the
benefits of experiential learning for environmental education in the formal system
as not only allowing direct experience, but also nurturing the ability to analyze and
solve problems. It logically follows that these are benefits of experiential learning
in nonformal education as well.
Although no two community-based programs are exactly alike, an example may
facilitate an understanding of how the learning process relates to social learning
theory. Stromquist (1994) compares two South American social experiments
aimed at raising consciousness about gender issues and educational empowerment.
Both projects, though initiated by outside facilitators, involved participation and
interaction on a local level. The author attributes the success of the Brazilian case
to the involvement of women in a mother’s club. Stromquist’s description of this
project fits the aforementioned principles of situated learning:
Rather than by means of instruction linked to specific issues of women’s conditions in society, the women in the Brazilian experience attained new knowledge through their involvement in an action-research project that placed them in the position
28
of active agents from the beginning, evolving from a relatively passive stage (receiving training to administer a survey) to more active ones such as analyzing and interpreting the information and sharing the knowledge acquired from the research with the women in the mother’s club.
In this example of adult nonformal education, experiential learning and social
interaction were key to the learning process. By being placed in an authentic
situation where they were active agents, the women created a setting that involved
the acquisition of knowledge through social interaction and collaboration. The
women acting as active agents in this example parallel the role of the monks in the
previous example from Thailand.
Social learning theory, like any theory, can only partially explain the intricate
process of human learning. It can, however, offer a framework to elucidate an
understanding of the process. One drawback in using this framework is, as Rotter
(1982b) points out, social learning theory is both a process theory and a content
theory; therefore, it is difficult to measure effects of an experience and infer the
results in a broader sense. Secondly, there are motivational factors and information
sharing on levels outside the perimeters of a community-based organization that
mere social interaction cannot explain. In spite of its conveniences, social learning
theory has limitations that make it necessary to examine aspects of organizational
learning theory to explain the dissemination of information and knowledge in a
community-based educational program.
29
Organizational Learning
Striving toward the attainment of common goals, the members of a community
should be continually learning from their individual or group ventures and sharing
the knowledge they gain. In this way, learning is a continuous force that drives and
shapes the organization or community. Since this study focuses on how
environmental education is disseminated throughout a community, it is important to
mention how organizations learn. Bedeian and Zammuto (1991) describe four
types of organizational learning:
(1) (1) Imitation- learning occurs though copying ideas that have worked for others.
(2) (2) Innovative learning; learning is a willingness to experiment.
(3) (3) Learning from Errors; learning occurs through trial and error.
(4) (4) Superstitious learning- despite varying degrees of uncertainty, decision makers act in hopes of getting a particular response.
These four types of organizational learning may help to explain the learning
process for community-based coastal resource management programs. However, in
order to understand the “intra-community” learning process (i.e., among
community members) and the “inter-community” learning process (i.e., between
and among coastal communities), two conceptual frameworks are suggested. These
complementing theories together frame the organizational level learning process for
a community-based coastal resource management program. The theory of
liberating structure lends an understanding into how participants in an organization
can learn or acquire a sense of shared purpose and shared goals. The second
30
framework applies Bandura’s idea of reciprocal causation to organizational
learning. This social learning perspective suggests that individuals can effect
change within organizations; thus contributing to the evolution of the organization
over time.
Tobert (1978) describes his theory of liberating structure as being based on the
authority of inquiry. He claims it “challenges the leadership as well as the
membership of an organization to inquire more and more precisely into the
purpose, boundaries and ecology and into one’s own particular assumptions about
the nature of reality” (p. 130). Four meaningful qualities of a liberal structure are:
(1) (1) Leadership recognizes that participants may have different models of reality
(2) (2) Premeditated and precommunicated structural evolution over time.
(3) (3) The tasks are structured and the leadership functions to provide a constant cycle of experiential and empirical research.
(4) (4) The structure is open to inspection and challenge by organization members.
In order to move closer to the goals of socially valued pursuits, communities
need to somehow unite, decide on a common course of action and remember the
lessons learned from that action. Through unity of action a community begins its
organizational learning. The learning process should help the organization to
recognize problems and devise ways to correct those problems. The process should
move toward eliminating undesired behaviors while increasing opportunities for
more socially valued behaviors.
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There are definite aspects of social learning theory that apply to organizational
learning. These aspects are particularly relevant when discussing the relationship
between an individual participant and a community organization. People not only
impact people, but people impact organizations and organizations impact people.
Bandura (1997) stresses the significance of “reciprocal causation” between three
major classes of determinants. These determinants are behavior, internal personal
factors and external environmental events. Bandura alludes to how this might apply
to the group dynamics in social organizations, “Human adaptation and change are
rooted in social systems. Therefore, personal agency operates within a broad
network of sociostructural influences. In agentic transactions, people are both
producers and products of social systems” (1997, p.6).
The implication is that in addition to people impacting people, people create
social systems that in turn influence the development of social values for the
individual. This reciprocal learning between an individual and an organization
expands Bandura’s theory to dimensions of organizational learning. In discussing
organizational theory, Agryris (1993) held a similar view that organizations learn
through people acting as agents, and added, “The individuals’ learning activities, in
turn, are facilitated or inhibited by an ecological system of factors that may be
called an organizational learning system” (p.123). In reference to non-
governmental joint venture projects with local communities, Knowles (1995)
affirms the need for reciprocal learning when working in cross-cultural situations.
Knowles reasons that if these ventures are to be successful, development workers
32
need to learn from the people and share with the people both the organization’s
knowledge and the local people’s knowledge. An example of how an organization
can share the knowledge of the local people in reciprocal learning comes from the
relationship of NGOs to indigenous people’s struggles in South America. Hudson
(as cited in Brisk, 2000, p. 228) explains that environmentalists working with
indigenous tribes value the “moral legitimacy and local knowledge” they provide.
Brisk (2000) stresses the value of learning from indigenous people’s cultural funds
of knowledge to supplement the NGOs’ environmental critique. McAllister and
Ansula (1993) reiterate the importance of reciprocal sharing of knowledge in
reference to coastal resource management in the Philippines. They maintain that
women’s roles in the fishing industry provide much expertise about coral reef eco-
systems. The women cleaning fish and gathering mollusks have first hand
knowledge and generations of experience that can aid in the management of coral
reefs.
Other perspectives of organizational learning include how an organization learns
as a single entity and how organizations with common socially valued pursuits
share and interpret knowledge. In seeking solutions to social challenges, an
organization must make decisions based on relevant new information and past
experiences. Huber (as cited in Malhorta, 1996; Stromquist, 1999) divides
organizational learning into four processes: (1) knowledge acquisition, (2)
information distribution, (3) information interpretation, and (4) organizational
33
memory. These divisions facilitate an understanding of how learning takes place in
an organization.
A brief description of the Jerusalem AIDS Project (JAIP) may offer an
illustration of Huber’s four processes. JAIP is an international NGO that trains
professionals in HIV/AIDS health care. The NGO offers five-day training
workshops to health workers in Mideastern, Asian and Latin American
communities. In addition, those workers learn how to give similar workshops to
other health care workers on proper HIV/AIDS prevention and care (JAIP, 2000).
To be effective in their work, the organization has a network of scientists and
trained experts that gather information about the virus and about effective ways to
instruct people to be AIDS educators in their respective communities. The
organization’s expansion in the last five years is evidence that experience has given
the organization a wealth of information on effective training practices, efficient
administrative programming and practicable budgeting.
Huber’s second process of organizational learning involves information
distribution. In this example, information distribution partially takes place through
the social interaction of program participants and JAIP workers. Two additional
ways JAIP disseminates information are through workshops and a website. Experts
and advisors should interpret information gathered from the lab, the field or from
other organizations and make appropriate adjustments to the organization’s
behavior. Following the distribution and interpretation of new information, the
process may begin again as reciprocal effects and environments change. At the
34
same time though, the new knowledge gained through the process is recorded in
individual memories, organization reports and in databases. JAIP typifies the
organizational learning process for many NGOs working to promote community-
based education. However, since organizational learning also takes place on a
global level with organizations sharing knowledge via technology, inter-
organizational learning is more complex.
Bandura (1997) finds, “The relationship between individual and organizational
effectiveness assumes special significance when individuals have to work
interdependently to produce results” (p.472). The same may be true when separate
organizations are pursuing the same cause, goal or social value. For example, a
community organization trying to build a health education program might ask for
funding or planning assistance from a private sector organization that promotes
public health. Local or national governments may also assist-or possibly resist- the
community’s efforts. Finally, the community organization may share ideas and
lessons learned with adjacent communities and even, via technology, with the
greater global community.
However, organizations are as different and as similar as individuals. As
individual change takes place naturally in growth and deliberately through behavior
modification; social structures change naturally in a laissez faire manner and
deliberately through planning (Kunkel, 1975). Inevitable individual- and
organizational-change necessitate continual evaluation of new information and
knowledge. When this change takes place on very different levels, any one theory
35
has limitations. Thus, one difficulty in trying to explain the learning process that
takes place in community-based education programs is the number of variables that
might or might not influence behavioral change. Among these variables are
financial motivation, government interference, government assistance, media
impact and available technology. Therefore, the necessity of interdependent
working among and between organizations increases the dimensions of
organizational learning.
The implication that this has for Huber’s four processes is that various
individual organizations may acquire different or even conflicting knowledge. The
information may not be distributed evenly among organizations that are working
interdependently. Using the example of a community health program, the local or
national government may have different perspectives of how certain issues should
be addressed based on scientific, economic or cultural information. Stromquist
(1999) affirms that organizational structure, process and culture can create
discrepancies in knowledge acquisition and information distribution within an
organization. In addition, organizational environments are “dynamic and
changing” (Viswanath, 1991, p. 8). Therefore, it is important for organizations to
continually evaluate their effectiveness. The “learning process approach” allows for
organizations to continually adapt the implementation process and demonstrate an
openness to learn from errors while adjusting to any new internal or external
variables (Viswanath, 1991).
36
Bandura (1995) claims that organizations, like individuals, learn from
observation. Organizations model behavior in their successes and defeats. Bandura
relates this type of organizational modeling to social movements. In a discussion
about how bureaucratic structures hamper social action he writes, “Collective
efforts at social change are sustained in large part by the modeled successes of
other reformers and by evidence of progress toward desired goals. Long delays
between action and noticeable results discourage many advocates along the way”
(p.37).
In addition to observing trial and error behavior of other organizations, inter-
organizational learning can take place through interaction and exchange of
knowledge. Holdgate (1996) maintains that the increasing numbers of NGOs leads
to new dialogues with governments and industry. These new dialogues “advance
the process of social learning” (p. 292). One example of how this type of inter-
organizational interaction resulted in heightened levels of environmental awareness
and progressive measures comes from an evaluation study on several integrated
coastal management (ICM) programs in Africa.
One of the newest examples of the implementation of an ICM program is in East
Africa. In 1997, the Secretariat for East African Coastal Area Management
(SEACAM) was formally established to work with stakeholders in 10 coastal
countries; Comoros, Eritrea, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique,
Reunion, Seychelles, South Africa, and Tanzania (Voabil, Engdahl & Banze,
1998). The objectives of the SEACAM project are to assist the Eastern African
37
coastal countries in implementing and coordinating coastal management activities
in the region. Following one year of implimentation, Voabil, Engdahl and Banze
conducted an evaluation of the project (1998).
The authors found SEACAM was able to implement the most intensive effort in
coastal management training ever held in Eastern Afric. Furthermore, almost 80
stakeholders benefited from SEACAM’s courses in Project Development and
Management, and Environmental Assessment of Coastal Tourism. A major
priority in the first year of the program was the capacity building of local NGOs.
This effort included a series of five weeklong training courses throughout the
region. The courses were based on SEACAM’s training manual. This program
was able to reach over 60 NGOs in six of the countries. The authors reported
evidence that these programs help build confidence for designing projects among
NGO representatives. Self-designed projects alleviate the need for outside
consultants. Therefore, this capacity building exemplifies increased inter-
organizational interaction and exchange of knowledge.
SEACAM has elicited the advice of other coastal management programs so that
the projects in Eastern Africa can learn from the successes and failures of existing
activities. SEACAM brought together 66 coastal management practitioners from
18 countries around the world. These practitioners represented research
organizations, national and international NGOs, donor agencies and national
governments. Representatives from the World Bank were present at four of the
courses. Participation is an important component for newly established programs.
38
Shared experiential learning from other organizations can save time and money,
thus increasing effectiveness (Voabil, Engdahl & Banze, 1998).
These examples describe a merger of learning theories by comparing the social
learning that takes place in bottom-up grass roots educational campaigns to more
organizational learning that occurs in top-down institutional sharing of knowledge.
Although learning on an individual-to-individual level may take place within
NGOs, a variation of social learning theory is needed to explain how an
organization as a single entity learns and how organizations learn from each other.
One possible problem with trying to explain organizational learning in the context
of a single theoretical framework is that there may be several organizations learning
on different levels and with very different motivations. Therefore several theories
and the examples are used to describe how experiential learning settings that
encourage social interaction and collaborative problem solving can facilitate the
dissemination of information and knowledge at a community level.
Ecofeminist Theory
Although learning theories describe the acquisition of new knowledge and
information, an ecological perspective is needed to frame the issues that
environmental programs address. Since environmental issues are often connected
to social and political concerns, an appropriate framework needs to encompass a
perspective that includes these aspects. Deep ecology, institutional
environmentalism, green political theory and possibly other schools of thought
make connections between environmental, political and social concerns. However,
39
eco-feminism emerges as a more appropriate theory for framing the issues and
answers of coastal resource management because an ecofeminist perspective more
fully describes the connections between the degradation to coastal environments
and the social inequalities that plague the people living on these small islands.
Additionally, ecofeminist theory complements the aforementioned learning theories
in an explanation of how knowledge and information about coastal resource
management issues become emancipatory education that empowers communities to
better plan for their futures. Finally, it is important to include ecofeminist theory in
a discussion of environmental education because “in a patriarchal society, failure to
recognize the interests, experience and needs of women must mean that the value
and experience of men will determine the direction of green politics by default”
(Mellor, 1997, p.128).
Ecofeminism is a liberationist philosophy that combines emancipatory elements
of feminism with the environmental concerns of ecology. It has become a
movement “that sees the connection between the exploitation and degradation of
the natural world and the subordination and oppression of women” (Mellor, 1997,
p.1). Ecofeminists view women as victims of the same patriarchal tyranny that
dominates nature (Castells, 1997). Karen Warren (1996) identifies eight
connections between feminism and the environment. Although it is not necessary
to discuss all eight connections, understanding several of Warren’s connections is
essential in relating non-formal education at a local level to the fostering of
environmentally proactive behavior.
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Historical Connections between Feminism and Ecology
The first essential connection draws causal links from a historical perspective. The
argument is that at some point in human history a change occurred that lead to the
concurrent male domination of females and nature. Some scholars argue the
change happened with the onset of the scientific revolution (Merchant, 1980) while
others might argue it occurred much earlier. Warren aptly quotes Salleh (1988, p.
138, n.1) to epitomize the relevance of this connection: “Ecofeminism is a recent
development in feminist thought which argues that the current global
environmental crisis is a predictable outcome of patriarchal culture.”
If this is true, then it logically follows that dismantling domineering patriarchal
behaviors will allow development to take new directions that consider the health
and welfare of the environment in the future. The magnitude of this challenge
becomes apparent if domineering patriarchal behaviors are tied to capitalism. In
discussing feminism and ecology from a socialist perspective, Mellor (1997) uses
the term “capitalist patriarchy” to explain productive and reproductive labor.
Gonzalez (1997) implies the current global environmental problem may be the
result of the free market notions of capitalism. Gonzalez suggest that capitalism
may be an obstacle to global sustainable development. Therefore, the dismantling
of domineering patriarchal behaviors may include rethinking liberal approaches to
development based on free market capitalism.
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Empirical and Experiential Connections Between Feminism and Ecology
The next essential connection that Warren includes in her list is the empirical and
experiential tie between women and nature. She claims documentation of this tie
describes “the very real, felt, lived connections between the dominations of women
and nature.” Documentation of such connections should “motivate the need for
feminist critical analysis of environmental concerns” (p. xiii). In her discussion of
this connection, Warren provides ample evidence of how environmental issues
directly affect women; however, these examples do not include the relationship of
coral reef degradation and women’s issues. Therefore, it is important to give
specific examples of how marine eco-system declines lead to further
marginalization of women.
According to McAllister and Ansula (1993), in addition to the over 600,000
people who work for municipal or small scale fisheries in the Philippines, another
600,000 people, mostly women, gather mollusks, seaweed and other reef resources.
Pomeroy (1987) investigated the roles of women and children in a small, typical
Philippine fishing community. He found that in Matalom, Leyte, Philippines,
women and children participated in both non-income generating activities and
income generating activities. The majority of fishermen’s wives’ income-
generating activities were related to the fishing industry. These activities included
marketing and processing of fish.
It is important to realize the role of women and children in the fishing industry
when analyzing causal relationships between environmental degradation and
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women’s issues. In this type of small-scale fishing industry, a strong causal
relationship begins with human impact on coral reefs. Degradation of coral reefs
results in smaller bio-diversity in the marine environment consequently narrowing
the food chain. As certain prey become scarce; so do predators. An unhealthy
coral reef is not able to attract and sustain plentiful populations of fish and other
sea-life. This translates into fewer fish to catch, fewer to process and fewer to
market. Although lowered incomes and unemployment affect both men and
women, it would seem that such sociological problems harm women more. As jobs
become scarce, women and children are the first to be pushed out of the market.
Some may leave rural communities for jobs in already overcrowded cities. The lack
of skills, inadequate education or limitations of only speaking a provincial language
is likely to make it difficult for some to find jobs in the cities; thus, forcing young
women and even children into prostitution. Less money often means less food in
developing countries. Women and children are the most likely to suffer from lack
of nutrition. Lack of nutrition is often linked to high infant mortality, disease and
problems during pregnancy. Since these are issues linked to any women’s
movement, the connection between coral reef degradation and feminist concerns is
lucid.
Warren’s empirical and experiential connection between the domination of
women and nature deem women’s participation necessary for the success of
community-based coastal resource management programs. The UN Chronicle
supports this position in declaring the “ women are among those who suffer most
43
from environmental degradation and also among the most significant actors in the
conservation and safeguarding of natural resources” (p. 47). Because the
conditions under which women must live are so contingent on healthy marine eco-
systems, it is important that women play a decisive role in community
environmental education. This type of participation is a step closer to
empowerment.
Political Connections Between Feminism and Ecology
The last essential connection that Warren discusses is the political connection
between the environmentalist movement and the women’s movement. Warren
reasons “ecofeminist and other feminist concerns for women and the environment
have always grown out of pressing political and practical concerns” (Warren, 1996,
p. xvii). Warren’s idea that both movements have related political concerns and
issues justifies further the decisive role that women should have in coastal resource
management programs. Political activism and political decisions about the
environment should be based on accurate and adequate knowledge about the
environment. Many women bring valuable knowledge to share in the non-formal
education arena. The benefits of women’s participation in the non-formal
education process may best be realized in qualifying the knowledge they can share
with the community. McAllister and Ansula (1993) maintain that women’s roles in
the fishing industry provide them with much expertise about coral reef ecosystems:
Women thus have the knowledge of the distribution and seasonal occurrence of [reef] resources. When cleaning fishes they observe when the eggs are large and know the spawning
44
season of individual species. They know which ones are disappearing through over harvesting or through human impacts such as pollution and siltation. The knowledge and observations of women are therefore necessary for management of coral reefs and the election of women would benefit coral reef management councils. Women’s activities inland, for example in farming, may also affect marine resources and the supply of marine foods. Inland and coastal women can play key roles in restoration of the environment, for example through planting of trees and seagrasses. Women play key roles in developing attitudes about and awareness of the importance of nature. (pp. 80-81)
Pomeroy (1987) reasons that since the active roles of women and children are a
fundamental element for the success of agriculture and rural development
programs, they should also be a fundamental element in the success or development
programs in fishing communities. The inference here can easily be extrapolated to
include the necessity for women’s and children’s active participation in
community-based coastal resource management programs. This inclusion is the
next step toward empowerment. However, for the eco-feminist, empowerment
should not exclusively refer to the empowerment of women. On the contrary, it
should refer to the empowerment of the community to effectively manage common
resources and accept the responsibility of stewardship for the non-human world.
The historical, political and experiential connections realized in ecofeminist
thought justify its use as a lens for framing coastal resource challenges. The
historical aspect of ecofeminism postulates that a history of class domination has
reproduced values and behaviors responsible for human degradation of
environmental resources. The empirical and experiential connections emphasize
45
the advantages of using a feminist perspective to analyze environmental issues and
plan proactive approaches to coastal resource management. The political
connections recognize that the power of collective effort is essential to minimize
differences of class representation in the decision-making process. This “flattening
out” of the hierarchy fuels the empowerment process.
Empowerment through Environmental Education
A fundamental element of environmental education is its goal of freeing the
environment from human domination. This becomes the paradigmal shift from
domination to stewardship. Learning to nurture rather than control should also help
to alleviate the impacts that destruction to the environment have on marginalized
groups. In this way, environmental education is emancipatory for nature, and for
the victims of environmental degradation. Emancipatory education is a feasible
strategy to disseminate knowledge that promotes attitudinal change. Stromquist
(1992) defines emancipatory knowledge as “knowledge that questions the status
quo and seeks its transformation” (p.5). This knowledge is essential when
attempting to transform current detrimental trends of development into more
appropriate sustainable development. Thus, emancipatory environmental education
is a road to empowerment for communities wanting to protect themselves from
threats of environmental degradation. Stromquist (1993) defines empowerment as
“a process to change the distribution of power, both in interpersonal relations and
in institutions throughout society” (p.13). Her “Theorized Chain of Events in the
Empowering Process” (Fig. 2.1) can be adapted to explain the theoretical
46
empowerment process of community-based environmental education. The
modifications in Figure 2.2 illustrate a conceptual model of how community-based
coastal resource management programs can inaugurate community empowerment
and address environmental issues. The process begins with grass roots participation
in an environmental education program that has a “collective agenda.” An example
of a collective agenda is the management of coral reefs to ensure the continued
good health of marine eco-systems and to maintain a sustainable relationship with
the environment.
Figure 2.1 Stromquist’s (1993) Theorized Chain of Events in the Empowering
Process
Participation in small groups with a collective agenda (human rights, economic survival and community improvement)
Understanding of domination, organization, and mobilization; setting up a wider political agenda
Micro levelGreater freedom and sense of personal confidence, reshaped motherhood values, renegotiation of domestic relations
Macro levelExpanded political agenda, new collective arrangements, transformed citizenship
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Figure 2.2 Empowerment Process of Community-Based Environmental Education
Source: This model is adapted from Stromquist’s (1993, p. 17) Theorized Chain of Events in the Empowering Process.
Participation in grassroots, non-formal education programs that have a common goal to maintain a sustainable relationship with the environment. Sustainability is essential for long-term economic survival and for continuing community improvement.
Community-based non-formal education can facilitate an understanding of: 1) the need for resource management; 2) inappropriate behaviors that are harmful to the environment; and, 3) the power of collective effort through organization and mobilization. Understanding of these concepts can help people expand their focus of environmentalism to include a wider political agenda.
Micro level
Behavioral change begins on a personal and local level. A sense of community that includes the non-human world helps people reshape their values about the environment. People renegotiate environmentally harmful behaviors and practices.
Micro levelA sense of community competence in being able to
address local environmental issues will lead to a greater consciousness of the interaction between social institutions and environmental issues.
Macro levelLocal efforts can grow to involve people on national and international levels. “Expanded political agenda, new collective arrangements, transformed citizenship”
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Environmental education programs can facilitate an understanding of
inappropriate behaviors that are harmful to the environment. Community-based
non-formal education can also help people to accurately perceive the power of
community effort through organization and mobilization. This understanding can
help people expand their focus of environmentalism to include a wider political
agenda. Knowledge and understanding give rise to attitudinal and behavioral
changes. A sense of community that includes the natural world helps people
reshape their values about the environment. People renegotiate environmentally
harmful behaviors and practices. As this consciousness raising process continues
and intensifies, people begin to realize the relationships between economics,
politics, religion and environmental issues leading to expanded political agenda.
Eco-Centered, Non-Formal Education for Empowerment
Although ecofeminism can provide a theoretical framework to analyze humans’
relationship with the environment, human communities need a structural
organization to disseminate knowledge as the first step towards emancipatory
action. Non-formal educational projects can provide the needed structure to raise
consciousness about environmental issues and promote behavioral change. In his
critique of ecofeminism, Robert Sessions claims ecofeminism’s real challenge “is
to articulate notions of community that include, in a comprehensible way,
nonhuman nature” (1996, p.150). This section will offer explanations and
examples of how non-formal education can meet this challenge.
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Smith (1999) defines non-formal education as “learning settings and
opportunities that are not tied into the acquisition of diplomas, or licenses.”
Smith’s discussion primarily refers to adult non-formal education; however,
children can also benefit from programs outside the realm of formal education
(Blunt, 1994). For the focus of this study, non-formal education will more
specifically refer to environmentally based and eco-centered programs that use
proactive approaches to changing attitudes about the environment at local levels.
Criteria of Non-Formal Education Some proponents of non-formal education provide specific goals and criteria that
are helpful in understanding how programs can become deep-seated agents of
change within communities. Van Riezen’s (1996) explanation of the importance of
integration in non-formal education is a guide for proposing a list of several desired
criteria for eco-centered non-formal education programs. First, such programs
should maintain a flexible design so they can function as a “tool to reach
development goals” by addressing the needs of the community and adjusting to
ongoing interventions. These development goals should consider present
conditions, possibilities for change and the long-term perspective. This requires
some sort of needs assessment to determine the community goals and needs. One
important point of consideration in the needs assessment process is deciding who
can best evaluate the needs. This may be the first difficult challenge in designing
any non-formal education program.
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A second criterion for environmentally based non-formal education is the people
in the community should be able to freely participate in the program organization
and educational process. Participation has three basic features: decision making,
implementation, and rewards. The people in the community must not only be part
of the decision-making and implementation processes, they must also benefit from
the educational program (Midgley as cited in Van Riezen, 1996). Participation in
the needs assessment stage will better prepare community members to more
effectively make decisions and implement programs that benefit the community.
Third, non-formal education should be a life-long process. The concept of life-
long learning should be a quintessential feature in eco-centered environmental
educational programs that not only allow each member of the community to
participate regardless of age, but also encourage trans-generational communication
about environmental issues. As previously mentioned, Bowers (1995) indicates the
value elders’ knowledge and experience has for the educational process. Elders
can pass on essential knowledge so that tradition and culture do not compete with
environmental education, but rather help to enforce appropriate values toward the
environment. However, it is logical to expect younger community members will
bring their own knowledge and perspectives into the trans-generational arena. In
this way, youth can be a bridge between formal and non-formal education
programs.
These three general criteria are important features of community-based
environmental education. The involvement of community is a powerful variable in
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taking proactive steps to maintain sustainable relationships with the environment.
Matching the criteria with the goal of maintaining a sustainable relationship with
the environment extends the concept of community to include the non-human
world. Through emancipatory environmental education, the community takes on a
stewardship role to nurture the whole environment-including the human society-
for a future based on sustainability.
Principles of Environmental Education
These three general criteria for non-formal education need to be aligned with the
principles of environmental education. Smith and Williams (1999) provide a
concise, but complete list of their “Principles of Ecological Education” (p.6). In
context, their use of the word “ecological” is synonymous with this paper’s use of
the word “environmental.” Their seven principles are:
Development of personal affinity with the earth through practical experiences out-of-doors and through the practice of an ethic of care
Grounding learning in a sense of place through the study of knowledge possessed by local elders and the investigation of surrounding natural and human communities
Induction of students into an experience of community that counters the press toward individualism that is dominant in contemporary social and economic experiences
Acquisition of practical skills needed to regenerate human and natural environments
Introduction to occupational alternatives that contribute to the preservation of local cultures and the natural environment
Preparation for work as activists able to negotiate local, regional, and national government structures in
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an effort to adapt policies that support social justice and ecological sustainability
Critique of cultural assumptions upon which modern industrial civilization has been built, exploring in particular how they have contributed to the exploitation of the natural world and human populations
The similarities among the concepts of ecofeminism, the criteria for non-formal
education and the principles of ecological/environmental education are obvious.
These similarities are the foundation for a type of participatory community
education that raises consciousness about environmental issues effecting attitudinal
and behavioral change while encouraging emancipatory action.
A New Environmental Paradigm
Environmental education is emancipatory if it leads to the creation of new values,
especially new environmental values that become the cornerstones of a community-
wide environmental ethic. The passing on of environmental values from one
generation to another begins the process of structuring a new social paradigm.
Within the theoretical framework of eco-feminism, environmentally based non-
formal education can change the way people think about their relationship with
nature. Lester Milbrath (1989) aptly argues for the need to promote new social
paradigms that focus on sustainability and reconsider the way society dominates the
environment. Some of Milbrath’s ideas are radical in that they require a massive
restructuring of political institutions and society. For a discussion on non-formal
education and coastal resource management, it is not necessary to debate the
feasibility or plausibility of radical change. Still, some of Milbrath’s other points
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are relevant and can be addressed by environmentally based non-formal education
programs. These points include a shift toward placing a higher valuation on nature,
carefully planning action to avoid risks and limiting growth.
Through education and consciousness raising, non-formal education can help
citizens realize the dependence humans have on the environment. This could create
a more holistic perspective that tightens the relationship between humans and
nature. The ultimate goal here, however, is to encourage behavior that favors
environmental protection over economic growth. Economic growth is not
necessarily harmful; this simply means that environmental protection should be a
priority. To maintain a balance, careful planning is needed. Planning should
consider all short-term and long-term risks. Education is an important element in
the planning process because knowledge allows communities to make informed
decisions about their lives. A crucial element of informed planning is the ability to
realize the limits of growth. Thus, one major goal of community-based coastal
resource management programs is to determine what types of growth could lead to
the degradation of coral reefs.
Environmental Non-Formal Education in the Philippines
Historical and cultural variables may facilitate the workability and success of
environmental non-formal education in the Republic of the Philippines. A history
of political struggle has laid the groundwork for grass-roots movements in the
Philippines. The 1986 revolution and subsequent ousting of Marcos are evidence
of the power and possibilities that solidarity provides in the Philippines. This is
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important in the development of environmental non-formal education programs
because “few environmental movements in less affluent countries have their
primary origins in ecological concerns or focus exclusively on environmental
issues” (Taylor et al., 1993, p. 69). Since grass-roots movements have an anchored
base in the Philippines, the move to local, proactive environmental programs is
facilitated.
Women also play an important role in environmental movements. Through their
participation and involvement they are able to address many environmental issues
that parallel concerns about their position in society. It is women who may be
affected most severely by environmental degradation’s affects on the job market,
economy and demographic trends. Despite any traditional or historical subjection
of women in the Philippines and other countries, many of the environmental
movements are “essentially women’s movements” (Taylor, et al., 1993, p. 71).
Examples of Environmental Non-Formal Education in the Philippines
Throughout the world there are a plethora of grassroots non-formal environmental
education programs. Some have been successful while others have little impact on
improving conditions. Taylor et al (1993) describe environmental movements in
several countries that have had varying degrees of success. In the Philippines, much
of the environmental non-formal education is limited to national parks and
museums. Bagarinao (1998) provides a detailed account of the national parks and
protected areas in the Philippines. Bagarinao asserts that “one way to popularize
biodiversity and environment issues is by popularizing national parks and
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biodiversity exhibits such as museums, herbariums, zoos and botanical gardens”
(p.230). The author specifically mentions particular marine reserves and protected
coastal areas. Tubbataha Reef has become one of the more famous reserves since it
was declared an UNESCO World Heritage Site. Despite claims of it being a
successful model, serious problems of management and enforcement still threaten
the area (also discussed in Manamtam, 1995). Bagarinao also names Puerto Galera
as an example of a more successful reserve. Puerto Galera has coral reefs and
beaches that are in good condition partly because the area has been declared a
“Man and the Biosphere Reserve.” Although designating some areas as protected
areas has merit in terms of environmental education, other types of management are
necessary to ensure against large-scale degradation of resources and eco-systems.
Perhaps, the most impressive example of coastal resource management in the
Philippines is Apo Reef (Bagarinao, 1998; Hinrichsen, 1997). By the mid-1980s,
the reef was almost totally destroyed by villagers’ inappropriate fishing practices.
The use of dynamite, cyanide and destructive nets to eke out a living from the
failing reef nearly destroyed the island community’s livelihood. Apo reef has made
a dramatic comeback in the last decade and a half due to proactive reef
management by the local community and experts from Silliman University in
Dumaguete. The villagers have learned sustainable practices that are essential to
maintaining healthy reefs. Hinrichsen comments on the hope that the Apo reef case
provides for community-based coastal resource management programs:
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Apo demonstrates that it is not too late to protect these wonderfully diverse underwater ecosystems and to preserve their productivity for the people who depend on them. The model that Apo sets offers encouragement to the coral-reef nations that recently launched a new international protection plan, culminating in the designation of 1997 as the International Year of the Coral Reef. (p.14)
Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-Formal Education
The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) offer a “bottom-up” inductive approach
to bettering communities and addressing human concerns. Fernandes discusses
how NGOs in Latin America have promoted people’s participation in slum
management and encouraged political involvement. In a specific report on NGOs in
the field of education, Archer (1994) reviews how some NGOs have historically
focused on providing educational services to communities throughout the world.
Although it is certain that many of these organizations serve causes not directly
related to environmental issues, some of the other important literature on NGOs
makes direct references to their involvement in environmental programs. In an
overview of environmental politics in Asia, Schubert (1993) affirms that in most
Asian nations, NGOs are “the primary impetus for environmental protection and
nature conservation” (p.241). According to Schubert, many of the thousands of
environmental NGOs in Asia are “grass-roots movements of people concerned
about specific conditions in local eco-systems.”
Whether NGOs focus on environmental issues or seek to provide other services,
they provide additional monetary backing for local community efforts. Fernandes’
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(1985) assertion that there are thousands of NGOs administering hundreds of
millions of dollars in Latin America (p.7) gives an example of how NGOs can
provide needed resources for grass roots efforts. Schubert (1993) reasons that
despite good intentions, many governments lack sufficient funding, training and
enforcement to implement effective environmental protection policies and
programs. Therefore, there is a need for NGOs to augment environmental efforts
of national governments. Schubert clearly states, “The insufficiency of resources
available to most policy makers in Asian nations calls for, even necessitates, the
active inclusion of NGOs in policy formulation, enactment and enforcement” (p.
242).
Although Schubert is referring to a broad view of NGO roles in developing
effective environmental policies, there are definite implications for NGO roles in
more specific environmental education programs. NGOs can provide resources to
greater the probability that community-based environmental programs will be
effective agents of change. Ideally, educational programs can promote attitudinal
and behavioral changes to facilitate policy formulation, instigate action and reduce
the burden of enforcement.
Invasive or Noninvasive?
Fernandes (1985) provides a list of organizational problems that many NGOs have.
These include, designing goals to satisfy budgets and funding rather than vice
versa; poorly paid staff and inter-organizational communication problems.
Proposing solutions to these problems is beyond the scope of this paper; however,
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it is necessary to address criticisms of NGOs that are relevant to the theoretical
design of eco-centered community-based environmental education.
Some critics of NGO involvement in local community concerns may argue that
many NGOs are actually products of governments that are set up to implement
official agenda (Quizon and Reyes as cited in Toh and Floresca-Cawagas, 1997).
The argument would be that governments use NGOs to disguise political agenda.
Similarly, Toh and Floresca-Cawagas (1997) argue that, “there are differences in
world views and motivations among NGOs, some of which may not be
authentically dedicated to the well-being of their constituents” (p. 534). If NGOs
have goals that do not address the real needs of the community it is likely that their
involvement will be seen as an outsider attempt to control local social institutions.
When locals view NGOs as outsiders, resentment will grow and participation will
wane.
It is important that NGOs avoid becoming invasive in their involvement. This
is especially true for NGO support in establishing community-based educational
programs in rural areas. In addition to the theoretical reasons already discussed in
this paper, there are the practical reasons of workability for NGOs to maintain a
non-invasive approach to implementing educational programs. In specific
reference to non-formal education, Van Riezen (1996) reasons that since specific
groups have specific needs, the curriculum used in an educational program must
relate to the needs and resources of the local community. People in rural
communities will not profit from curriculum and textbooks designed for people in
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cities or more affluent countries. Van Riezen explains that avoiding invasive
involvement includes using the vernacular as a way of showing respect for the local
culture. The inclusion of local culture sends a message to communities that their
participation is valued. This gives community members a sense of worth and
purpose that encourages active participation.
McCormick (1993) gives two factors that influence the effectiveness of NGOs.
These, too, apply to NGOs in general, but also have significant relevance to
community-based educational programs. The two factors are:
their political influence (as measured by the level of political support they enjoy, and their ability to use political structures effectively);
the importance of having clearly defined constituencies and clearly defined avenues through which to make their appeals and to influence government. (p.142)
Although McCormick contends that NGOs need clearly defined constituencies
and strategies to be effective, others may reason that this is not necessary. The
famous Chipko movement in India is an example of an effective campaign that
grew to a critical mass while remaining loosely organized. The Chipko movement
is a case where locals’ values and love for their forest homeland motivated them to
unite in an activist campaign against foreign logging companies. This campaign
began without clearly defined avenues through which to make their appeals or to
influence the government. Although the group of activists better fits the definition
of a movement than an NGO, it exemplifies one type of local organization in
developing countries. Viswanath more clearly defines the range of local NGOs in
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India as being a “mixed bag, ranging from service-oriented groups to militant
movements, usually of the left” (p.37). The Chipko is an example of one
community organizing to campaign for a local cause but having far reaching
influence in motivating other communities to form grassroots initiatives.
In their discussion on people-centered education in the Philippines, Toh and
Floresc-Cawagas (1997) suggest four themes. The four themes are, a pedagogy of
dialogue; a praxis of critical empowerment; active nonviolence for peace and
justice; and walking in solidarity. Consideration of these four themes allows
community educators and NGOs to negotiate how to maximize the positive impacts
of McCormick’s two factors. The first theme can begin to clearly define
participants, methods and approaches to achieving the goals of a community-based
education program. As previously discussed, empowerment, the second theme, can
lead to political clout beyond the local level. Thus, the first two themes address
McCormick’s second conditional factor for effectiveness. The second, third, and
fourth themes are all significant in optimizing the political influence that an NGO
backed grassroots environmental program might have.
It is essential to carefully weave all four of the themes in the planning and
implementing of community-based coastal resource management programs.
Inclusion of these themes will help to strengthen ties between any supporting NGO
and the coastal community. Inclusion of these themes will help to ensure a greater
effectiveness in achieving the goals of a community-based environmental program.
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Summary of Literature Review
This chapter has attempted to show how social learning theories may explain the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and information through a community-
based education program. Learning theories can explain how environmental
knowledge spreads among community members leading to changes in attitude and
acquisition of new behaviors for those members. Learning theories can also explain
how information moves across community boundaries and becomes shared
knowledge among communities. Eco-feminism can be a philosophical lens to view
community based environmental education as a vehicle for developing more
ecologically appropriate attitudes and behaviors. Eco-feminism is a lens to correct
the myopic view of development in many coastal communities. The empowerment
process is compared and contrasted to ecofeminist philosophy. Both, eco-feminist
and empowerment perspectives to development complement the principles of
environmental education and non-formal approaches to the dissemination of
environmental knowledge.
This brief review of theories intends to be a starting point from which to view a
community-based coastal resource management program. It does not intend to set a
definitive framework from which all community-based environmental education
programs operate. Community-based educational programs are social in nature;
and therefore, each is as unique as the individuals who are the organization.
Elements of these theoretical frameworks can, however, serve as a tool for
reflecting upon the social interaction involved in the transfer of knowledge. The
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following chapter details this dissertation’s research methodology for gathering and
analyzing data on the structure and learning process of a coastal resource
management program.
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“As an uneven mirror distorts the rays of objects according to its own figure and section, so the mind in forming its notions mixes up its own nature.”
Francis Bacon, 1620
Chapter 3
Qualitative Research and Environmental Programs
Historically, civilizations have developed on the water’s edge. For thousands of
years humans have had a close relationship with the sea. The vast resources of the
oceans are an essential element for the survival of coastal communities. Coastal
communities’ populations continue to grow as a result of urbanization and
expansion of tourism. This increases the need for effective coastal management
programs. In many tropical island communities growing demographic pressure
impedes maintaining a symbiotic relationship with the marine environment;
therefore, effective coastal management programs are essential to the health and
welfare of the current and future generations. Human impact on the marine
environment is directly related to the depletion and destruction of vital marine
resources such as coral reefs and their related eco-systems. The survival of tropical
island communities may depend on the establishment of coastal resource
management programs that educate people about how to maintain a more
sustainable relationship with the environment. To be effective, a coastal resource
management program should attempt to “find the means of making man’s demands
upon the ecosystem compatible with the reefs ecology” (Craik, Kenchington and
Kelleher, 1990, p. 459). Since humans have become a dominant feature of the eco-
64
system it is essential to understand not only how humans impact the environment,
but also how humans can modify interaction with the environment so as to create a
more symbiotic relationship with the marine environment. A closer examination of
a community-based coastal resource management program illustrates the role of
education in consciousness raising of human impacts and campaigns to modify
interaction with the environment. This case study uses qualitative research methods
in gathering and analyzing data to describe several essential elements in the
educational process of a coastal resource management program.
Valadez and Bamberger (1994) claim the purpose for using qualitative methods
for collecting data is “to understand reality as it is construed by the persons being
studied” (p.329). They also state that qualitative methods “should encourage
researchers to try to understand the meaning of particular activities or beliefs in the
context of the culture being considered” (p.329). This enables researchers to study
particular events in the context in which they occur. Babbie (1995) indicates that
field methods of research are superior when investigating behavior and attitudes
about topics best understood in natural settings. Babbie also says that qualitative
methods are especially appropriate when studying social processes over time. The
learning process and behavioral changes that take place during an environmental
education intervention at a local level would best be explored in a natural setting
over a long period of time.
Qualitative research methods satisfy some of the goals of social analysis because
qualitative data lends valuable insight into how a local people cope with and
65
contribute to development interventions (Gow, 1990; Derman, 1990). Social
impact assessments are particularly valuable in environmental protection
movements because they can provide feedback on what resources and constraints
people’s organizations have for development efforts (Ingerscoll, 1990). Social
impact assessments add to the local body of community knowledge. Their results
can indicate targets for educational programs or contribute to evaluation studies on
existing programs.
Although ethnographic techniques are qualitative methods, in some studies the
approach may differ from that of traditional anthropological ethnography in terms
of the “unit of analysis.” Instead of a society or a culture being studied, the
research may focus on a community, family, group, gang or even an individual
(Valadez and Bamberger, 1994). Ethnography that focuses on schooling or other
forms of education is not fundamentally different from other ethnography (Spindler
and Spindler, 1987). Ethnographic accounts are valuable for investigating the
educational process in community-base environmental programs because they can
facilitate an understanding of how particular social systems work by providing
detailed descriptive data on a particular group or about a particular phenomenon
(Wolcott, 1987).
The data collected in qualitative studies can be useful in developing quantitative
studies. Valadez and Bamberger (1994) believe that qualitative analysis can aid in
the formulation of quantitative research hypotheses and data interpretation.
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Research on Environmental Programs
Proponents of environmental education would agree that the major goals of
environmental education programs are to raise consciousness about environmental
conditions and to teach environmentally appropriate behavior (Milbrath, 1989;
Bowers, 1995, 1997; Palmer 1998). Consciousness raising should lead to the
acquisition of an environmental ethic in peoples’ attitudes, ultimately developing
into a more pro-environmental paradigm in society.
Many researchers have used quantitative methods to describe relationships
between knowledge about the environment and attitudes toward the environment.
In discussing attempts to measure the effectiveness of in-classroom environmental
education, Dettmann-Easler and Pease (1999) cite numerous studies that indicate
exposure to environmental education in the classroom has at least minimal effect on
knowledge and attitudes. Zelezny’s findings (1999) that “educational interventions
can effectively improve environmental behavior” refuted previous studies (Cone
and Hayes, 1980; as cited in Zelezny, 1999) that argued educational interventions
have little or no effect on changing behavior. Reviewing several quantitative
studies, Najib (1999) found results showed inconsistencies between environmental
concerns and actually behavior. Other studies suggest the influence of other
variables such as religious beliefs, peer group, social norms and locus of control
(Negra & Manning, 1997; Harris and Blackwell, 1996).
From her qualitative research, Emmons (1997) speculates that environmental
education in a participatory, non-formal setting encourages experiential learning
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that results in independent pro-environment action. Her research indicates
“participants within the setting begin to actively influence the process of their
growth and change” (p. 42). Qualitative research can advance the understanding of
that process and reveal how consciousness raising efforts lead to the acquisition of
more environmentally sound behavior. Currently, there is a paucity of descriptive
qualitative research on community-based environmental programs; therefore, the
design of the current study contributes a different perspective to the literature on
environmental education programs. Although this is a case study of only one
community-based coastal resource management program, the data and analysis
intend to facilitate a general understanding of the learning process taking place in
community-based educational programs. Negra and Manning (1997) claim that it
is important for more research to be done on non-formal long-term environmental
education. Eagles and Demare (1999) echo this view in their statement,
“Environmental attitudes are formed by many influences over a long period of
time. For an environmental education program to be effective in influencing
attitudes it must be part of holistic environmental education over many years” (p.
35). Therefore qualitative research methods are appropriate to gather descriptive
data on an established community-based coastal resource management program.
Research Design
Research Objectives
This case study of a community-based coastal resource management program
attempts to address the following research questions:
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(1) (1) How does a community-based coastal resource management program
contribute to the dissemination process of environmental knowledge among
community members?
What are the goals of the organization?
What types of environmental education does the program promote?
What types of activities does the program have?
How are women involved in the education process?
What are the foci of lectures, seminars and events?
Have the media participated in any activities or campaigns?
What types of information and knowledge are exchanged through
informal education networks?
(2) What is the dissemination process of environmental knowledge in a coastal
resource management program?
How does the program promote social interaction to exchange
environmental knowledge?
How does the program utilize potential informal education networks
to disseminate information and knowledge about the coastal
environment?
Do the events and activities that promote social interaction
contribute to attitudinal or change?
How do women contribute to the dissemination of information and
knowledge about the environment?
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How has social interaction contributed to the education elements of
the program being spread to the formal education system?
How has social interaction contributed to the ideas and the goals of
the program being spread outside the community?
(3) How has the organization evolved over time to develop a sense of community
competence in being able to address local environmental issues while building
stronger avenues of interaction between social institutions and community
members?
How does the organization decide common goals?
How does a community-based coastal resource management
program contribute to the empowerment process?
How are community members involved in the decision-making
process?
How have local efforts grown to expand political agenda, initiate
collective arrangements, and transform citizenship?
How does the organization attempt to meet the needs of women and
children in the community?
How have women contributed to the change and evolution of the
organization?
What is the implementation and planning process for programs,
activities and events?
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What are the participants’ (staff, clients and all community members
affected by any action or lack of action) attitudes toward change?
What are the participants’ attitudes toward successes?
What difficulties does the program have in getting community
support for its goals?
(4) What effects has the coastal resource management program had on the
community?
Has there been any effect on employment?
Has the program created alternative forms of livelihood that
promote the use of resources to replace practices that abuse coastal
resources?
How have women and children been affected?
Has the inclusion or exclusion of marginalized groups resulted in a
more sustainable community?
Has there been any population shifts since the program’s
implementation?
How has the environment changed as a result of the program?
(5) What other factors affect the acquisition of environmentally appropriate
behavior?
Methodology
The research process consisted of gathering information about a community-based
coastal resource management program in several steps:
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(1) (1) A review of literature on community-based environmental programs and
local environmental movements facilitates an understanding of conceptual
frameworks and possible variables that can explain the dissemination of
environmental knowledge and information. This step addresses question five.
(2) (2) Analyzing documents specifically pertaining to the selected program
provided data on the program’s origin, objectives, history and process for
determining the community’s goals. This step addresses issues in questions
one and three.
(3) (3) Volunteering to participate in various activities facilitated access to the
program and initiated contacts with key informants. Living in the community
and joining in the coastal resource management efforts allow me to move from
the etic, or outsider perspective, to the emic, or insider perspective. As a
participant observer I not only had an excellent vantage-point to observe social
interaction, but also participated to varying degrees in the activities that
promote social interaction. This method was valuable for gathering data to
answer all five principal research questions.
(4) (4) Interviews with several of the core members of the program to help me
learn more about the emic view of the community members. The emic
perspective of the local people is essential in explaining the variables that may
influence attitudinal and behavioral changes toward the environment. These
interviews searched for in-depth perspectives on the more specific research
questions.
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(5) (5) Interviews with key informants in the community, such as community
organizers, eco-tour guides, teachers, fishermen, politicians and law
enforcement officials deepened the emic response and lent further insight into
how community members view the environmental efforts of a community-
based coastal resource management program. This insight addresses all the
research objectives.
Selecting a Site
The following characteristics were considered when selecting a site to conduct this
study. While some of the desired characteristics are practical considerations others
arise from Tobert’s (1978) theory of liberating structure. The Olango learning area
in the Philippines was selected as the site for this study because the coastal resource
management efforts in that area encompass the following key characteristics:
1) 1) The primary characteristic for choosing Olango as a site was that the
community has a community-based coastal resource management program and
the members allowed me to be a volunteer for the program while conducting
research as a participant observer.
2) 2) The activities of the coastal resource management program promote social
interaction of community members for the development of pro-environmental
attitudes and behavior.
3) 3) The leadership of the community-based coastal resource management is
open to input from the participants.
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4) 4) The community also has, in its history, serious environmental problems that
have significantly impacted the people and the eco-system.
5) 5) A preferred characteristic for choosing Olango was the organization has
documentation relating to the pre-implementation environmental conditions, the
implementation process, and the history of the coastal resource management
program. Such documentation was found in newspaper articles, resource
assessment reports, academic papers, aid agency reports, local government
records such as environmental impact reports and long-term development
planning reports.
6) 6) The organization also revealed evidence of premeditated and pre-
communicated structural evolution over time. Therefore, it was representative
of an organization with experience and evolving history. Thus, the community
organization on Olango was preferred over a new organization at the nascent of
learning the appropriate approaches to community-based coastal resource
management.
7) 7) The leadership in Olango’s coastal resource management efforts functions
to provide a constant cycle of experiential and empirical research.
Description of Site
Although there are many different sites with community-based coastal resource
management programs throughout the Philippine Islands, this dissertation describes
the efforts of the people on Olango Island and several of its surrounding islets.
Olango, one of six learning areas of the Coastal Resource Management Project
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(CRMP), is located in the Visayas, a group of islands in the central Philippines (see
map on p. 69). This small island group is less than a two-hour trip from downtown
Cebu, the center of the second largest urban area in the Philippines. The urban area
is a tri-city metropolis comprised of Cebu City, Mandaue and Lapulapu City. The
close proximity of Olango to this metropolis is why one CRMP informant describes
it as, “A rural place in an urban setting.” Olango and two of the satellite island
barangays fall under the jurisdiction of Lapulapu City which makes up most of
Mactan Island, while the other islets fall under the jurisdiction of Cordova, the
small city on the south end of Mactan Island. This is important to note because it
means that two separate municipalities have vested interest in the management of
coastal resources for this small group of rocky islands.
In better times, Mactan Island was hailed as a tourist’s haven and a diver’s
paradise. In lieu of hosting an international airport, tourism on Mactan has fallen
off as is evident by the numerous run-down pension houses and resorts scattered
about on the sunrise side of the island facing Olango. However, attempts to boost
the economy through tourism persist as new five-star resorts continue to fence off
huge stretches of coastline for heavily guarded beach paradises complete with
imported sand. Although 250,000 tourists a year still come to Mactan, the residents
of Olango “realize little benefit from the influx of foreign exchange” (Parras,
Portigo &White; 1998, p. 1).
Today, in spite of the depleting food supply from the coastal resources, families
continue to have children at a rate ensuring exponential population growth leaving
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these island communities a bleak chance to escape the downward spiral of poverty.
According to one community leader, girls get married as young as fourteen years
old and begin having babies soon after. Half of Olango’s inhabitants are less than
18 years old (Parras, Portigo &White; 1998). In twenty years, nearly all of them
will be raising families of their own.
“Poor and uneducated” are the adjectives one CRMP official used to describe
the people of Olango. Although eighty percent of Olango residents have some
elementary school education, less than ten percent of the island residents complete
high school. This statistic is even lower for residents that live on the satellite islets,
which have no high schools (Parras, Portigo & White; 1998).
The lack of education is not the only limitation for earning a living and
supporting a family. Since the island is composed of porous and cavernous
limestone, plowing is impossible. Thus, to eke out a living the island residents are
dependent on the extraction of available coastal resources. Seventy-five percent of
the estimated 4,000 households rely on fishing, gleaning or harvesting other coastal
resources for their livelihoods (Parras, Portigo & White; 1998).
Unfortunately, the environmental problems that threaten this island cluster are
complex and deep-rooted. One CRMP worker described Olango as a “treasure of
biodiversity” that “has been damaged because of lack of stewardship.” Another
CRMP informant referred to Olango as “a microcasm of all the fishing problems in
the Philippines.” The fishing grounds around these small islands have fallen waste
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to destructive fishing methods forcing the present generation of fisherfolk to
become transient fishers that must sail to far off islands such as Mindanao and
Palawan to catch their fish.
Although there are several inhabited islets on the southern end of Olango,
Gilutongan Island was the only primary site for data collection among the satellite
islets. This was mostly due to the involvement of the CRMP in the management of
the marine sanctuary and closeness of the community organizers to the Gilutongan
community. The community of Gilutongan has close ties with the barangays on
Olango and share common goals in protecting the coastal environment. Gilutongan
is only about 11 ha, but has approximately 1,100 residents. It is a barrio on a rock
surrounded by water. If Olango represents “one of the worst case scenarios of
coastal management challenges in the Philippines” (Parras, Portigo &White; 1998,
p. 2), then Gilutongan represents the most challenging of the most challenging.
Ironically, one end of the island hosts an expensive resort hotel that does not
employ any of the locals and forbids them from trying to sell shells to the hotel
guests on the hotel pier.
In addition to the depletion of the coastal resources, Olango and its satellite
islets suffer from numerous other problems. Health care, and even more so, dental
care are luxuries that few can afford. A few children showing signs of malnutrition
and many young teens have severe tooth decay. Locals openly tell stories of family
members dying from dengue fever because there was no money to pay for the
proper care. Statistics on infant mortality are incomplete; however, one local
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community leader estimated that as many as two in ten children die before the age
of two. Some of the satellite islands have no doctor and no pharmacy. This means
any type of health care is at least a boat ride away- and depending on sea
conditions, a some times perilous boat ride.
The lack of fresh water intensifies life’s struggles for these island people.
Although Olango has two freshwater lenses, most of the surrounding islets have no
fresh ground water. In spite of the fresh water lenses on Olango, many of the wells
only yield brackish water that is not suitable for drinking. Therefore, during the
rainy months, residents will collect rainwater as it runs off rooftops and store it in
huge vats. When reserves of freshwater are depleted, small double out-rigger
motorized boats called bancas are used to bring containers of water in from Mactan
Island. The water is then sold for a few pesos per five-gallon container.
This description intends to underline some of the issues that the community
hopes to address in the coastal resource management process. Chapter Four
describes the program and how it tries to meet some of the specific needs of this
site.
Interviews
Derman (1990) aptly states, “Informant interviewing provides the window to
explore and analyze not only what a given population thinks about a given course
of action but also how to draw upon its knowledge” (p. 108). Wolcott (1987)
advises starting the interview process by “letting people tell their ‘story’ to an
interested listener” or by asking informants to recount the routines, events and
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interactions of their daily lives (pp. 48-9). Either approach should trigger ideas
about topics for future elaboration. Both styles should also help to foster more
personal communication between subject and researcher.
Babbie (1995) offers several guidelines for interviewing informants. The
interviewer should keep a pleasant demeanor and dress in a fashion similar to the
respondents. Looking too affluent may create difficulties in getting cooperation
from less financially advantaged respondents. Conversely, dressing too casually
may hamper communications with affluent, well-dressed respondents. Babbie also
stresses that recording responses precisely in the respondents’ words without
paraphrasing will help the researcher in the coding process to develop more specific
categories. Additionally, neutral probes are tools to elicit more specific information
from respondents. A neutral probe can be a silent pause or a question like, “In what
ways?” Spindler and Spindler (1987) emphasize the need for an interviewer to ask
neutral questions: “The management of the interview must be carried out so as to
promote the unfolding of emic cultural knowledge in its most heuristic, natural
form” (p. 19).
Lofland and Lofland (1995) assert that intensive interviewing of informants is a
major aspect of participant observation. During this study I maintained extensive
interaction with a large number of people in the community, both active
participants in the program and others not affiliated with the program. Accurate
records of relevant informal conversations were kept. In addition, I conducted
more structured interviews with key informants from the community. Key
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informants were targeted based on their knowledge of environmental problems,
position in the community, experience with the program and access to vital
information about the relationship of the community members to the organization.
The interviews were conducted in a variety of settings. Intensive interviewing of
informants produced data that complements data collected through observation.
Although interviews can be a crosscheck tool to establish more reliable
information (Gow as cited in Derman, 1990), it is also possible that informants may
differ in their versions of the same event. According to Rubin and Rubin (1995)
the researcher should understand that one person’s account of an event is not
intrinsically more true that another person’s account of the same event. Each
person may be “reflecting different perspectives on what happened or observations
of different parts of an event” (p. 10). Therefore, it is important that the interviewer
remain neutral and open-minded when analyzing responses.
A tape recorder was used in several of the structured interviews. The benefit of
using audio recorders is that they aid in keeping gathered data in a form that is
accurate and retrievable (Rubin & Rubin, 1995). Before using any recording
devices, the participants provided written permission by signing a consent form.
In the interviews I questioned informants about their attitudes toward the
environment, toward environmental education and toward development. I asked
people about their opinions on the conditions of the coastal environment and the
causes of those conditions. Interviewing people from several generations also
widened the view on community learning. Interviewing project organizers gave
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perspective to the educational challenges that a community-based coastal
management program faces in pursuit of its goals. Exit interviews were conducted
with key informants to provide insight into the dynamics of the program as well as
fill in information gaps and check data.
Although focus group interviews were originally planned to get a broader range
of opinions on the workability of the coastal resource management program,
language and logistical problems prevented focus groups from being an effective
source of data. Only one focus group interview was conducted, and only three
teachers chose to participate in that interview. Although this format can be useful
in obtaining data on how a local community feels about a project, there are several
disadvantages as were evident in this study. Problems can arise because of
difficulties in bringing a larger number of people together and trying to control
them (Gow, 1990; Valadez and Bamberger, 1994).
Key Informants
Gow (1990) identifies four types of informants that researchers can interview; the
individual respondent, the key informant, the confidential informant and the
resident gadfly. Gow suggests limiting questions for the individual respondent to
those that concern only that person’s knowledge and behavior and avoiding
questions about what they think of others’ knowledge and behavior. Key
informants, however, should be expected to answer questions about other people’s
knowledge and behavior. Although better-off, better educated key informants may
have a broader knowledge of community operations and systems, it is important to
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create a balance by consciously offsetting any bias with the inclusion of informants
from marginalized groups.
Gow (1990) defines the confidential informant as a person who can provide
sensitive information. In some cases, a government official, industry worker,
teacher, or other person with access to sensitive information may be willing to
divulge specific information under conditions of confidentiality. On the other end
of the spectrum is the resident gadfly who is more than willing “to criticize
everyone and everything” (p. 155). Although this type of person may give biased
information, the resident gadfly may reveal topics for further investigation.
Lofland and Lofland (1995) discuss the importance of cultivating key
informants. They suggest having multiple informants will lower the risk of relying
on possible misinformation from only one informant. In this study, some key
informants were selected based on their position at CRMP, their position in the
community, their willingness to be interviewed, their knowledge about the local
environment and/or their knowledge about coastal resource management. An
important goal in the selection process was to establish several key informants that
had varied profiles of involvement in the coastal resource management process.
Informants were identified and selected based on their knowledge and experience
with the program. Other informants included people from outside the core
members of the program that have significant experience in the diving industry, law
enforcement, community development, and local politics. This ensured that the
data was collected from a wider perspective.
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Participant-Observer
As a participant-observer, I volunteered to take part in various activities for a
community-based coastal resource management program. I participated in
activities and interacted with the community for a period of five months in 2001.
My scuba diving experience qualified me for a variety of tasks during the
Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) training and reef checks. This
participation aided in gaining access and trust to collect qualitative data. In
addition to facilitating access to a coastal resource management program,
participant observing has other advantages. Rubin and Rubin (1995) explain that
active participation gives the researcher an opportunity to learn any vocabulary
necessary for a better understanding of the data. For this study, that vocabulary
included vernacular, academic and professional terms. Rubin and Rubin also hold
that active participation may enable the researcher to learn enough to be considered
an insider by the community (p.172).
According to Valadez and Bamberger (1994) the three components of
participant observation are pre-fieldwork, fieldwork and analysis. Pre-fieldwork,
as preparation for the study, includes finding a site and making the appropriate
contacts with the local organization, group or community. The fieldwork stage
begins with the researcher adjusting to the community and gaining trust from the
members. It is in this stage that the researcher must develop a systematic approach
to collecting data. The analysis stage involves coding the data and fitting it into a
logical framework that facilitates an understanding of certain aspects of the group.
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Mason (1996) suggests participant-observers may have varying roles that will
determine to what degree they will participate and to what degree they will observe.
Throughout this study, periodic reflection on this point helped to maintain a
balance between participating and observing.
Observations provided a better understanding of how the people in the
community respond to the efforts of a coastal resource management program.
Therefore, this study looked closely at whether, or not, people adopt
environmentally conscious behavior as a result of the program’s activities. In
addition to explaining individuals’ behavior, observations provided insight into the
practices, the organizational structure and the organizational learning process of a
community-based coastal resource management program.
Despite the positive aspects of participant observation as a method to collect
qualitative data there are some problems. One potential problem with observational
research is that the very presence of an observer could alter the behavior of those
being observed (Babbie, 1995; Valdez and Bamberger, 1994; Yin, 1994). Yin
(1994) refers to this as reflexivity and claims it is a weakness in observational data
collection because the observation of an event could cause the event to proceed
differently. Other researchers refer to this weakness in observational methods as
“reactivity” (Valadez and Bamberger, 1994). Reflexivity can be minimized if the
researcher adheres to certain principles of participant observation. These principles
are reviewed in the section on maintaining integrity in qualitative research.
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Document Analysis
Mason (1996) views document analysis as “a major method of social research, and
one which many qualitative researchers see as meaningful and appropriate in the
context of their research strategy” (p.71). Document analysis provided both
meaningful and appropriate data during this study because legal documents, public
planning documents, journalism articles and scientific reports aided in creating a
chronological perspective on the events that led to organizational change of the
coastal resource management program. Knowing the history and background of the
program facilitated the initial observation period.
Valadez and Bamberger (1994) describe two valuable types of documentation as
physical trace evidence and running records. Collecting data from these sources is
fairly unobtrusive; therefore, it is likely there would be less reactivity from those
being studied. Physical trace evidence is what a researcher can find in the
immediate environment. It can be any sensory input from the researcher’s
surroundings that lend insight into cultural aspects of the community. Some
examples of elements to observe might be types of housing, condition of
neighborhoods, objects in a classroom, pictures on the walls of a school, types of
transportation people use, markets or street life. Yin (1994) implies that physical
artifacts such as tools, technical devices and art are also examples of physical trace
evidence. Photography can be an aid in recording physical trace data because
visual stimuli activate reflection and jostle the memory (Dempsey and Tucker,
1994; Yin, 1995).
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Content analysis of documents can be an unobtrusive method of gathering data
(Babbie, 1995). Either formal or informal running records provide historical
background information that enables the researcher to broaden the research
perspective in terms of time. For this study, organizations’ websites were used as
informal running records that supply accounts of past events that may have shaped
the present situation. Political, economic, social, medical and religious institutions
keep formal running records that are useful in analyzing data (Valadez and
Bamberger, 1994). This study was able to obtain records such as resource
assessment reports, municipal planning proposals, proposals to implement
legislation that will protect the coastal environment, violations of municipal
ordinances related to marine protection legislation and newspaper or magazine
articles related to the coastal resource management. Yin (1994) claims that using
documentation can “corroborate and augment evidence from other sources” as well
as lead to “new questions about communications and networking within an
organization” (p. 81). Content analysis can also be economical in terms of time and
money (Babbie, 1995). However, researchers may have trouble retrieving records if
there is biased selectivity or deliberate blocks on the part of the record holders
(Yin, 1994).
Analyzing the Data
The analysis of the data stage in this research project began with an attempt to
move from the emic perspective of a participant to a more etic perspective of
outside researcher in order to better explain the data in terms of a conceptual
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framework. Lofland and Lofland (1995) explain analysis in qualitative research to
be “conceived as an emergent product of a process of gradual induction” or the
“derivative ordering of the data” (p. 181). In order to avoid a constricted
perspective in the analysis stage, Miles and Huberman (1994) propose continual
preliminary analysis to redirect the data collection and reveal any new categories
that may have been lacking.
One of the first steps in analyzing qualitative data is the data reduction process.
This is the process of selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting and transforming
the raw data. The data reduction process is a continual process and can be done
concurrently with coding data. Coding is a core activity of developing analysis
(Lofland and Lofland, 1995). Codes have their roots in research questions,
hypotheses, key concepts or important themes and they function as devices to
retrieve and organize data (Miles and Huberman, 1984). Coding generates new
ideas about the data as the researcher reflects on emerging patterns.
Drawing diagrams and constructing charts also prompt the researcher to be more
reflective. Valadez and Bamberger (1994) suggest mapping out social networks to
study how information is disseminated through a community. This process is likely
to aid the researcher in determining who key informants might be or how the power
structures in a community operate. Miles and Huberman (1984) comment that
clustering, a process related to mapping, initiates the analysis stage.
Miles and Huberman (1995) suggest designing a matrix as a tool for analyzing
data that is easily “combined into a summative index or scale” (p.95). This is one
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way of organizing several components of a single variable. For example, a matrix
could display the presence of conditions that support participation in a community-
based environmental education program. Some of the conditions may include time,
distance, an understanding of environmental issues, previous involvement in
community campaigns or social status. Specific groups of people could be
compared in a matrix for the presence of such conditions. Lofland and Lofland
(1995) give an example of crossing a list of units with a list of aspects (p.114). For
data in a study of community-based education the units could represent different
social settings such as church groups, activist meetings, classrooms, work
environments or home environments. The aspects could represent types of learning
that take place in those social settings; such as direct learning, learning through
observation, learning through social interaction or cognitive learning. Another type
of matrix is a conditional matrix. This can be an analytic aid that is useful in
distinguishing and linking a “wide range of conditions and consequences related to
the phenomenon under study” (Strauss and Corbin, 1990:158).
Maintaining Research Integrity
LeCompte and Goetz (1982) reason the problems of reliability in ethnographic and
observational research stem from the nature of the research itself. The very nature
of social settings and the fact that human behavior is never static makes
ethnographic type research difficult to duplicate. Duplication, however, may not be
necessary to generate, develop and refine constructs and postulates that frame a
particular event or action. Yin (1994) gives three principles to aid the researcher in
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maintaining construct validity and reliability during the data collection process.
Researchers should use multiple sources of evidence, create a case study database
and maintain a chain of evidence.
Using multiple methods to gather data enabled me to juxtapose interpretations
of the phenomena. Mason (1996) claims that this method of triangulation helps the
researcher to interpret social phenomena from a multi-dimensional perspective.
Shipman (1997) explains that triangulation “is useful as a check on the credibility
of evidence but not an insurance against the unreliable and invalid” (p. 106). This
study uses observation, interviews and document analysis in an attempt to
triangulate data.
Yin’s second principle is to create a study database as a procedure for
organizing and documenting case study data. Yin argues that the “case study
project should strive to develop a formal, presentable database, so that, in principle,
other investigators can review the evidence directly” (p.94). A case study database
enables other researchers to review relevant evidence without being limited to only
the written report. In addition to increasing the reliability of a case study, this
openness and sharing of data encourages social interaction among researchers.
The third principle for insuring construct validity and reliability is to maintain a
chain of evidence. The goal is to facilitate the understanding of how events
changed over time. An external observer or a report reader should be able to follow
the chain of evidence from the research questions to the researcher’s conclusions
and vice versa. Yin recommends sufficiently citing specific documents, interviews
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or observations in the report to assist the reader in interpreting and following the
reports analysis. Explicit reporting of evidence reflects the researchers concerns for
construct validity and reliability.
Since learning in social situations is a life process, one major limitation of this
study is the time period allowed for doing the research. The intra-community
learning and the inter-community learning through social interaction are an on-
going process and the observation time is finite. It is plausible that the levels of
learning taking place within the community are much deeper than this study is able
to detect. It is also plausible that this study can only begin to detect the intricate
ways knowledge is exchanged and acquired through social interaction or
experiential learning.
“It is not the strongest of the species that survives, not the most intelligent, but the most
responsive to change.”
Charles Darwin
“We must become the change we want to see.”Mahatma Gandhi
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Chapter 4
The Challenges of Coastal Resource Management in Olango
Coastal resource management is about change. For the people and the coastal
environment of Olango, it is also about survival. Although many island residents
have a vision of the change they would like to see, the process is slow and
challenging. Those campaigning for better coastal resource management are
optimistic about change; however, there remains a question of how responsive to
change the greater community will be over time.
This chapter begins with a detailed description of the Coastal Resource
Management Project (CRMP) and its efforts in mobilizing community organization
to promote sustainable interaction with the marine environment. Proceeding by
themes the data begin to reveal the role of social interaction in the dissemination of
environmental information throughout the community. As learning takes place in
the context of a socially valued pursuit, empowerment emerges as a theme during
the education process. The empowerment process includes organizational change
and organizational learning as well as individual change and individual learning.
Successes and challenges of the coastal resource management efforts have resulted
in additional learning among community members. Challenges include addressing
other factors that influence or hinder the acquisition of an environmental ethic in
human behavior.
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Local Informants
Several key informants have major voices throughout the narrative. As community
organizers, Maria and Pedro provide essential information about the community’s
efforts, accomplishments and setbacks in the campaign to protect and conserve
environmental resources on Olango. Their long experience of working with the
fisherfolk gives them a special perspective on the local environmental challenges.
Two local fisherfolk also voice their perspectives in the narrative. Joseph and Saul
were early activists and since have become fundemental in organizing the local
coastal resource management effort. Joseph is the vigilant guard and project
director for the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary. Saul is a community leader working
hard to develop the bird sanctuary’s eco-tourism project. These local voices in the
presentation of the data blend with the voices of Glen and Theresa, two staff
members from the Coastal Resource Management Program. Their technical
expertise and organizational background added a “top-down” perspective to local
environmental efforts.
The Coastal Resource Management Project
The Coastal Resource Management Project (CRMP) is being implemented by the
Philippine Department of Environmental and Natural Resources (DENR) and is
funded by the United States Agency for International Development. It is a seven-
year (1995-2001) project that aims to provide coastal resource management
technical assistance and training to local government units and communities. The
project is in partnership with the Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries
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and Aquatic Resources (DA-BFAR), Department of Interior and Local Government
(DILG), local government units (LGUs; i.e., barangays and municipalities), and
various NGOs. The project was initially implemented in six learning areas in the
Philippines: Olango Island, Cebu; San Vincente, Palawan; Malalag bay, Davao del
Sur; Negros Oriental; Bohol; and Sarangani Province. These learning areas are
intended to be centers from which coastal resource management practices will
spread outward to adjacent municipalities and provinces (CRMP, 2002).
Goals and Strategy
CRMP envisions better resource management for coastal communities
throughout the Philippines. CRMP has a nationwide goal of establishing coastal
resource management programs in a variety of communities. The target has been to
improve the management of 3000 kilometers (17% of the nation’s coasts) of
shoreline by 2002. CRMP asserts its mission is to, “catalyze coastal resource
management in the Philippines to a threshold that will expand nationwide and be
sustainable beyond the years of the project” (CRMP, 2002)
CRMP’s strategy is to begin consciousness raising for environmental awareness
by having community residents assess their own resources. After community
members assess the resources of their coastal area, resource management program
planning and implementation can begin. In the case of Olango, even though the
process has moved far past the initial assessment, locals continue to reassess the
environmental resources. Based on findings from the original resource assessment,
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a variety of educational and training programs have been implemented. A later
section will discuss these programs in detail.
After an assessment of coastal resources and environmental issues, CRMP
works to involve community members in the planning and decision-making process
for resource management. CRMP attempts to empower locals through the
development of leadership and self-reliance. The project also works to build an
inter-community bonding through institutional networking that promotes the
sharing of ideas and experiences. The desired outcome of this networking is to
spread effective coastal resource management practices to other areas of the
country and South East Asia.
In addition to the bottom-up approach of promoting community empowerment,
CRMP also aims to raise consciousness about resource management concerns
among politicians and legal authorities to influence policy at the national level.
The hoped for results are top-down assistance and bottom-up building initiatives
blending together in attempts to meet the needs of the community.
Divisions of CRMP
Three divisions of CRMP work together to enhance the effectiveness and ensure
the sustainability for coastal resource management in the Olango learning area.
The specific divisions are the Information, Education and Communication Division
(IEC), the Enterprise Development Group, and the Coastal Law Enforcement
Alliance in Region 7 (CLEAR 7). The IEC efforts in the Olango area aim to teach
ethics, literacy and advocacy that can lead to community betterment and sustainable
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use of environmental resources. Theresa, a CRMP learning area coordinator,
defined IEC as “a tool to transform people’s behavior toward their environment.”
According to her, the goal of IEC is to, help bring the community members
together so they work as one. “In short, to help people you have to get them to tell
you where they would like to be in resources. Then get them to discuss and think
about how best to utilize those resources so there are some left after this life.”
Basically, IEC aims to change attitudes and practices through education and
community development.
Since Olango and the other islets are less than two hours from the CRMP
headquarters in Cebu City, the office staff and field workers are able to maintain
close relationships with the island residents. The IEC staff meets frequently with
local government units (LGUs) and community leaders to plan management
strategies. Maria, the Olango area community organizer and a member of the IEC
team, visits the islands several times a week to meet with community leaders, plan
workshops, schedule events and discuss current issues. As a key informant, Maria
contributed to this study by sharing her experiences and background knowledge.
To entice illegal fishermen to give up their destructive practices, a coastal
resource management program needs an occupational training program that can
provide reformed fishermen with an alternative source of income. The Enterprise
Development team at CRMP seeks to meet this goal through the continuing
development of two enterprises in the area. Eco-tourism and seaweed farming are
potential industries in the Olango area that can provide an alternative livelihood.
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Rex, one of the project coordinators, explains that the focus has been to get the
community of Sabang on Olango and the fisherfolk on Gilutongan., “organized and
registered as a legitimate business entity” and then to “set up there systems for
running the business.” Rex refers to enterprise development as the icing on the
cake for effective coastal resource management because with proper care of the
Olango shores and tidal flats can spawn eco-friendly sources of income for the
island communities.
Keeping the eco-tour “community-based” is a more specific goal and an
additional challenge for CRMP. Keeping the money in the community and
preventing outside agencies from reaping a majority of the profits is why it is
important to train the locals in proper business communications. To accomplish
this goal, Rex explains that CRMP has modified the traditional model:
We have reversed the process. I think the traditional way of doing it is the tour guides organize something and then mobile certain people and then pay them. The CRMP model is the reverse of this. We organize the community, come up with a product and give them a sufficient understanding of how to run their own businesses. Then they name their price. In the traditional model the communities are just paid for their labor. They are not paid for their product. With the community in Olango they get paid for their labor plus they get paid for their product. So they have greater control over the money they are being paid. Tour operators just do a mark up of it. In the traditional model, maybe if you were paying 3000 pesos, the tour operator has full control on how to spend that 3000 pesos.
In addition to eco-tourism, the CRMP Enterprise Development staff has helped
to establish seaweed farming as an alternative livelihood program. CRMP has
pulled back on the promotion of this business for two reasons. Mainly, the locals
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learn the techniques and methods of farming from their peers and neighbors;
therefore, it is not necessary to hold seminars or lectures on seaweed farming. The
second reason CRMP has lightened its focus on seaweed farming is that profits
have fallen due to poor weather conditions increasing the price of the seedlings and
the initial investment for the farmers. Middlemen also keep profits down by
lowering the price at which they buy the mature plants. Seaweed farming was not a
major focus of this study.
Finally, since the success and sustainability of a coastal resource management
program require proper law enforcement, CRMP has a division that specializes in
working with law enforcement agencies. CLEAR 7 aims to increase public
awareness of both laws and the consequences of not abiding by those laws. In
terms of education, CLEAR 7 also targets law enforcement officers with their
seminars and workshops. The in-service training that CLEAR 7 provides for local
law enforcement agencies increases awareness about environmentally detrimental
and illegal practices. Proactive approaches to minimizing those practices are part
of CLEAR 7’s solution to illegal fishing and exploitation of coastal resources.
Other Agencies
Although the Coastal Resource Management Project has had a major presence in
the area since 1995, other agencies have also contributed to the building of
community awareness about environmental issues. These aid agencies assist in the
coordination of barangay level initiatives. In addition to periodic collaboration
with CRMP, these organizations play important rolls in the education process on
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Olango and the surrounding islets. Two of the more prominent organizations are
reviewed below.
Philippine Business for Social Progress
The Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP) is a private, non-profit
organization of national business leaders that are dedicated to lessening the pangs
of poverty by helping the nation’s poor help themselves. This national NGO assists
groups of farmers, indigenous people and island fisherfolk in founding and
fortifying business ventures aimed at community development. PBSP will take
over the duties of CRMP when the seven-year bilateral project finishes in 2002.
In anticipation of this transition, PBSP has worked closely with CRMP. PBSP
has used their community organizer to build closer ties with CRMP and the
community members. Pedro, the PBSP community organizer runs leadership
workshops and gives lectures on social development for the members of the
community organizations. Although Pedro is employed by PBSP, he works directly
with Maria, the CRMP community organizer, and other members of the CRMP
staff. Pedro is also a key informant for this study.
PBSP’s ideas for alternative livelihood training go beyond those of CRMP.
Pedro explains some of PBSP’s future strategies for eliminating dependency on
illegal fishing methods:
[We need to make] them aware that beyond illegal fishing we could still survive as a family. That’s why PBSP has put into its master plan this component of workforce development. It is a kind of intervention where PBSP is going to provide technical and vocational non-fishing skills and knowledge to
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the community. Then once they are skilled, PBSP will [assist them in finding] employment with PBSP member companies.
Since PBSP will be taking over much of the work CRMP has done, the national
NGO has drafted a new five-year plan (2001-2005) along with the City of
Lapulapu. In the most recent draft, the resident-supported goals for the Olango and
Gilutongan Management Area are:
To protect and manage the coastal resources of Olango and Gilutongan Islands in order to ensure environmental integrity, sustainability, and the health of island residents so that the community can continue to benefit from the biodiversity and environmental quality by maintaining and supporting the traditional natural resource based economy and by promoting appropriate and sustainable development endeavors through eco-tourism and alternative livelihood opportunities. (Fourth draft, 2001)
This goal statement for the next five years reiterates the objectives and
intentions that have been guiding CRMP and the community development efforts
of the past few years.
International Marinelife Alliance
The International Marinelife Alliance is an international NGO that works closely
with coastal communities all over the world. The IMA has had a special presence in
the Philippines since 1986. The IMA’s consciousness raising campaign has pushed
for reform and better enforcement of Philippine laws. Since 1987, the organization
has produced numerous articles that have appeared in magazines and scientific
journals that document the details of the cyanide problem. Staff members from
IMA and CRMP often collaborate on environmental initiatives for Olango.
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Like CRMP, IMA projects emphasize information, education and
communication programs that foster community enterprise and environmental
awareness. The NGO explicitly states its goals as fostering a tradition of
environmental awareness that begins in children’s schooling, and assisting in the
sharing of environmental knowledge obtained through the use of geographic
information technology (IMA, 2000).
The IMA encourages women, tropical fish pet trade operators, local officials,
and all community members to participate in lectures and activities. Targeting the
broader population with educational programs helps to ensure community support
in conservation and resource management efforts (IMA, 2000). Although the IMA
teaches and encourages sustainable use of marine resources, their approach to
enabling reformed fisherman to become successful in their business is slightly
different from CRMP. The IMA works to train fishermen in legal, non-destructive
methods of fishing, whereas CRMP develops alternative livelihood opportunities
for island residents.
The International Marinelife Alliance (IMA) has had a role in the establishment
of a coral farm on the north side of Olango. It has evolved into a community
project and there are intentions of making it part of the Olango eco-tour. The coral
farm is located 3 to 10 meters beneath the sea’s surface. There is a guardhouse
with photos and a guard to answer questions about illegal fishing or coral farming.
Several “fish trap restaurants” have been built on the water, less than 100 m from
shore next to the coral farm. Tourists and divers dine at the restaurants to enjoy the
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fresh seafood and beautiful view. The Coral Farm Project is a potential alternative
source of income for islanders.
Protected Areas
There are two protected areas of coastline in the Olango learning area. These
areas are especially important to the development of eco-tourism as an alternative
livelihood for reformed illegal fisherfolk. The protected areas are also “open
classrooms” for environmental learning to take place. Local island residents and
visiting tourists alike benefit from these environmentally unique sanctuaries.
Olango Island Wild Life Sanctuary
In spite of the poverty and environmental problems that plague many of the island
residents, the topography of the area has evolved into a beautifully unique coastal
area rich in resources. Olango’s extensive intertidal mudflats, wide fringing coral
reefs, immense seagrass and thick mangroves make it a paradise for both fish and
fowl. The southern portion of Olango Island is a stopover for “about 60% of the 77
species of migratory birds that use the East Asian Migratory Flyway” (CRMP,
2001). Thousands of birds migrate every year to and from Siberia, Northern China,
and Japan to Australia and vice versa. An additional 42 species of birds are local
residents of the wetland area. Therefore, in 1992 a 920 ha area was officially
declared as the Olango Island Wildlife Sanctuary (OIWS). In 1994, in recognition
of its international importance, it became the first Ramsar site in the Philippines
(Sotto et al, 2001). The residents of Olango hope that developing eco-tourism in
the sanctuary will prove to be an alternative source of income and help to promote
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more environmentally friendly behavior in the area. In February 2001,
Conservation International (CI) awarded the Olango Birds and Seascape Tour
(OBST) the 2000 Ecotourism Excellence Award.
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary
In addition to the OIWS, Gilutongan Island has a 14 ha marine sanctuary on the
west-end of the island that is a community project providing alternative income to
several families. Joseph, the project director and vigilant guard of the marine
sanctuary, compares it to a bank: “A sanctuary is like a bank, a venue for
withdrawing resources…the problem is that the fisherman can not make a deposit,
they only withdraw. A sanctuary gives the ability to build the resources.”
That building of resources has made the sanctuary a popular tourist spot for
diving and snorkeling on island hopping day trips. Moreover, it has become a
refuge for fish and coral among a wasteland of coral rubble and a reef blown to bits
by years of dynamite fishing. Despite laws prohibiting the use of dynamite, almost
daily, divers in the sanctuary can feel blasts rock there bodies from over several
kilometers away as the vibration travels farther and stronger underwater.
Coastal Resource Management Issues
Attempts at effective coastal resource management have targeted a number of
environmentally destructive practices. These activities have already taken a toll on
the environment; therefore, aid agencies in the area are making efforts to eradicate
destructive practices and at the same time initiate alternative sources of income. A
brief description of these targeted practices and related issues will help provide a
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better image of the challenges that a coastal resource management program must
face.
Cyanide fishing
Olango is said to be the birthplace of cyanide fishing (Rubec et al, 2000) and by
some accounts, the birthplace of dynamite fishing as well. The IMA was one of the
first organizations to put the cyanide fishing problem in the global spotlight (IMA,
2000; Rubec, Pratt & Cruz, 2000). The growing demand for tropical pet fish in
North America has fueled the use of sodium cyanide as a stunning device to aid in
collecting specimens. For years, collectors have used cyanide because it is an easy
way to increase their profits. However, either without knowledge or without
concern, these collectors risk their lives and damage the environment for needed
income. In the beginning, the pet trade hindered the IMA’s efforts by claiming the
cyanide was not harmful. In spite of this initial resistance, the IMA’s perseverance
finally pressured the industry to recognize the need for change.
From the accounts of both IMA community workers and island residents
themselves, the use of sodium cyanide in the area is still common, although not as
rampant as it once was. Although no evidence was found that cyanide-caught fish
are being sold to consumers in markets, there are disturbing accounts of fishermen
using sodium cyanide to catch fish for human consumption.
Dynamite Fishing
According to the vendors at the marine sanctuary guardhouse, dynamite fishing
gained popularity as a fast, easy way to catch a lot of fish sometime after WWII.
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One middle-aged vendor speculated that ammunitions left behind by both the US
and Japanese troops at the end of WWII were used to make blasts for fishing.
Another man supported this claim from stories his grandfather had told him about
using dynamite to catch fish. Years ago his grandfather had told him about making
dynamite from left over bombs. His grandfather and the other fisherman would
then use the blasts for fishing “because they could make a better living that way.”
Therefore, dynamite fishing emerges as an historical connection between the
aggressive colonization of the Philippines and the victims of a capitalistic
patriarchy, who have subsequently become the aggressive dominators of nature.
Those at the bottom of the hierarchy have learned to use the same weapons to
conquer the environment as aggressors throughout history have used against them.
Although many residents in Cebu city are surprised to learn that fisherman a few
miles away still use dynamite to catch fish, the residents on the islands give
testimony as to how common it is. One woman, living a kilometer inland, claims
she hears an average of two blasts a day. The guard at the coral farm said he hears
an average of six blasts a day; mostly in the mornings, but sometimes in the
afternoon. Dynamite fishermen use small banca boats to find schools of fish in
shallow reef waters. A blast thrown into the school can produce a splash more than
ten meters high. Within minutes the dynamite fisherman paddle away with their
kill. One blast can yield up to 5 kilograms of fish.
Often illegal fishermen are brazen enough to use dynamite in plain view of their
neighbors. An IMA worker explained that although most people are against blast
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fishing, they are also very tolerant of it. Sometimes after the blast fishermen leave,
people who actually oppose the use of dynamite may go and gather the remaining
small fish floating on the surface to feed their families.
Transient Fisherman
The degradation to the Olango fishing grounds is forcing fisherman to go farther
and farther away from Olango in search of more plentiful fishing grounds. Paulo,
the IMA community organizer explained that since many of the resources in the
Olango area have been depleted the fisherman go off to other areas like Palawan
and Mindanao to fish either legally or illegally. These fishermen are called
transient fishermen. Fishing trips may be as short as a few days or as long as six
months. The fisherfolk earn little from their hard labor while the boat captains and
the middlemen are the ones who profit most from any catch. In addition to risking
their lives, transient fishermen must be away from their families for long periods of
time.
Despite the poor condition of the coatal environment and the related difficult
living conditions, the people of Olango have joined in their efforts to create a more
symbiotic relationship with their environment. The next chapter describes the
programs and processes that offer hope for a solution to the current resource
exploitation and environmental degradation.
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“People have to be able to work together if they are to realize the shared destiny and to preserve
a habitable environment for generations to come.”
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Albert Bandura, 1995
Chapter 5
Disseminating Environmental Knowledge at a Community Level
In the case of Olango, the CRMP bilateral aid program has worked to unite
community members in an educational and consciousness raising campaign for the
sustainable use of coastal resources. The Olango area benefits from several CRMP
educational initiatives that overlap and intertwine to encourage community
participation in managing coastal resources. The data help to provide a clearer
picture of how a community-based coastal resource program contributes to the
dissemination of the environmental knowledge in an attempt to change attitudes
and behavior. In this chapter, a description of CRMP’s major educational foci is
followed by an analysis of how the local environmental innitiative works to change
attitudes and behavior through education and training.
Training for Resource Assessment and Monitoring
CRMP’s major foci in the Olango area have been teaching resource assessment
skills, developing a marketable eco-tourism package and sponsoring consciousness
raising programs that aim to change attitudes and behavior. Table 4.1 summarizes
the most important programs and activities that CRMP sponsors in the Olango
learning area. Beginning with training for resource assessment and monitoring, the
following three sections detail the programs listed in Table 4.1. The Participatory
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Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) training and the seasonal reef monitoring
events teach locals proper methods of assessing their resources. This is important
because a better understanding of environmental impacts facilitates the stewardship
of resources.
Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment Training
Since an awareness of the environmental problems and issues of a coastal zone
must precede the planning of a resource management strategy, CRMP has
developed the Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) process.
Gathering information during the PCRA is the first, and perhaps, one of the most
important steps toward community empowerment that promotes sustainable local
development through responsible sharing of common environmental treasures.
Theresa, CRMP’s IEC team leader commented that the knowledge gained during
the PCRA process, “gives people a sense of identity; a sense of ownership of their
resources.” She further stated that the sense of ownership needs to foster
stewardship for community empowerment in coastal resource management. A
better understanding of the coastal ecosystem can lead to better resource
management.
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Table 5.1--CRMP Sponsored Programs in the Olango Learning Area
CRMPProgram
Principal Activities
Program Goal Knowledge Providers
KnowledgeRecipients
Type(s) of Learning
Outcomes
Training for Resource Assessment and Monitoring
PCRA Training
Lectures, hands-on data collection and analysis training
Empower communities to assess resources for CRM
CRMP And collaborating agencies
LGUs and local participants
Experiential, social interaction,participant observation
Communities develop CRM plans based on the PCRA results
Reef Check
Hands-on data collection and analysis training
Monitor protected area of local reef
CRMP, collaborating agencies & LGU
Marine sanctuary stakeholders
Experiential, social interaction,part. observation
Community involvement in reef protection
Enterprise Develop-ment
Tour Guide Training
Lectures, mock tour
Train locals to be eco-tour guides
CRMP, local travel agencies
OBST participants
Experiential, social interaction
Alternative livelihood
Eco-tourism
Guided sanctuary tour, demonstration, discussions
Raise consciousness about the Olango environment
CRMP and local OBST participants
Filipino and foreign tourists
Experiential, observational, social interaction,participatory
Increased environment-al awareness/ cross cultural exchange
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Table 5.1 (cont.)--CRMP Sponsored Programs in the Olango Learning Area
CRMPProgram
Principal Activities
Program Goal Knowledge Providers
KnowledgeRecipients
Type(s) of Learning
Outcomes
Workshops,Seminars, andActivities
“Social Develop-ment Workshop
Lectures, group discussions
Develop leadership skills, and eco-values.
Community organizers
Community participants in CRM initiatives
Social interaction
Participants become agents of change
“I Love the Ocean” Movement
Media awareness campaigns, beach clean-ups
Coastal beautification, increase awareness
CRMP, LGU, the media
The general public, local volunteers
Social interaction, participant observation,informal
Cleaner coastline & awareness of pollution effects
Youth Sea Camp
Beach talks, art projects, drama, lectures
Teach values of preservation and concern for the marine environment
CRMP Peace Corp volunteer, school teachers
Selected students
Experiential, social learning, informal
Heightened eco-awareness among teens
CLEAR 7 Lectures and seminars
Raise consciousness about environmental laws
CRMP legal specialists
Communities and law enforcement
Social interaction, observational, informal
Increased awareness of illegal activities
WasteManage-ment
Lectures, discussion
Modify waste disposal habits
CRMP, LGU Coastal communities
Social interaction, observational
Not fully implemented
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The PCRA is an information-gathering event designed to initiate local awareness of
the issues, problems and benefits that are directly related to the use of coastal resources.
It begins with four-day orientation during which experts teach locals various methods of
assessing their coastal area. After the orientation the locals continue to evaluate the
condition of local resources and livelihood issues related to the use of those resources.
The PCRA training teaches community members how to gather quantitative and
qualitative data that will help them more fully understand the limits and assets of their
coastal resources. When CRMP co-sponsors PCRA training in coastal communities, any
members of the community are welcome to participate. Municipal governments help in
recruiting local volunteers. Most volunteers are active members of community
organizations. The training enables local community members to accurately assess their
community resources and realistically understand the issues related to those resources so
they are better able to make decisions about how to protect those resources while
planning for sustainable levels of development. This awareness can help communities to
make well-informed decisions about development and can lead to a betterment of living
standards for all.
One CRMP informant referred to the PCRA as, “a continuing process of giving
feedback”, because it encourages the participants to share their newly-learned, data-
gathering skills with other members of the community. In this way it becomes a
continual process in which locals consistently monitor, evaluate and reevaluate any
coastal resource management program that the community initiates. A program
coordinator at CRMP explained that this process begins with an understanding of the
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situation and problem analysis. Then, after the PCRA comes the planning and capacity
building.
PCRA is an integrated approach to coastal resource management. It is integrated in a
dual sense. The training is a combined effort of several agencies while the assessment
itself combines several types of research methods to gather data about geographic,
demographic and social issues affecting the community. Although the PCRA training
was originally designed to be a three-day event it has been extended to four days to give
the participants more time to digest the information they gather and prepare a
presentation of their findings. A group of trainers from the CRMP, the DENR, certified
participants from other communities and members of academic organizations work
directly with the municipal governments of various coastal communities.
Since the PCRA training teaches methods of resource assessment as groundwork for
practice, the first day of the training consists of a series of lectures to prepare the
participants for the field surveys and data analysis. The first lecture sets the stage by
describing the problems related to overuse and abuse of coastal resources. The CRMP
speaker emphasizes the importance of a participatory approach to assessing the
communities’ environmental resources, “What you hear, you may forget; but what you
do, you will learn.” The theme of the lecture underlined the need for proper management
of coastal resources at the community level. One lecture described interviewing
techniques for gathering qualitative demographic data while another dealt with transect
methods of gathering secondary data and mapmaking. The other lectures focused on
methods for surveying corals, mangroves and seagrasses to determine the abundance and
health of these resources.
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The lectures are conducted in the local dialect and meals and snacks are provided for
the participants. One CRMP member commented that providing food is a covert strategy
to boast the attendance of the local participants. Getting local fisherfolk to attend the
training is one of the challenges for CRMP because as one informant stated, “It is
difficult to get fisherfolk to take away a days work.” However, the fisherfolk and other
local participants that do commit to the training remain attentive during all the hours of
lectures, participate enthusiastically in group exercises and often ask the trainers
questions.
The second day, five groups of participants begin the “hands on” part of the training.
The groups are named “coral”, “mangroves”, “seagrass”, “transect”, and “interviews.”
The coral group, mangrove group and seagrass group must all gear up to sedulously
survey the conditions of the tropical coastal environment. In these three groups
experienced botanists and biologists teach local participants how to identify changes in
the environment by closely monitoring the health of the eco-system. Using snorkeling or
diving gear, the participants view the destruction of the marine environment from illegal
fishing methods. The mangrove group surveys the various mangrove species and records
the environmental condition of the area looking for illegal cutting, dumping of garbage or
improper waste management. The seagrass participants not only learn how to identify
types of seagrasses, but also how valuable the seagrasses are for the breeding of fish and
shellfish. Participants record observational data about various types of coral, target
species of fish, mangroves and seagrasses. The data can be compared over time to
identify changes in the ecosystem’s health. This helps the locals to better understand the
condition of their island eco-system and the health of their coastal resources.
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The transect group, is jokingly referred to as the “chismoso and laquacherro” group.
That is Tagalo for “talking and walking”. The transect group has the responsibility of
walking along the coastal roads, recording information on existing resources (e.g.,
coconut trees, banana trees, fresh water, fish ponds), listing problems (e.g., litter,
pollutants) and talking to people they meet along the way about issues related to the
management of resources. This is a good opportunity for the local participants to talk
with people in neighboring barangays and learn more about their greater community. It
is also, an opportunity for the CRMP trainers to hear testimony about issues affecting the
coastal residents.
The interview group visits people in their houses and asks questions about education,
economic conditions, standards of living and health issues. These demographic data are
valuable in all steps of planning management strategies and implementing community
programs. In both, the transect group and the interview group, participants are reminded
On the fourth and final day of the training, the participants and the trainers begin
analyzing the data through calculations and map making. The participants draw detailed
maps with notations showing resources and issues. Each group presents their data and
makes connections between the results. Afterward, the participants receive certificates
signed by representatives from CRMP, DENR, the local government, the German
Development Service, and the Japanese International Cooperative Assistance Agency
(JICA). Participants have a responsibility to share their newly gained knowledge about
the environmental issues to spark action from their friends and relatives in the
community. Realizing what they have learned during the training should inspire
participants to recruit others for the continual task of resource assessment.
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Reef Checks
Twice a year, CRMP and the Cordova Municipal Government sponsor coral reef
assessment events called “reef checks” to monitor the changing conditions of the
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary. The events are in coordination with the global coral reef
monitoring program Reef Check. Experts from the DENR and San Carlos University
train new participants and supervise the collection of data. The experts train locals to
collect data marine life abundance by counting species along sample transect lines. After
the training the experts supervise the actual collection of data. Teams work together
counting specific target species and indicator species of fish and invertebrates. They also
record information on bottom composition (i.e., sand, seagrass, rock, live coral or coral
rubble). Therefore, one goal of a reef check is to periodically survey the conditions of the
marine sanctuary and thus provide data for a long-term study on the sanctuary’s
environmental impact.
Since another goal of the reef checks is to promote community awareness of
environmental conditions, it is important to teach the locals how to properly assess their
resources. One DENR informant described the March 2001 reef check for the
Gilutongan Sanctuary as a “mini PCRA” because it was essentially a training session for
the local community. Although a reef check intends to be a community-based monitoring
of fish abundance and coral conditions, it differs from the PCRA in that the participants
observe only the conditions in the marine sanctuary and the surrounding buffer zone.
Reef monitoring is for the community, but the participants are not limited to
community members. In fact, just the opposite is true. For all the reef checks, Joseph
extends an open invitation: “Anyone who is willing is welcome.” Invitations are
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primarily by word of mouth. The IEC staff members cooperate with the local
government, community leaders and field experts in the planning of these monitoring
events. The CRMP and PBSP community organizers actively recruit volunteers during
their frequent visits to the local community. Consequently, participants and equipment
come from a variety of institutions. For example, a sign on the guardhouse door at the
March 2001 reef check welcomed participants from the DENR, CRMP, local dive shops,
the University of the Philippines and University of San Carlos.
The local volunteer participants receive an orientation one-week prior to the reef
check. The orientation provides new participants with background into the purpose and
procedure of reef monitoring, it informs them of the historical results of past reef checks,
and it teaches them resource survey methods. At the March 2001orientation, women
participants out numbered men eleven to nine. Maria first reasoned that many of the men
had been out fishing every night taking advantage of seasonally favorable conditions to
feed their families. She further explained that many of the men had participated in
previous reef checks, therefore they did not need to go through the orientation. Maria
added that the favorable turnout of new women participants is characteristic of the
expanding participation of wives and mothers in coastal resource management efforts on
Gilutongan. A local informant added that some women were participating in hopes that
involvement might lead to additional income, if the sanctuary attracts more divers and
tourists to the island.
The local volunteers are vendors, guides and their wives. All benefit in some way
from the sanctuary. Like many social gatherings in the Philippines, the orientation begins
with a prayer. The speaker prays for guidance and wisdom to protect the marine
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sanctuary and to address the social problems of the island. The prayers tie religion to the
campaign for resource management by reminding fellow worshipers and community
members that they are bond in faith of Creator who will provide everything they need and
that each creation exists for a purpose. Although religion may have a part in unifying the
community, outside the ceremonial opening and closing prayers the group does not
openly use religion to change attitudes and behavior toward the environment.
After the opening prayer, the CRMP community organizer explains the purpose of the
reef check is to document the changes in the marine environment since the establishment
of the marine sanctuary. Maria also discusses the history of the sanctuary and its
importance to the community. Joseph proudly presents the results of the previous
biannual reef checks showing an increase in fish since 1999. The participants react with
smiles and applause. During the second half of the orientation the participants learn
proper techniques for conducting transects and recording data. Finally, Maria reminds
everyone of the personal requirements for the reef check. First, participants must wear
appropriate attire for snorkeling while conducting monitoring activities in the tropical
sun. Second, participants need to maintain an appropriate frame of mind. Maria explains
that reef check is an important event so the participants should try to forget about any
household problems and focus on working as a team.
The March 2001 reef check got off to a late start because tidal conditions prevented
boats carrying participants, food, and equipment from leaving until midday. The delay
left community members looking slightly disappointed, holding donated masks and
snorkels and wearing new “reef check” attire. In spite of their apparent disappointment
in the late start, they joked while waiting for the visiting participants to arrive. One
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participant from the vendors association facetiously explained Filipino time; “You come
to a meeting or work two hours late, but you come to a party or wedding two hours
early.”
As in the orientation, the reef check operations begin with an opening prayer,
greetings and introductions. A short briefing and review of data gathering techniques
follow. People break into groups according to their assigned tasks. These tasks included
observing, timing intervals, and recording the data. New participants first watch the
experienced participants demonstrate how to set up a transect-area and then how to gather
survey data about the marine environment from the transect area. After observing, the
participants practice their tasks individually and as a group to prepare for the following
day.
During the following two days, the group gathers survey data by counting species of
coral and fish in specific quadrant areas. For some new comers using snorkeling gear,
this is the first time they have ever seen a coral reef from underwater. In addition to
those snorkeling and free diving, experienced scuba divers also gather data from reef
quadrants that lie in the deeper water on the edge of the sanctuary and in the buffer zone.
In between data collecting dives, the sanctuary guardhouse takes on a picnic
atmosphere. Some of the locals prepare food on open fires. The food is provided by
CRMP and the Cordova Municipal Government to show their appreciation to the
volunteers and their families for taking part in the reef check. Participants gather in the
guardhouse lounging and talking. It is during these informal discussions that additional
exchanges of knowledge take place. Common topics of conversation are dynamite
fishing, plans to expand the sanctuary, getting more support from the LGU and
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conditions of the local reef. Several participants crowd around a marine life book asking
and answering questions about the species of fish and coral found in the sanctuary.
After dinner, the participants work with the IEC team to learn how to analyze the data.
The new participants observe the calculation procedures first and then try it themselves.
Although several of the experts admit that it is impossible to guarantee the preciseness
and accuracy of the sample surveys, the data indicate the numbers of fish and percentage
of coral have been increasing since the sanctuary first started doing reef checks in 1998.
In addition, there has been a greater increase in fish and coral inside the sanctuary than
outside the sanctuary.
In addition to gathering another set of data for the long-term study of the sanctuary,
local volunteers learn how to conduct a reef survey; therefore, they will be less dependent
on expert help in the future. The current plan is for the locals involved in the protection
of the sanctuary and those benefiting from the tourists visiting the sanctuary to gather
data every March and November. Some marine sanctuaries in the Philippines have been
gathering data for more than 15 years. Although Reef Check survey data from the
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary (see Fig. 5.1 and 5.2) indicate that coral cover and fish
populations have increased in the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary and adjacent buffer zone,
the true environmental impact of coastal resource management in Olango may not be
known for years.
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X
X
X
X
X
Figures 5.1 and 5.2: Reef Check Survey Data. Source: Ross et al, (2001), CRMP.
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Eco-Tourism
The eco-tourism initiative provides alternative livelihood training for reformed illegal
fishermen and their wives. In addition, it promotes environmental awareness and
encourages cultural exchange between the residents of Olango and their visitors.
Tour Guide Training and Enterprise Development
In order for eco-tourism to be successful as an alternative livelihood, the community
members need to learn not only guide skills but also business skills. Therefore, CRMP
has designed their enterprise development program to include multifaceted training. In
addition to lectures and training workshops, community members also receive hands-on
training in luring prospective customers to the eco-tour and then ensuring those tourists
have an enjoyably rewarding experience on the tour.
Rex describes the program as holistic because “it doesn’t only institute conservation
measures, but tries to help these communities find a way out from the question that they
have to ask, ‘If I conserve, what shall I eat now?’ So it tries to address the food problem.”
Rex believes the eco-tour component of CRMP is an essential part of the solution to
some of the communities’ problems.
For almost three years, CRMP has been working closely with community members in
Sabang and Gilutongan in hopes of establishing sustainable businesses that will provide
alternative sources of income. Although the Olango International Wildlife Sanctuary
(OIWS) and the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary have been in place longer than that, initial
attempts at profiting from eco-tourism failed because of lack of organization. There were
often incidents of competing vendors scaring off tourists with shouting frenzies as they
tried to sell their goods or services. There were also reports from tourists that they had
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been over-charged or ripped-off by locals. Hence, part of the focus of the eco-tour
training is to teach local guides effective communication skills for interacting with both
Filipino and international tourists.
Early in 2001, CRMP held a workshop as part of the eco-tour guide training. The
participants included environmental experts from academia, professional tour guides
from area travel agencies, CRMP community organizers, the CRMP enterprise
development staff, and community members from Sabang and Gilutongan. Tour guides
from the local tourist industry in Cebu volunteered to lend their business and
communication expertise for the training workshop. The three professional guide
participants all expressed an interest in learning more about the eco-tour on Olango and
Gilutongan Islands. One professional guide that sells various tour packages granted he
volunteered for the workshop to gain more knowledge about the OIWS so he could give
tourists accurate information about what they can expect to see. The environmental
experts participating in the workshop came form local academic institutions and have
established relationships with the CRMP, the sanctuaries and the communities.
The enterprise development staff had a conscious process for selecting the locals that
would participate in the workshop. Rex affirmed that the focus was on the community
leaders because they are likely to have the influence to pass on knowledge to other
community members:
There are always leaders in each community. And it is only natural for them to be the “targets” for this kind of seminar because in some way they have all ready that leadership capability. We have one great theory for choosing the participants...that they have the power to re-echo what they have learned here, down there. What they learn in the office or whatever seminar they are sent to; if they could reflect it back or teach it back to the local community. So, in a way that gives you an idea on who to select.
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Time and availability were also factors for deciding which community members
would attend the workshop. Many of the male participants are fishermen and they may
be fishing in the day. Consequently, they lose the chance to participate in some seminars
because they have to feed their families.
The three-day workshop on eco-tourism was a very professionally run initiative to
bring experts from several fields together for the common cause of developing the
Olango Birds and Seascape Tour (OBST) into a sustainable, community-run enterprise.
Each participant receives a workshop workbook that they can keep for future reference
and review. The following words are on the cover of the book:
The Birds and Seacape Tour is a special group tour conceived by the Coastal Resource Management Project as a way to develop the eco-tourism potential of Olango and encourage residents to give up their destructive fishing practices, which have already severely damaged the coastal resources.
During the first two days, participants joined in lectures and discussions at the CRMP
headquarters in Cebu. Themes included tour interpretation, tour leadership versus tour
guiding, specific environmental foci (bird, mangroves, and marine life) and techniques
for translating technical information to lay person’s terms. Although much of the
lecturing was in Cebuano, the transparencies and other visual aids were in English. Many
of the exercises were interactive which helped the participants maintain enthusiasm.
Pedro, one of the community organizers commented that the workshops are “hitting two
birds with one stone.” He reasoned that the teaching methods also help the locals who
did not finish high school improve their literacy skills.
The third day of the workshop was a mock tour giving the community participants a
chance to go through a dress rehearsal. All the participants went to the Olango Bird
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Sanctuary in Sabang and the Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary to enjoy the tour. The locals
went through the actions of a regular tour using the professional tour guides and CRMP
staff members as mock customers. This is a way of incorporating experiential learning
into the tour-guide training. The guides-in-training then receive advice and criticism
from their “mock” tourists, the experts, and professional tour guides. After the mock
tour, 15 community participants received certificates of completion.
The Olango Birds & Seascape Tour
“The tour is a theater production. The guide has to be an educator, a storyteller, an
entertainer, an advocate of environmental values, and an advocator of social ethics.” An
enterprise development staff member uses these words to explain the difference between
the Olango eco-tour and other island hopping tour packages. The Olango tour intends to
be an educational experience both in cultural exchange and environmental awareness.
Although it is contingent on the tide schedule, the tour usually starts on Olango and
then moves on to Gilutongan. A 30-40 minute boat ride brings the tour participants to the
southeast point of Olango, where the sandy bars of Sabang roll into the tidal flats and
mangroves of the bird sanctuary. The local guides brief the tourists on how the sanctuary
came to be and on what they can expect to see in the sanctuary. The local guides and the
tourists then pair up to venture into the mangroves in search of wildlife in the sanctuary.
The guides paddle small two-person bancas into the heart of the sanctuary explaining
facts about the environment and providing their guests with personal anecdotes. The
guides also try to answer any questions the guests have.
After the paddling and picture taking, local women wearing colorful island attire and
carrying refreshments greet the guests on the beach. The guest participants and the local
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participants mingle while waiting for lunch. Some of the community members try to sell
T-shirts advertising the Olango bird sanctuary. Guests take photos with the locals and
soon all are enjoying a buffet lunch that consists of locally harvested fresh shellfish, fish
and seaweed.
After lunch the community members give demonstrations in shell crafting, preparing
local delicacies and fishing. The shell craft demonstration is another opportunity for the
local women to sell souvenirs to the guests and make additional profits from the eco-tour.
Rex and other tour organizers encourage the guests to ask questions, taste the dishes and
even try their hand in making some of the pastries. Locals play guitars, beat drums and
sing local Visayan songs during lunch and the demonstrations. From the demonstrations
the guest participants gain a deeper understanding of how the fisherfolk have been living
for many generations. Maria claims that the demonstrations also boost pride among the
community on Olango for their culture and for their unique coastal environment. She
adds this pride is necessary to preserve both the culture and the environment.
An ornithologist gives a short lecture on the migratory habits of birds and explains
how important the birds are to the eco-system. He stresses that any changes in the
number of birds using Olango as a stopover on their migratory travels may signal changes
in the environment. Therefore, it is as important to monitor the birds in the sanctuary as
it is to watch the canary in the coal mine.
The final interactive activity that the guests have with the people on Olango is a
discussion on the efforts and challenges of the community-based program. One by one,
community leaders explain their efforts in trying to mobilize the community for common
causes such as establishing a waste-management system, abolishing illegal fishing
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methods and making eco-tourism a sustainable livelihood. From these presentations the
guest participants learn of the challenges the community has in trying to manage their
coastal resources.
The Olango half of the tour ends with the locals performing traditional dances while
singing some traditional songs. The guests then re-board the boat and move on to the
Gilutongan marine sanctuary. At the marine sanctuary, Joseph gives a short and friendly
presentation and answers questions on the history, purpose and successes of the marine
sanctuary. Then the guests who would like to snorkel in the sanctuary pair up with local
“lifeguards” who act as guides while swimming in the sanctuary. Other locals prepare
food for the guests. By this time, the exercise, the food and the hot afternoon sun usually
have taken a toll on the guests so many will just relax in the sanctuary guardhouse
chatting with the local vendors and their families. This “chismoso time” becomes a
medium for two-way informal learning between the visiting tourists and the local
sanctuary guardians. Whether the tourists are Philippine nationals, Asian vacationers or
Western travelers, the islanders are always enthusiastic about sharing information on the
local coastal resource management efforts. Some guests choose to walk around the small
island stopping to chat with the friendly residents. The tour ends with a sunset boat ride
back to Mactan.
The tour is expensive compared to many of the island hopping options. It costs about
$70 US for non-Filipinos and about $50 US for Filipinos. The high price eliminates the
budget backpackers and most Filipinos sightseeing in their own country. There are also
no, or at least very limited, overnight accommodations. The CRMP coordinators argue
that the package justifies the price. Therefore, they promote the package as more than
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just a boat ride to a few islands. Rex explains that the tour is a cultural experience, a
lesson in sociology, and a testimony to the closeness humans have with the natural
environment.
The community women benefit from the additional employment that the tours bring.
Several of the women are employed through the business venture to do the accounting
and the meal planning for the tours. Still, the Olango eco-tour business is only able to
supplement the income for approximately thirty families, leaving many island residents
without benefits from the program.
Workshops Seminars and Activities
CRMP also uses lectures, seminars and one-day events to raise consciousness about
environmental and social issues. These include leadership workshops, beach clean-ups,
law enforcement seminars and multi-organizational meetings for waste management.
Social Development Training
One of Pedro’s duties as the community organizer is to conduct periodic seminars aimed
at developing strong leadership qualities and an environmental ethic among a core group
of community members. Attendance at the seminars is voluntary; however, those
community members having a role in the management of the sanctuaries or the
management of resources are strongly encouraged to attend. Still, attendance is often
lower than Pedro expects. Women usually outnumber men slightly because the seminars
are always in the day and many men are fishing or working as vendors. However, Pedro
makes special efforts to encourage members of the youth group to come the social
development and leadership workshops. He reasons that they will soon be the ones
making decisions for the community.
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Reoccurring themes for the seminars include participation, community, organization,
cooperation and unity. Pedro uses both lectures and interactive group work to seed an
understanding of leadership and moral commitment to the community. In one lecture he
stresses that “vices kill potential” and uses several infamous Filipino leaders as examples.
A group activity follows with the participants brainstorming ideas on what makes a good
leader, how they can improve leadership in their community and what the problems are
with today’s leaders.
The seminars emphasize the need for social development both on an individual level
and a community level. Pedro draws on both his studies in social work and his
experience working with Catholic priests to stress the relationship between self-
development and social development. He explains that the acquisition of healthy mental
factors such as insight, foresight, confidence, modesty, impartiality, and patience can
enable an individual to be a leader in social development.
Pedro always tries to work the idea of family planning into his seminars drawing a
parallel between over population and depletion of coastal resources. He openly raises the
issue of birth control as a solution to the islands’ exploding population problem. He
frames the population problem in the context of an environmental problem and a coastal
resource management issue by explaining how increases in the number of people living
in the area put added stress on coastal resources. Some participants giggle and joke about
using contraceptives. Others joke that if they had television there would not be so many
babies. Two women breast-feeding babies during the discussion on birth control just
smile.
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The seminars also become a forum for community members to voice their ideas and
concerns about development issues. Together the participants discuss barriers and
constraints to area resource management projects. While discussing the plans for
projects, the seminar participants work toward establishing specific goals, attempt to
pinpoint effective strategies to reach those goals and try to identify change agents that
may facilitate the workability of the projects.
“I Love the Ocean” Movement
The CRMP staff conceptualized the idea for an “I Love the Ocean” campaign as a way to
celebrate the United Nations designating 1998 as International Year of the Ocean. The
campaign has grown to have more than 13,000 members throughout the Philippines and
continues to gain momentum by expanding its consciousness raising efforts. Although
the initial public awareness campaign used bumper stickers to send a message, the
movement now sponsors activities such as Sea Camp, beach clean-ups, and celebrity
events.
Sea Camp is “a field-based experimental coastal resource management appreciation
course” that targets youths in an attempt to instill an environmental ethic in the next
generation of community leaders. During the four-day event, the participants learn the
values of preserving the marine and coastal environment. Upon completion of the
course, the participants vow to be advocates of conservation both in their activities and
their interaction with others.
The IEC staff of CRMP, the CRMP Peace Corps worker, and science teachers from
the local high schools all work together to organize Sea Camps for some of the Olango
Youth. Although some student-participants are selected based on their academic
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performance for the first Sea Camp, other participants for the Sea Camps are selected
based on teachers’ opinions of who might benefit most from the Sea Camp. During the
four days the participants paint murals, plant trees, and clean stretches of coastline.
Lecture topics include waste management, ocean navigation, leadership skills,
development, and ecology. One participant, Elosia Roa (2000) wrote of her experience:
The Sea Camp brought about an obvious change for the better in the way participants view their environment. It helped us recognize the integral and interdependent relationships between humanity and the rest of creation. We now fully appreciate that, as humanity is dependent on the fruits of nature, so is nature’s very survival greatly dependent on humanity. (p. 14)
In addition to the Sea Camp, “I Love the Ocean” also sponsors some celebrity events
in which popular Filipino entertainers join in conservation activities to model
environmental friendly behavior. Television and movie celebrities go scuba diving to
clean marine sanctuaries of unwanted debris or take part in planting of mangroves to
reforest the thousands of acres of marshlands lost in the last century. Newspapers and
television stations, attracted by the celebrities, cover stories about the “I Love the Ocean”
campaign and celebrity awareness-raising dives. The celebrities not only attract the
attention of the media, but they also become role models to encourage environmentally
friendly behavior among the greater population.
To gain media attention and to optimize the effect of an event, “I Love the Ocean”
promotional activities are planned to coincide with international or local events like
International Coastal Cleanup Day, Month of the Ocean, World Food Day or Fisheries
Week. Keeping the media informed about “I Love the Ocean” events lead to additional
national and cable stations broadcasting programs about the Olango Island Wildlife
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Sanctuary and the Gilutongan Marine sanctuary. In addition, the Cebu Sun-Star, a local
paper, consistently reports on CRMP activities.
CLEAR 7
The Coastal Law Enforcement Alliance for Region 7 (CLEAR 7) attempts to coordinate
the efforts of law enforcement agencies through education and communication. Since
effective law enforcement an integral part of CRMP’s plan for coastal resource
management in the Olango area, it is necessary to share information among agencies,
provide in-service training for officers, and pool resources for patrolling coastlines and
enforcing the law. The CLEAR 7 division of CRMP organizes seminars to educate
officers about laws protecting the environment. Experts provide training in how to
address problems of illegal fishing and mangrove cutting through increasing awareness of
the laws and then properly enforcing the laws. The seminars are also opportunities for
various agencies to share information and discuss strategies for the future. One strategy
that CLEAR 7 is currently working on is to build a database to keep the names of known
dynamite fishermen and other information on dynamite fishing. So far, there has been a
greater awareness of the legal side of environmental issues among law enforcement
officers; however, a lack of resources hampers attempts to use the law as a deterrent to
illegal fishing and mangrove cutting.
Waste Management
Since much of the ground is rocky, it is difficult to bury waste on the island. Many
residents of Olango dispose of waste directly in to the ocean in hopes the tide will carry it
away. Although island residents have been doing this for generations, the increase in use
of plastic byproducts and cans makes the practice of dumping garbage into the ocean a
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pressing environmental issue. Therefore, proper waste management is essential for the
protection of coastal resources.
Beginning with local officials, the CRMP staff has been working to educate
communities about effecting waste management. Discussions at community meetings
have led to preliminary plans for an island recycling center and alternatives for other
waste disposal. The hoped-for outcome is to change residents’ attitudes about the
disposal of waste while provide them with disposal alternatives.
Women’s Involvement in the Education Process
Trans-generational communication among fisherfolk women who supplement family
incomes by gleaning and shellcraft activities has built an important body of shared
environmental knowledge. Therefore, women’s contributions in assessing the condition
of the coastal environment add a valuable perspective to the planning for coastal resource
management. The value of those contributions are more clearly understood in the context
of the experiential aspect of ecofeminism that recognizes the cumulative generational
experience of women gives balance to the community approach of resource management.
From a top-down perspective, CRMP models an organization that values that
contribution and experience of women. Women are well represented among the CRMP
staff and especially among the IEC team. Moreover, CRMP recognizes the importance
of involving the community women in any environmental initiatives or resource
management proposals. The IEC coordinators agree that it is important to go to the wives
first because, “Most often wives are power.” Since it is most often the wives who handle
the family budgets, it is the wives who most easily understand the concepts of resource
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management. Therefore, according to the IEC staff, it is the wives who are able to more
easily understand the need for change.
Furthermore, once the wives understand the need for change, they become agents of
change for their husbands and children. In addition to contributing to the body of shared
community knowledge, women also facilitate the dissemination of that information
through established social networks. Pedro gives the example of how women become
agents in the informal education process by sharing knowledge they have gained with
their husbands. Women often attend the social development seminars and coastal
resource management training activities in place of their husbands because their husbands
are fishing or working day labor on other islands. The women then share what they have
learned when their husbands return.
Likewise, since many of the men are gone fishing for days or even weeks at a time, it
is the women who spend the most time with the children during the formative years.
Because women usually spend more time with children during the formative years, they
have a greater opportunity to promote an environmental ethic and model environmentally
friendly behavior for the next generation. It is through mothers that young children can
most easily learn environmental values. One member of the Gilutongan women’s
organization explained that the active members of the group understand this
responsibility, “We need to give an action so we can give education to our youth so that
they will know how to care for our surroundings.”
However, another member of the organization qualified the scope of this
understanding as not including many of the women in the greater community. That
member believed a majority of the island women are unable to fulfill this responsibility
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due to a lack education about environmental issues. Many of the local informants during
this study also believe that some mothers model types of behavior that hamper the
development of an environmental ethic. These types of behavior are the ubiquitous
gambling and improper waste disposal. The informants stated that they felt gambling
instills a “get-rich-quick” mentality into the island youth; thus contradicting principles of
resource management. If these feelings are viewed from an ecofeminist perspective, the
daily gambling activities reinforce a capitalist patriarchy in which “money today”
triumphs over “resources tomorrow”.
The IEC group members also recognize that women in the greater community have a
weak understanding of environmental issues; therefore, they actively recruit island
women for participatory roles in all CRMP activities and events. The IEC members
stress the importance of recruiting women for the assessment events, such as the PCRA
training, because their knowledge and experience valuably contribute to creating an
accurate profile of environmental conditions and related social issues. First, many
women and children who have worked as gleaners and fish vendors are directly affected
by degradation to the environment and depletion of resources. Therefore, they can be
beneficiaries of improved coastal resource management. Furthermore, their work in the
fishing and shell-fishing industries has already given them some awareness of the
environmental problems affecting the coastal resources. A building on that awareness
during the PCRA training can nurture commitments to participate in a collective effort
that seeks proactive solutions to coastal environment issues.
One IEC staff member spoke of how the women become more motivated to
participate in resource management after realizing the connections between the health of
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the environment and the health of their families. Many of the women attending meetings
and seminars voiced similar accounts of their participation fostering a new understanding
of local environmental issues. Some women mentioned that they now better understand
how illness in their villages can be related to poor environmental conditions. Other
active women participates expressed a better understanding of environmental stewardship
for the sustainable use of coastal resources.
Recognizing the need to be involved in the management of their coastal resources
many of the community began taking on duties and participating more actively. Now, the
women often outnumber the men at meetings and never hesitate to voice their opinions or
make suggestions on budgeting funds, planning events and assigning tasks. One example
of the growing influence of women in the coastal resource management community
initiative is that women have been most active in creating the island’s branch of the
Barangay Fisheries and Aquatic Resource Management Council (BFARMC). This is a
community organization that works to coordinate coastal resource management efforts on
the barangay level and provides input for development plans at the municipal level. The
members of BFARMC are working to expand the community’s political agenda and
establish new collective arrangements.
Social Interaction in the Exchange of Environmental Knowledge
In the coastal resource management process, social interaction can work to ensure ample
“bottom-up” and “top-down” communication in planning and decision-making. Social
interaction aids in the dissemination of environmental knowledge on various
organizational and individual levels. Three common levels of social interaction are
organizations sharing information with other organizations, organizations passing on
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information to target individuals and finally, the target individuals sharing newly gained
knowledge with family and neighbors. The following three sections detail Figure 5.1 that
shows how each level of social interaction works to educate communities about the
environment.
Social Interaction between Organizations
The type of coastal resource management that CRMP teaches is often referred to as
Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) because part of the strategy is to integrate the
knowledge, skills and power of stakeholder organizations and agencies. Sharing of
knowledge at the inter-organizational level involves publishing and presenting research
findings to augment the pool of existing “lessons-learned” in resource management. For
CRMP, the entire staff works together to record data and publish documents. These
publications include Tambuli, a monthly news journal for coastal management
practitioners; environmental profiles from PCRA data; articles about alternative
livelihood projects; training manuals for resource management; and, theoretical based
research findings. Although local fisherfolk greatly contribute to the assembling of the
environmental profiles, they rarely read other publications available through CRMP.
These publications are primarily a vessel for organizational sharing of information.
Conferences also provide a forum for organizations to share information and discuss
the implication of specific research findings in the planning of coastal resource
management programs. The International Coral Reef Initiative (ICRI) sponsors regional
and global conferences that bring together experts contributing to the advancement of
coastal resource management. The ICRI chose the Shangra-La Resort on Mactan to host
the 2001 regional conference. Experts representing
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various stakeholder organizations throughout Southeast Asia engaged each other for
several days with ideas for improving coastal resource management. Although it is
usually only CRMP staff members that are able to attend coastal resource management
conferences, the close proximity of the Shangra-La to Olango made it possible for several
of the sanctuary caretakers to attend the conference. In addition to giving a few of the
local community leaders a chance to act as “information bridges”, their participation put
CRMP and the Olango learning area in center stage for the conference.
Network building at conferences works to build partnerships among organizations
with common goals. These partnerships facilitate the long term planning of effective
resource management for coastal communities. Therefore, from the nascent of the
coastal resource management process, sufficient inter-organizational communication is
necessary. CRMP begins this communication by forging partnerships to share in the
coastal resource management process during the planning stages for the PCRA training.
This invites a sharing of skills and resources. The PCRA training extends the bonds of
partnership to the community. The four-day intensive PCRA training is a period in
which individuals from various organizations form friendships through collective effort.
It is an event that pulls together the efforts of the municipal government, the DENR,
various NGOs, academic institutions and community organizations. Like the PCRA
training, planning for a reef check requires input and collective effort from the municipal
government, NGOs, academe and community members. Agencies and organizations
participating in reef checks use the results for resource management planning and for on-
going research projects.
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This collective effort works to maintain inter-organizational communication after the
PCRA training has been completed. In the case of Olango, the organizational
partnerships led to the creation of the Olango Synergy Group to coordinate the sharing of
information for island development and resource management. Primarily through word-
of-mouth, community leaders and organization representatives disseminate information
about regular meetings and current issues affecting island residents.
Target individuals as Information Bridges
For organized word-of-mouth transmission of information and knowledge to take place,
specific individuals must act as liaisons between organizations. Community organizers,
teacher facilitators and community leaders are all liaisons acting as information bridges in
the coastal resource management process.
Essentially, community organizers bridge the information gaps between the CRMP
office staff and the fisherfolk on Olango and Gilutongan. Their relationship with the
community accords community organizers a position to be active agents in the
dissemination of information and knowledge. In their field visits they relay information
to the island communities about upcoming events. They also hold seminars and lectures
during which they pass on knowledge to community members about resource
management, leadership skills, enterprise development and other issues relevant to the
local coastal resource management initiative. Community organizers visit municipal
government offices, universities and other NGO offices to exchange information about
coastal resource management sites and plan community events. As information bridges,
community organizers also pass information in the opposite direction; that is, they report
their observations and the voiced concerns of the fisherfolk back to CRMP. Therefore,
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they are critical in the reciprocal learning process of the organization. The input that
community workers provide is helpful in developing strategies for organizational
development, boosting community interest, assessing the effectiveness of initiatives and
planning new initiatives.
Teacher facilitators and community leaders also act as information bridges between
groups by bringing CRMP’s awareness campaign to the formal education system.
Teacher facilitators relay information to principals and teachers about ecology and
consciousness raising activities for the island youth. Teacher facilitators work with
CRMP’s IEC staff and schoolteachers to conduct environmental awareness activities with
schools such as field trips to the wildlife sanctuary and the marine sanctuary. The
facilitators also help in the planning of the Youth Sea Camp, inter-island trips for
students, tree planting events for students, beach clean-ups and a proposed eco-center in
one high school.
Sandra, the Peace Corps volunteer working with CRMP, became a bridge between
CRMP and the two schools in Barangay Tingo. In her time on Olango she taught
ecology lessons at the Tingo schools covering subjects such as waste management,
conservation and resource management. Her efforts have motivated other teachers to add
environmental elements into their lessons. For example, with the aid of Peace Corps
resources the science teacher has been developing an eco-center to provide students with
more hands-on learning about the environment and marine eco-system. The same teacher
has substituted a final exam for his high school class with a research project on
environmental awareness. Instead of the final exam, his students conducted surveys on
environmental awareness in their communities.
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However, his trend is apparently limited to only a few schools in the Olango area.
Teachers and students from other schools claim there is no environmental education in
their schools. This is partially due to teachers feeling compelled to follow lessons exactly
as they are in the assigned books. According to Pedro, teachers are eager to incorporate
environmental education into their lessons, but the policies of the Department of
Education, Culture and Sports (DECS) strictly dictate the material that teachers must
cover; consequently, limiting the opportunity and motivation for improvised
environmental education in schools. CRMP and several environmental NGO’s continue
to lobby DECS to adapt curriculum that builds a greater awareness of environmental
issues. Teacher facilitators have a role as information bridges in strengthening the ties
with DECS during these lobbying efforts.
Much the same as community organizers and teacher facilitators, community leaders
are pivotal in the dissemination of coastal resource management information.
Community leaders are constantly learning more about coastal resource management
from seminars, visits to other communities, municipal government meetings, and agenda
setting sessions with the CRMP staff. They in turn pass this information on to their
friends and neighbors during daily interaction. As information bridges, community
leaders move from a passive role of receiving training from CRMP to an active role of
sharing knowledge with the greater community. Therefore, an essential step in the
process of disseminating information is the informal learning that takes place through
social interaction of individuals.
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Informal Learning through Individuals Interacting
During the PCRA training, more active participants emerge as the community leaders for
the coastal resource management initiative. Awareness is a key quality that the IEC team
looks for in targeting community leaders to act as bridges in disseminating information
about coastal resource management. A high level of awareness enables individuals to
better communicate to others the need for and process of coastal resource management.
The IEC staff at CRMP utilizes these individuals’ enthusiasm to fortify the bonds
between the island communities, local government units and NGOs working in the area.
Joseph typifies a community leader who has become a pivotal voice in the campaign
to protect the marine environment and conserve coastal resources. As the marine
sanctuary guard, he interacts with visitors discussing the history and successes of the
sanctuary in a well-rehearsed speech that is also a call for support from the groups of
divers and snorkelers that visit the Gilutongan sanctuary daily during the tourist season.
Additionally, Joseph is an unofficial consultant for other communities that consider
designating a section of their coast as a marine sanctuary. In 1990, he went to Apo Island
to observe a successful marine sanctuary and learn the steps to establish and care for a
protected coastal area. Just as the Apo Island residents shared their knowledge of marine
protected areas with Joseph, he now receives groups from as far away as Mindanao that
have come to visit the Gilutongan sanctuary and hear his advice on implementing and
caring for a marine sanctuary. At the marine sanctuary guardhouse, visitors relax, chat,
swim, snorkel and eat with the folks on Gilutongan opening the gates for more informal
exchange of culture, knowledge and information.
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Reef checks provide another opportunity for individuals to share environmental
knowledge informally since members of various organizations and agencies spend
several days working, eating and sleeping together. Similar to the PCRA training, reef
checks are events in which individuals from various organizations form friendships
through collective effort. The atmosphere of collective effort combines work and social
interaction. During both the PCRA training and reef checks, non-participant island
residents become more aware of local coastal resource management efforts. They see
their neighbors gathering data about the environment. Curiosity leads to questions and
further discussions about coastal resource management issues and strategies. In this way,
the event participants become role models for other community members.
Women on the IEC staff are also leadership role models for the women on Olango and
Gilutongan. The island women see the IEC members negotiating with local officials for
funding. They see them organizing and managing environmental activities and events.
And they see them working side by side with community members during the PCRA
training, reef checks and beach cleanups. Over the years, the IEC members’ involvement
with the communities has built strong bonds and friendships. However, since CRMP will
be leaving the community in 2002, it is important that people from Olango and
Gilutongan are ready to fill in for the IEC team. Therefore, certain women in the
communities have been targeted as leaders based on their commitment to coastal resource
management. One IEC member has gone as far as to reward several women with a
modest monthly salary, paid out of her own salary, for their help in organizing events,
workshops and tours. Realizing that community involvement may create jobs in the
community has motivated other women in the community to get involved.
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Individual to individual exchange of information is fundamental to the Olango Bird
and Seascape tour. Rex defines eco-tourism “as not only natural conservation, but also as
a way of social education.” Members of the Paddlers Association (the individual boat
guides that take tourists into the bird sanctuary mangroves) provide tourists with endless
information about the natural environment. Other members of the community provide
the tourists with cultural information through shell craft, fishing and cooking
demonstrations. These demonstrations generate questions and promote more in depth
social interaction between community members and their guests.
Finally, community groups facilitate the flow of information from core participants in
the coastal resource management process to the greater community. Various
organizations on Olango provide opportunities for men, women and youths to interact
and exchange information. These include church groups, employment organizations,
school groups, political campaigns and basketball teams. Through their additional
involvement in such groups, proponents of coastal resource management can reach out to
the greater community in an attempt to raise consciousness about coastal management
issues.
Social Interaction and the Learning of Inappropriate Behaviors
Unfortunately, the residents of Olango not only learn appropriate environmental behavior
through social interaction, but some also learn environmentally inappropriate behavior as
well. While CRMP, other development organizations, and individuals involved in the
coastal resource management collective effort strive to promote protection and
conservation, other groups work to profit from the inappropriate and unsustainable use of
coastal resources. Paulo, the community organizer for the IMA, explained that cyanide
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fishing began in the 1970s when an American introduced the method as a more effective
way of catching fish for the pet industry. The technique of using sodium cyanide quickly
spread among those gathering exotic tropical fish from the local reefs. Social interaction
and observational learning contributed to the widespread use of this illegal fishing
method.
Social interaction and observational learning also contribute to the spread of dynamite
fishing. According to local newspapers and accounts from informants, the major center
for manufacturing blasting caps and detonators used in dynamite fishing is Talisay, a
short boat ride from Olango. Several small groups in Talisay are allegedly responsible
for supplying dynamite fishers throughout the Philippines. Local fisherfolk corroborated
a coast guard informant’s testimony that fishermen from Talisay use their products in
other island areas as a way of advertising. Talisay fishermen make periodic trips to
Olango to sell their products and recruit new dynamite fishermen. In fact, one local
dynamite fisherman who was apprehended and released with a warning is said to have
spent several months in Talisay helping to manufacture blasting caps.
Social interaction may also work against desired change in attitude and behavior by
continually reinforcing common, but environmentally inappropriate behaviors. The most
visible example of this is people freely tossing food wrappers, drink containers and other
trash on the ground or in the sea. Children witness this behavior daily and grow up
thinking that littering is not only social acceptable but it is also the social norm.
One American tourist visiting the area speculated that litter is an endemic problem in
some parts of the Philippines because plastic and other non-biodegradable containers are
a relatively new introduction to some areas. He reasoned that it was not so long ago that
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most people living in coastal areas served food on leaves instead of on Styrofoam plates
and snacked on fruit or berries instead of candy or chips in plastic wrappers. Old
behaviors, such as tossing leaves that had been used for plates on the ground, were never
unlearned when people started using plastic for convenience. Therefore, the old behavior
is still common practice and is reinforced through observational learning. However,
since what people are now discarding is not biodegradable the behavior is
environmentally inappropriate. Without protests against this behavior, people have no
negative feedback that would promote reflection on the consequences.
It is not just littering that children may learn from their older siblings, relatives and
peers. One teacher informant spoke of how the children on Olango learn to gamble, fish
with cyanide and use dynamite from watching others. In reference to a gambit of
behavior she termed undesirable, one teacher commented, "The little ones see what the
big ones are doing and they follow. The little ones learn from the big ones."
Social Interaction in Program Monitoring
The continual interaction of the community organizers with the community is one way of
monitoring programs to insure the sustainability of the coastal resource management
process. From his experience as a community organizer, Paulo understands a need to
maintain a presence in the community even after projects have been turned over to the
community. Paulo says, “It is hard to leave the people. You should be there to do the
monitoring. If they see you they will be reminded.” The continual interaction with the
community organizers and discussions about ongoing environmental projects renews
enthusiasm for community betterment. Paulo also asserts that a “cat and mouse”
mentality among some community members make it necessary for NGOs to maintain ties
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with communities through community organizers. “When the cat is away the mice will
play—It is different when you are always there.” Community organizers, therefore, aid
in monitoring programs by reporting back to their organizations about the status of
community projects and they help to ensure the sustainability of projects through their
continual interaction with the community.
Evolving Toward Community Empowerment
The intervention of CRMP and development NGOs intends to be a temporary phase in
the community empowerment process. The dissemination of information and
consciousness raising about environmental problems are the first steps in the
empowerment process for community management of coastal resources. Successes
demonstrate the power of collective efforts and consequently strengthen the bonds in
socially valued pursuits. Still, community empowerment is an evolving process of
rethinking common goals and strategies to attain those goals. New information and
knowledge—products of both successes and failures—guide the rethinking of approaches
to resource management. Successes minimize skepticism; hence, encouraging passive
members of the community to join the collective effort. The power of collective effort
gives the community a voice in the expanded political agenda and establishes new
collective arrangements to fortify the campaign for coastal resource management. This
section will describe how community-based coastal resource management in the Olango
area has evolved toward empowering the community to more effectively steward their
environmental assets.
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Consciousness Raising
The empowerment process begins with awareness. In the coastal resource management
process, awareness begins with the PCRA training. Theresa, the IEC team leader, recalls
the PCRA as a definitive point at which some local residents started looking at the
environmental situation and understanding the implications that proper coastal resource
management has for their families and for future generations. She says gathering data
during the PCRA helped some community members “come to terms with the condition of
the environment.” Community members voiced similar feelings after conducting their
first reef check assessment in which they compared marine life inside the sanctuary and
marine life outside the sanctuary. Several community members testified that after seeing
the contrast they understood more fully the potential that proper coastal resource
management has for improving the marine environment and replenishing resources.
Since consciousness raising is a continual process, the CRMP staff schedule several
lectures and workshops each month to discuss local environmental issues and strategies
for more effective resource management. Maria and Pedro organize these events that
reinforce previous learning and aim to broaden the understanding of the connections
between the quality of life and the quality of the environment. Theresa adds that CRMP
determinedly encourages the community members to think of solutions to environmental
problems, plan strategies to address environmental issues, and reflect on the
implementation of programs. A core group of community members have emerged as
leaders in the campaign for better resource management. Along with CRMP staff
members, these community members actively participate in development planning
meetings at the barangay and municipal levels.
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To effectively guide the coastal resource management process CRMP and other
development organizations need to be aware of the community issues and the feelings of
the community members. Therefore, the IEC staff collects periodic data from
consultations, focus groups and discussions. Maria asserts that the interactive
information gathering methods give the local residents a more secure feeling that they
have an informed role in the decision-making process. She explains that inclusion of
community members in the needs-assessment and development of activities promotes a
feeling of program ownership.
The Role of Community Organizers in the Empowerment Process
Whenever CRMP’s community organizers, Pedro and Maria, arrive in the island villages
they are welcomed with smiles. Children follow them as they make their way through
the narrow village paths stopping to greet everyone and exchange the latest news. In the
years Maria has been working with the fisherfolk, she has grow to be part of the island
family. Although Pedro has only been working in the Olango area for about a year, his
experience as a social worker and an activist have enabled him to quickly gain the
confidence of the locals. Many of the island youth view Maria and Pedro as role models.
This respect is useful in organizing youth groups to take part in environmental awareness
events and activities.
The adult community also relies on the community organizers for guidance in
planning events, mobilizing non-participants, and networking for new collective
arrangements. There is a consensus among the active members that Maria and Pedro
have been vital in building a collective effort to address environmental issues. This
collective effort gives change to the process of deciding common goals.
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Pedro describes the process of deciding common goals as “tedious” because of the
“strong cultural silence” that community members maintain when NGOs or development
agencies first come to a site. He says that the people may be aware of various
environmental issues in their municipalities, but they are afraid to speak out or mobilize
to address the issues. Pedro feels that community organizers have to begin by building a
trust with the community so the people “will have the confidence to verbalize their issues
and the courage to take action.” According to Pedro, it is not enough that community
organizers build trust and confidence; they must also provide advice and feedback on
how the community can proceed effectively in clearly identifying their goals.
Maria states part of her role as a community organizer is to help ensure the decision
making process is one of “informed decision making.” She works to keep the community
informed about local political, social and environmental information. The information
exchange also works in the reciprocal route. Maria conducts periodic interviews,
consultations and focus group discussions to gather information about the community for
the CRMP staff. She believes the community members feel a greater sense of ownership
when they have a voice in deciding common goals for resource management.
In the Olango area, community organizers strengthen the organizational base by going
home-to-home telling families about the purpose of specific programs. They also
periodically run workshops to raise consciousness about issues affecting the health of the
community and the health of the environment. Finally, community organizers help in
brainstorming ideas on how to respond to specific issues. They are critical in the process
of providing feedback on organizational development, organizational leadership and
enterprise development.
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Decision-Making, Change and Resistance
The data CRMP and community organizers collect in the consultations, focus groups and
discussions is useful in developing a strategy to better meet the needs and goals of the
community. Maria refers to this as part of the process for informative decision-making.
Consequently, through the guidance of CRMP the community is then able to develop
strategies toward achieving their goals.
Specific community goals may become part of the barangay level development plan,
which in turn serves as input for the larger municipal plan. A series of all-day workshops
have brought together government officials, CRMP representatives, PBSP
representatives, and representatives living on Olango to discuss coastal resource
management strategies and plan for more sustainable interaction with the environment.
CRMP and PBSP lobby on behalf of the island residents to include coastal resource
management in the wider political agenda. As large organizations, CRMP and PBSP are
able to provide institutional support for the proponents of coastal resource management
on Olango. An example of this is how these organizations try to pressure political leaders
at the municipal level to reconsider plans for land reclamation that could negatively
impact the coastal environment in the Olango area. Since these lobbying efforts involve
leaders from the island communities, there is a greater sense of community competence
to continue dialogue on environmental issues with the municipal government.
However, not all the residents on the islands welcome the change CRMP is promoting.
Theresa recalled that there was some resistance from the community when the bird
sanctuary was initially declared a national wetland in 1992. Still today, many island
residents feel they receive no benefits from the tourists visiting the sanctuary.
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Additionally, CRMP’s measures to stop illegal fishing in the area have not been
completely effective in modifying behavior among all illegal fishermen. Therefore, some
fisherfolk remain intransigent. Often the initial reaction to consciousness raising efforts
about the poor condition of the coastal environment has been one of denial. The CRMP
informant explains that some island residents maintain an “It’s not us; it’s them” attitude
and blame other groups for dynamite fishing and illegal mangrove cutting. The campaign
to eradicate illegal fishing has also created a feeling among some fisherfolk that if they
cannot fish using illegal methods, then the aid agencies and the government should
provide for them and their families.
Likewise, on Gilutongan, the initial attempts at designating a specific area as a marine
sanctuary and making it off-limits to fishing were not received well by some of the local
fishermen. Joseph recalls the general reaction, “People didn’t like us telling them they
could no longer fish in a place where their fathers and their fathers’ fathers had fished.”
Joseph explains that one of his challenges has been to get local fishermen to understand
that one of the basic reasons for establishing a sanctuary is to aid in the replenishment of
fish populations and coral covering that have dwindled due to inappropriate fishing
methods. As fish populations and coral increase within the sanctuary, marine life in
adjacent areas also becomes more abundant. Joseph’s wife, Rachael, and several of their
daughters who are active members of the Gilutongan Women’s Group campaign for
community support of the sanctuary by informally discussing the benefits of a marine
sanctuary with neighboring fishermen and their families.
Some island residents are leery of aid agencies and government workers regarding
them as outsiders. Theresa explains that a history of broken promises that have created a
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distrust of government for many island residents. Some residents claim loopholes in the
legal system allow those with influence to circumvent environmental regulations. Others
blame corruption for the ill fate of past aid projects. There is also a distrust of private
investors with plans to develop tourist accommodations. One example of a private
investment that has marginalized the people living on Gilutongan is a small, exclusive
resort that caters to wealthy tourists. Although a few locals were allowed to work on the
construction of the resort, no locals currently work there. The resort requires employees
to have a high school education, however, Gilutongan does not have a high school so few
of the local residents have high school degrees.
Paulo, the IMA community organizer, theorizes that resistance to outside intervention
of coastal resource management is common with any project. He says that as long as the
resistance is limited to a small percentage of the people, the resistance is unlikely to
jeopardize the project. Paulo adds that in the Olango area, the resistance is usually
passive because the island residents take a “Wait and see” attitude toward new projects.
As an example, he discusses the early stages of the coral farm. The initial reaction from
the community was that the project would not involve the local residents because a
German national had initiated the implementation. Therefore, from the start, the IMA
was on the defensive in regards to the coral farm. However, as the project has grown,
management has been turned over to local residents augmenting interest in expanding the
coral farm as an alternative livelihood for the families of reformed illegal fishermen.
Women’s Involvement in the Evolution of the Program
From the initial planning of the PCRA training, the participation of women in the coastal
resource management process has contributed to the direction of the program. Women
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have widened the perspective for gathering information, analyzing data, planning
activities, and making decisions for the protection and conservation of coastal resources.
The inclusion of women in this process allows women to voice their concerns and give
their perspective on how environmental issues affect the community. That voice has
uniquely shaped the process to better address the needs of women in the community.
The Women living near the Olango Bird and Wildlife Sanctuary have been pivotal in
developing the cultural interaction section of the eco-tour. Several of the women are very
active in the business management of the eco-tour project. With the help of the CRMP
enterprise development staff, these women have been learning various skills needed to
effectively run a tour business. These skills include the sales and promotion of the tour to
attract customers as well as budgeting and accounting.
The women’s involvement in the eco-tour on Gilutongan has not been as successful as
on Olango Island because the Gilutongan part of the eco-tour is restricted to the marine
sanctuary. Therefore, the tourists rarely enter the island as they do on Olango. Several
members expressed a growing sense of apathy within the organization. They reasoned
this was primarily because of their limited opportunity to generate revenue from the
sanctuary visitors. However, there are plans to involve the Gilutongan women when
tourists arrive at the sanctuary guardhouse. The plan has been for the women to help in
catering and selling souvenirs or T-shirts. Although another idea has been for the women
to entertain tourists by giving walking tours around the island, some community
informants feel that waning interest among the women on Gilutongan to get involved in
the eco-tour have kept the plans from materializing.
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Members of the Cawoy women’s group are active in the development of the coral
farm. They work closely with Paulo and local IMA employees. In groups, the women
take part in attaching coral transplants to limestone blocks with wire and make mesh nets
used in anchoring the corals to the sea floor. It is a social activity in which the
participants exchange ideas for community betterment and resource management. After
the coral is attached and the nets are made, the IMA divers plant the blocks on the sea
bottom.
The group has grown out of the community shell crafters whose incomes have
suffered from degradation to the coastal environment. In this way the IMA has built
upon an existing organization and uses the existing skills and knowledge of the women in
coastal resource management activities. Their close relationship with the coastal
environment and acute awareness of the condition of the resources motivates members of
this neighborhood women’s group to attend local political meetings ensuring that
conservation, management and enterprise development are on the agenda.
Individual Change in the Empowerment Process
On a micro level, the empowerment process involves individual attitudinal and
behavioral change. Although the process of individual change differs from person to
person, one person’s increased awareness of environmental issues can effect change in
others through sharing knowledge about the environment. Bonds between individuals
develop and strengthen the influence of socially valued pursuits. Momentum grows with
the collective efforts of a group to raise consciousness about environmental issues for a
renegotiation of environmentally harmful behaviors.
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Testimony from key informants and residents of the Olango area provide a variety of
perspectives on attitudinal and behavioral change. This section uses a range of those
perspectives to illustrate general characteristics of change at both a local and a personal
level. The accounts follow a somewhat chronological order culminating with two
individuals’ self-reported recollection of personal change in developing an environmental
ethic as a standard for behavior.
Although the PCRA training was a definitive point of enlightenment for some
participants, Joseph recalls that the reaction of many locals to the PCRA was “Ah, it is
useless. It is wasting our time.” Joseph credits the community organizers for their
perseverance in continuing to recruit people to participate. In spite of the passive
resistance for some residents, the community organizers were able to recruit enough
participants to make the event a success. Joseph also recalls the barangay captain was
indifferent to the PCRA, but politely decline to participate. In the few years since the
initial PCRA, the barangay captain has become a supporter of coastal resource
management. However, Joseph explains that the barangay captain’s pride and public
endorsement for the marine sanctuary have come only since the barangay recently
received approximately US$ 2,000 for its share in the sanctuary revenues. The revenues
are divided 30% for the barangay and 70% for the municipal government with specific
guidelines for using the funds.
Thersa echoes Joseph’s perspective with her claim that there is a growing trend on
Gilutongan to view the marine sanctuary as a community resource. Increasing support
for the sanctuary arises from the realization that it has economic value for the community
because it can provide tourist revenue and aid in the natural replenishment of fish
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populations along adjacent coastline. According to Theresa, this realization has changed
past cynics of the sanctuary into current supporters. She says that although people once
had a “wait and see” attitude, the success of the sanctuary has now moved the people to
contribute their share. She adds that most importantly the barangay captain is now proud
of the sanctuary because the barangay captain’s support is essential in order to expand the
focus of environmentalism to include a wider political agenda.
Pride in the sanctuary is most evident among those that work as vendors, snorkeling
guides and caretakers. Although some of their pride is a product of the benefits they
receive from the project, much of it comes from their sense of accomplishment. They
relish the fact that their group efforts have turned a protected section of coastline into a
popular recreational dive site for foreign tourists. Many of the active members also
expressed a sense of individual accomplishment at having received certificates for the
tour guide training and PCRA training.
Rex’s perspective on change at a local level brings attention to former illegal
fishermen that are now actively pursuing alternative livelihoods. Rex sees the reformed
dynamite fishermen as the most obvious examples of individual change. Many of the
paddlers and vendors working on the eco-tour are former dynamite fishers. The
development of eco-tourism as an alternative livelihood enterprise affords these
fishermen an opportunity to earn a living while making a commitment to promote
environmentally friendly behavior through their own actions. Although dynamite fishing
continues in the area, these reformed fishermen are both role models and agents of
change for the eradication of such illegal fishing practices.
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Sandra and Diego, a science teacher, provide a perspective on how the area coastal
resource management efforts have effected change in some of the Olango youth. Both
feel that consciousness raising efforts in the Tingo High School have had at least minimal
impact on the youth. They described one of their more critical teaching moments as
happening during an environmental activity at the beach. The students were counting
dynamite blasts as Sandra and Diego lead a discussion on how illegal fishing destroys the
environment, ultimately effecting the local fishing industry. At first, many students were
indifferent to the blasts because some of their fathers are dynamite fishermen. During the
discussion, the students showed signs that they were beginning to understand some of the
deeper cause-and-effect implications of environmentally inappropriate behavior. They
began asking questions and Sandra reports the discussion turned to why some fishermen
use dynamite. With some reluctance, several students admitted that members of their
families were dynamite fishermen. One student verbally expressed his new perspective
on illegal fishing and vowed to share the knowledge he gained from the discussion with
his relatives in the fishing industry. Other students agreed they would do the same.
Diego feels that in his time working in the Tingo high schools the students have been
progressively showing signs of developing an environmental ethic in their behavior. He
says that in conversation they are able to discuss local environmental issues such as
illegal mangrove cutting and the importance of coral reefs. They also make posters in art
class to promote environmental awareness through in the school community. Finally,
Sandra’s efforts in promoting waste management have prompted the Tingo schools to
begin separating trash for recycling.
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Consciousness raising efforts in schools may contribute to developing an
environmental ethic in youths; however, some locals attest to having always had an
understanding of the links between a healthy environment and a healthy life. Although
not necessarily typical, Joseph represents the type of person who remembers being aware
of coastal environment issues at an early age. Having tacit knowledge of the detrimental
effects of blast fishing, Joseph asserts he has never used dynamite since he began fishing
at age thirteen. He recalls how plentiful fish were when he was a young boy in the 1950s.
Fishing with his father, he saw the average catch in the area decline from 20 kilograms
per day to 2 kilograms per day. As a young man, he was forced to go on long fishing
trips to earn money to feed his growing family. However, Joseph had a brush with death
when pirates confiscated his boat during a raid on a fishing village. Although he escaped
without physical injury, the incident was terrifying enough to detour him from going on
long fishing trips that would keep him away from his family for months at a time.
Joseph recalls the changes he went through that led to his guardianship of the marine
sanctuary on Gilutongan began with attending workshops and seminars on the
detrimental effects of illegal fishing. After learning about marine sanctuaries, he went to
Apo Island to visit the highly acclaimed marine sanctuary there. With the help of the
Cebu Resource Management Office, Joseph and his supporters were able to designate a
ten-hectare area as the original marine sanctuary. Joseph volunteered to patrol and guard
the sanctuary from violators for several years before finally being given the paid position
of program director. Not all his nights of vigilance have been silent. Up to several times
a month there is some sort of confrontation. Most are resolved quickly, others may
require the barangay captain’s mediation. However, Joseph’s constant guard and the
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growing support for the sanctuary from the community have reduced the number of
violations in the sanctuary and surrounding buffer zone.
Joseph’s pride and dedication to the sanctuary are infectious. The vendors and guides
waiting for dive boats full of tourists speak with affection for their sanctuary. Their hard
work at maintaining the sanctuary and their vigilance to keep it safe from dynamite
fishermen are proclamation that their bonds to this community project go beyond the
limits of their income. Joseph even jokes that the guardhouse is his first house. Although
he was impressed enough with the Apo Island Sanctuary to build one for the community
on Gilutongan, he believes that in time the Gilutongan sanctuary is going to be more
successful and more beautiful.
Despite Joseph’s dedication to preserving and protecting the coastal environment,
some local traditions conflict with more global issues. An example of this conflict is the
collecting of turtle eggs. Although turtles are an endangered species, local islanders
believe find a nest of buried eggs to be good fortune and good food. During the reef
check several locals found a nest of about 120 turtle eggs. Joseph and his neighbors
understood this to be a fortunate occasion because many people could enjoy the healthy
delicacy. However, from a global perspective, sea turtles are a protected species and the
eggs should not be bothered. Joseph reasons that the men had taken the eggs because
“the turtle left them there and probably wouldn’t come back.” This is instinctual
behavior for turtles; the mother always leaves when she has safely buried her eggs. After
learning that protecting the sea turtle population is an important environmental issue,
Joseph explained that he would discuss the issue with the men and try to persuade them
to return half the eggs to the nest as a compromise.
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As mentioned above, individuals may have very different accounts of personal
experiences that lead to a greater affinity with the environment. In contrast to Joseph’s
early concerns, Saul is more characteristic of a convert to environmental ethics. Unlike
Joseph, Saul did not have the tacit knowledge about environmental issues nor fully
understand the consequences of environmental inappropriate behavior. Saul learned how
to use sodium cyanide while free diving to catch exotic fish for the tropical pet industry at
age eleven. Although his father would sometimes rely on cyanide fishing to earn a
living, Saul learned the techniques from fishing with some the older boys. It was a way
to earn some extra spending money during the southern monsoons that hit the area
between May and August.
In his teens, Saul was fascinated by the foreigners that would come to his village to
see the migratory birds nesting and feeding in mangroves and mudflats. Although most
of the villagers were too shy to talk to the hunters, backpackers and occasional scientists,
Saul revealed in meeting them. He would offer to take them on tours of the wetland area
that has since been declared a sanctuary. Sometimes the hunters would fill several sacks
with their kill. They would eat some of the birds with Saul’s friends and others the
hunters would keep to be stuffed for wall trophies. Ironically, his own experience at
hunting birds with a slingshot taught him much about their migratory and nesting habits,
therefore qualifying him as an ideal freelance tour guide for scientists, as well as hunters.
As a freelance tour guide, Saul learned about other countries and other cultures. His
perspective on the world grew and from some visitors he learned that the unique
mangrove area in his backyard is a vital nesting and resting haven for thousands of birds
on their transcontinental migrations. Through informally exchanging information with
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amateur ornithologists and botanists, Saul was able to gradually understand the fragility
and importance of his local environment. He recalls this gradual understanding at age
sixteen coincided with the designation of the mangrove area as an international wetland
and Ramsar site. At that time, there was much discussion among his neighbors about the
local environmental issues, because the government and several NGOs began showing
more interest in coastal management issues. Saul recalls that while some people
welcomed the intervention, others felt threatened. Saul describes the opposing arguments
as coming from illegal fishermen who felt outsiders were infringing on their right to earn
a living from the sea. Some demanded that in order for them to give up their illegal
fishing activities, the government and NGOs must provide them with an alternative
source of income to care for their families’ needs.
To learn more, Saul attended a conference for the designation of the wetlands as a
Ramsar site. He recalls the conference as a baptismal experience that prompted him to
make a personal commitment to protect and preserve the environment. Essentially, he
began to realize how his community relies on the environment for survival; therefore, the
community has a responsibility to protect the environmental resources for future
generations. He continued to attend local coastal resource management meetings and
even enrolled in a university to study marine biology; however, financial problems
prevented him from ever attending classes.
Perhaps, some of the same qualities that helped Saul profit from environmentally
inappropriate behavior in his teens have been re-channeled to further consciousness
raising efforts about coastal environment issues. Saul’s youthfulness, friendly
disposition, commitment to learning and ability to share his knowledge with others make
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him a candidate for leadership in the coastal resource management efforts. Completing
the PCRA training and the tour guide training gives him additional skills and knowledge
to share with neighbors and visitors. He is one of the most active participants in the eco-
tourism project and a role model for youth in area. Saul’s participation in the collective
effort for coastal resource management has prompted his additional involvement as a
political campaign worker and a volunteer vote counter in the municipal and national
elections.
According to Saul, the resistance to outside intervention has quelled and today there is
a general acceptance and feeling of gratitude for CRMP, NGO and government efforts in
coastal resource management. He reports that support for coastal resource management
has grown strong enough to sustain community efforts even after CRMP has pulled out of
the area. Most people in the community have begun to view the sanctuary as a legacy to
pass on to their children. However, Saul admits, to do that his generation must learn and
practice effective coastal management. Otherwise, he fears his children will only see the
birds, mangroves and coral in textbooks.
The Impact of Coastal Resource Management on the Environment
Perhaps, one challenge in trying to develop an environmental consciousness in a
community is that the rewards are not immediate. Especially for those who rely on the
coastal environment for their daily sustenance, the natural replenishment of resources
may come too gradually. Several decades of over fishing and using destructive methods
have damaged the coastal area so severely that it will take many years to heal. Since
some illegal fishermen still use these destructive methods, an even greater challenge is to
keep faithful participants from feeling their efforts are futile. Therefore, even the
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smallest indications of improved coastal conditions are reasons for optimism among the
proponents for coastal resource management.
The increase in coral cover and growing fish populations within the Gilutongan
Marine sanctuary are the most obvious improvement to the environment. Comparing the
data collected in the sampling surveys of marine life from a series of reef checks
indicates that coral cover has increased significantly in the sanctuary and in the
surrounding buffer zone. CRMP’s most recent analysis of the data show a 25% increase
in live coral and a 70% increase in the abundance of target species of fish within the
Gilutongan Marine Sanctuary from 1999 to 2000 (Ross et al, 2001). However, between
1998 and 1999 the warm El Nino currents had caused a coral bleaching phenomenon
reducing live coral cover by almost ten percent.
The unofficial results of the March 2001 reef check indicate a continued steady
increase for both coral and fish inside the sanctuary as well as in the adjacent buffer zone.
Furthermore, the anecdotal testimonies from local free divers, scuba divers and coast
guard officials all add promise and optimism that the sanctuary reef is beginning to
reblossom. Although there is evidence of dynamite fishing in adjacent areas, the only
coral rubble evidence in the sanctuary in years old and slowly disappearing with time.
Unfortunately, in other areas around Olango there are daily incidents of blast fishing.
The sea grass beds are spotted with barren areas reaching ten meters in diameter from the
blasts. Fresh coral rubble on nearly ever part of the reef gives further evidence that
dynamite fishing continues to destroy the coastal environment. Participants in the coastal
management efforts are saddened when they see evidence of dynamite fishing or hear the
blasts. However, instead of becoming discouraged, most participants realize that
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continued destruction to the environment means that even greater efforts to promote
coastal resource management are needed.
During the May fiesta and the annual elections, former residents return to Olango to
vote and spend the holiday with family and friends. One woman who had fond memories
of growing up on the “beautiful island” but who has since moved to Cebu City, described
her annual returns as a retreat from the stress and pressure of the city. Although she
referred to Gilutongan as a beautiful island, she admitted that every year the
impoverished living conditions for the island residents grow worse. She believes this is
primarily due to the rapidly increasing population. Voicing her fears that “there will be
no fish for the next generation” the woman blamed illegal fishing for the demise of the
local fishing industry.
Accounts from locals indicate that illegal cutting of mangroves has been minimized.
Community members report that in the past there were many people involved in
mangrove cutting to supply fuel for cooking, but recently it is a rare occurrence to see
someone selling fuel from illegally cut mangroves. Although consciousness efforts may
be one factor the contributed the behavioral change, the increased use of alternative
energy sources, such as propane and electric generators, have also been a contributing
factor.
Other Factors in Developing a Common Environmental Ethic
Thus far the data have presented a case describing how social interaction aids in the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and how that knowledge can effect change
individually and collectively. Collective effort reinforces shared values and vice versa.
Although collective effort may have reciprocal implications for developing a shared
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environmental ethic, there are other factors that contribute to a community’s ability to
sustainably manage common environmental resources. Additional data help to describe
how other factors can contribute or hinder either the attitudinal development or the
behavioral manifestation of an environmental ethic. These factors include education,
money, law enforcement and land tenure.
Education
Poverty and low high school completion rates combine to limit the formal education of
most island residents. Consequently, literacy levels are low; thus, increasing the need for
direct communication. Despite the added logistically difficulties of maintaining direct
communication in awareness campaigns, Theresa explains that it is necessary because
many people in the community are “less inclined to read.” Therefore, relying on printed
material to raise awareness of environmental issues is not enough to reach the all
members of the community. Low literacy levels deem it necessary for community
organizers to interact with as many people in the community as possible during
consciousness raising efforts.
Low levels of attainment in the formal education system create gaps in background
knowledge about the connections between health and the environment. Without basic
science education, it is difficult for some island residents to understand the intricate
connections between health and the environment. Several examples illustrate this point.
First, the on-the-water fish trap restaurants pose sewage problems on the north side of
Olango. Only one out of three actually has a septic tank. The lack of a septic tank could
be a problem if people (workers/customers) defecate in the toilet because the sewage
goes under the restaurant where the restaurants keep their live crabs and fish in traps.
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Although the actual risk is low, a possibility exists that the consumption of the fish and
shellfish raised near the raw sewage will contribute to the spread of diseases such as
hepatitis, typhoid, or cholera.
A second example comes from a youth informant who has two cousins who are active
cyanide fishermen. She explained that they started using cyanide to catch fish for sale to
middlemen in the pet industry; however, the income is not steady because they do not
always find the colorful tropical reef fish that are marketable. When their business is
bad, they result to catching common edible varieties of fish using cyanide for their own
personal consumption. She further explained that they believe if they cover the cook fish
with onions and garlic the residual cyanide in the fish will not harm them.
A final example of how local residents fail to make the connections between health
and the environment comes from Sandra. Sandra reports that few people she had talked
to during her stay actually understood that proper waste management can reduce the
threat of dengue fever. She explains that the commonly-seen unattended trash heaps
become breeding grounds for mosquitoes; and mosquitoes carry the potentially fatal
dengue virus. Although it is difficult to assess people’s understanding of environmental
issues, it is reasonable to postulate that the lack of background knowledge needed to
make the connections between health and the environment are a result of low levels of
educational attainment. The implication here is that coastal resource management should
include an element of health education.
Money
Perhaps, the most ubiquitous factor that affects the behavioral change needed to
effectively manage environmental resources is money. From a broad perspective, those
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with money usually desire more; and those with little or no money seek the quickest
familiar methods to meet their daily needs. Fishing companies, large boat owners, pet
trade middlemen, shell craft middlemen, resort developers, and tour companies are part
of the first group. It is this group that often puts profits before environmental concerns.
It is also this group that dangles the carrot in front of the desperately impoverished
second group by offering monetary incentives to engage in environmentally inappropriate
activities. The short-term rewards for the poor reinforce behaviors that damage the
coastal environment. Money itself, with the necessities and pleasures it can buy, is an
incentive to make more money. That incentive drives people to make more money faster;
sometimes, without considering long-term consequences for the environment.
Although money is an incentive to plunder resources, it can also be an incentive to
manage resources. Profiting from resource management takes much longer than profiting
form exploiting resources. However, if people do not understand that the two approaches
to profiting from resources differ in their environmental effects, then the quickest
approach to making money would be the most desirable. Several CRMP informants
believe that the desperation of poverty prevents many illegal fishermen from
understanding the potential long-term benefits of coastal resource management, and
consequently, opt to satisfy their daily needs. One informant summarized the dilemma of
getting people to accept long term plans for coastal resource management in a question,
“How can they think about five years from now when they are worried about what they
are going to have for dinner tonight?”
Several informants including teachers and CRMP staff members believe that poverty
adds to the “get rich quick” fantasy that is prevalent among many residents. The
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informants base their claims on observations such as the widespread gambling among
villagers that risk a day’s earnings in a card game. Another example that supports the
“get rich quick” mentality comes from local residents discussing the population growth
on the islands. Some local informants explain that having a lot of children increases the
chances that one child will be financially successful and take care of the rest of the
family.
These examples have mixed implications for the CRMP enterprise development
projects. The first implication is that the behavior of illegal fishermen poses specific
challenges because with a “get rich quick” mentality they are more apt to opt for short-
term rewards in spite of long term effects. The second implication is that if the eco-tour
business sustains its success, competing groups may form to jump on the bandwagon.
The unfortunate aspect of that could be the under cutting of prices and inability to
regulate the flow of tourists in an environmentally fragile area. A similar situation is
already happening on the north shore of Olango. The success of one on-the-water, fish
trap restaurant has sparked the establishment of several more. To avoid this catch 22
situation, the enterprise development division of CRMP and PBSB have plans to expand
the focus on alternative livelihoods to include occupational training.
Proponents of coastal resource management also have adversaries among those who
are able to understand long-term development plans. There has been an ongoing debate
over proposals to reclaim land for a port and shopping mall from large wetland areas on
the south end of Mactan Island. Supporters of the plan argue that it will have long term
economic benefits that can translate into alternative livelihood for present day illegal
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fishermen; whereas, environmentalists worry that the effects to the local coastal area
could be detrimental.
Another challenge in getting local island residents to consider long-term resource
management plans is the absence of an “ownership” feeling that can be a foundation for
stewardship responsibilities. This is the land tenure issue on Olango. Demographic
results from the Olango PCRA indicate that between eighty and ninety percent of the
population are not land owners. Most people are living on the land of absentee owners
and could legally be evicted at anytime. Some local informants describe themselves as
“squatters,” and feel that the threat of eviction hinders motivation to invest time and
effort into environmental protection for the future. From her years of working with the
fisherfolk, Thersa also believes that the lack of ownership diminishes locals’ feelings of
responsibility to care for the coastal environment. Some locals feel that if it is not their
land, it is not their responsibility to take care of it, but rather, the responsibility of the
“rich” landowners themselves. Therefore, the lack of land ownership is another
challenge that community leaders face in their attempts to foster community stewardship
and gain local support for coastal resource management.
Money also determines the effectiveness of law enforcement. The relationship
between poverty and corruption is evident in the daily newspaper stories about pay offs
and bribes throughout the Philippines. However, even honest law enforcement officials
are restricted from doing an effective job because the agencies lack the proper resources
to combat illegal activities in coastal areas. The inability to afford necessary equipment
to patrol coastal areas that are popular with dynamite fishermen only frustrates having to
compete with profitable illegal activities. One Australian boat operator residing on
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Mactan Island jokingly claims the only time he sees the Coast Guard is when they are
asking him for fuel donations. Members of the Coast Guard admit that the lack of funds
for boat fuel is a major restriction in trying to enforce existing laws.
Law Enforcement
Although lack of funds may be one factor affecting the ability to enforce the law, other
factors further complicate the problem. Since family loyalty is emphasized in Filipino
culture, family ties between the person enforcing the law and the person breaking the law
create a conflict of interest. In the Olango area, there have been several incidents in
which law enforcement officials or community leaders have pleaded for leniency in cases
involving their extended family members or neighbors accused of dynamite fishing.
Family ties to accused dynamite fisherman, coupled with the threat of stiff fines or prison
time for the crime, readily evoke enough sympathy to release the violator with only a
warning. Even if the offence only merits a fine, it is difficult to collect from an illegal
fisherman that can barely feed his family.
The Coast guard has discussed plans to establish a reward system for informants that
turn in dynamite fishermen. This would be financial incentive for locals to put pressure
on their neighbors who break the law. However, skeptics of the plan claim that fear of
retaliation may keep people from coming forward to give information.
Additionally, law enforcement officials claim to have little power in enforcing laws
that prevent illegal commercial fishing in the municipal waters. Since funding problems
limit the Coast Guard’s ability to patrol the area, commercial fishers know there is little
risk of being cited for illegally dropping their nets in restricted areas. Therefore, illegal
commercial boats that fish in the Olango area waters are putting the local law abiding
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fisherman at an additional disadvantage and encouraging illegal methods to compete for
the dwindling resources.
Law enforcement officials trying to enforce environmental legislation are frustrated
with their limitations. Consequently, they are seeking partnerships with local resorts to
share in the funding of concentrated efforts to apprehend and prosecute those who violate
laws protecting coastal resources. Several resorts in the area have offered to provide the
authorities with monetary and technical assistance in an effort to put pressure on all
illegal activities in the area. However, protecting the coastal resources to maintain a
beautiful destination for foreign tourists is not the primary motivation for the resorts’
assistance. In lieu of political friction and tourist kidnappings in other parts of the
Philippines, the future of Mactan area resorts may depend on effective the authorities are
in ensuring the area is a safe and desirable destination for foreign tourists.
The Global Environment
Although the research scope for this study involved collecting data on community coastal
resource management efforts in the Olango area, there are factors on a national and
global level that may effect the Olango coastal environment. Wind and ocean currents
can disperse air and water pollution from large urban coastal areas throughout the central
Philippines. The brownish haze from vehicle emissions that sets over Mactan Island and
Cebu City is evidence of poor air quality from the traffic that crowds the city streets less
then 10 kilometers from rural Olango. The daily tides dump plastic bags and other
floating debris on the Olango shores. Presumably, chemicals and other waste dumped
into the oceans also reach the unique shores of Olango. To address these more global
issues of coastal resource management requires not just cooperation at a local level, but a
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unity among coastal communities that empowers environmentalists to effect behavioral
change at a national, a global and a big business level.
The Natural Elements
Weather is an uncontrollable, and for the most part, unpredictable factor that may effect
not only the dissemination of environmental information, but also the condition of the
environment. Monsoons storms and their aftermaths can delay projects, postpone
workshops and cancel eco-tours. Other weather conditions including the tropical heat
sometimes contribute to low attendance at meetings and activities. Basically, the weather
is an additional challenge to face for community leaders as they do the campaign legwork
while trying to get support for local environmental causes. Furthermore, severe El Nino
conditions are likely to increase the area of coral reef that suffers from bleaching due to
warm water temperatures as well as affect the presence of fish populations that follow
warm or cold currents.
The Response of the Greater Community to Change
Although a number of factors influence the success of coastal resource management, the
most important is the response of the greater community to change. In the years that
CRMP has been working with the residents of Olango and the surrounding islets, support
has steadily grown. Consciousness raising efforts have been successful in increasing
awareness about environmental issues throughout the community and more importantly
changing attitudes and behavior of those actively participating in the collective effort for
coastal resource management. The power of their collective effort through mobilization
and organization is being manifested in the community’s growing voice at the municipal
government’s resource management meetings.
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However, the intransigence of some fisherfolk is evidence of resistance to change and
opposition to coastal resource management. This resistance presents a challenge for the
proponents of coastal resource management because the refusal by some to give up
illegal activities that damage the environment offsets the successes of the organization.
Converting those who are still skeptical about the benefits of coastal resource
management can help to ensure the sustainability of the community efforts. Despite the
slow process of change, the successes to date are reasons to be optimistic that the people
of Olango are developing a community-wide environmental ethic that can ensure future
generations will have the ability to meet their needs while maintaining a symbiotic
relationship with the marine environment.
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“Everybody want a better futureSo we got to stop destroying the natureEvery single one of us here want to surviveSo we got to do the right things to stay aliveWe wanna live we wanna love we wanna see what life is worthThe children wanna love they wanna live to see what life is worth”
Jimmy Cliff
From “Save Our Planet Earth”
Chapter 6
Discussion and Implications
Jimmy Cliff’s lyrics melodically paraphrase the call for change that is a common cry in
environmental movements. Without this change, the survival of future generations is in
question. Whether the strategy for that change is “think global and act local” or “think
local and act global”, the goal remains the same: Modifying behavior to ensure the
present generation is able to meet their needs without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their needs. Coastal communities throughout the Philippines
working together with CRMP and other aid agencies blend both strategies in an attempt
to foster an environmental ethic that will influence behavior and guide sustainable
development. CRMP has a global perspective and a local focus. The island residents on
Olango have a local perspective; however, their actions are a summons for people around
the globe to address environmental issues for a better future.
This final chapter begins with a brief summary of coastal resource management in the
Olango learning area followed by key findings of the case study. Matching those key
findings with the theoretical frameworks mentioned in Chapter 2 facilitates an
understanding of the issues and factors that influence coastal resource management.
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Discussing the key findings in context of aforementioned theories reveals how applicable
each theory is to the case of Olango. That discussion gives rise to considerations for
future theoretical and practical research. The chapter ends with a few concluding
statements on the importance of environmental education as one strategy in development
aid.
Summary
Using qualitative data this study explains community efforts to nurture an environmental
ethic of stewardship in the management of coastal resources. As a case study of a
community-based coastal resource management program, this dissertation adds to the
body of literature on how acquisition and learning of environmentally appropriate
behavior takes place through increased knowledge and attitudinal change. Social
learning theories frame possible avenues for exchange of environmental knowledge and
information. Organizational learning theories lend insight into how learning takes place
within and among organizations. The historical, experiential and political aspects of
ecofeminist theory help to frame the process of community empowerment, a necessary
step in the behavioral change process. As tools for empowerment, community-based
environmental programs stress the importance of education to promote attitudinal and
behavioral change.
Key Findings
The study specifically explains how CRMP mobilizes community members in the Olango
area to collectively work for coastal resource management. The CRMP initiatives
include consciousness raising campaigns about environmental issues, enterprise
development for an alternative livelihood, and strategic planning for law enforcement.
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The CRMP multisectoral approach to consciousness raising emphasizes information,
education, and communication. A synthesis of these three areas solidifies an approach
that intends to fortify the roots of a community environmental ethic through the
dissemination of information. The IEC strategy is to begin the consciousness raising
process with an assessment of environmental resources and related local issues. This is
the Participatory Coastal Resource Assessment (PCRA) and involves participants form
CRMP, NGOs, LGUs, universities and the local community. The gathering of data
during the PCRA also strengthens the bonds of collective effort. In the Olango area,
CRMP and community leaders use the assessment data to plan strategies for stewardship
of the environment. Involving community members in the planning process is a step
toward empowerment. Since CRMP aims to promote community empowerment in the
management of coastal resources, community organizers encourage participation from all
members of the community. Men, women, and youth join together in a collective effort
to assess resources and disseminate information about local environmental issues. CRMP
acknowledges and values women’s contributions in knowledge and their position as
potential agents of attitudinal and behavioral change.
In an attempt to persuade illegal fishermen to cease their practices, CRMP’s
Enterprise Development division works with local island residents in the building and
promoting of an eco-tour business. The CRMP staff provides the participants with tour
guide training, business management assistance and technological support. In addition to
being an alternative source of income for some island residents, ecotourism also provides
an opportunity for cultural exchange between the locals and the tour guests. Although
the ecotours provide supplementary income for approximately thirty families, the
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financial rewards fall short of answering the hunger pangs from all Olango’s fisherfolk.
Therefore, CRMP is studying additional possibilities for alternative livelihoods, such as
seaweed farming.
Another problem in trying to eliminate illegal fishing in the Olango area is the lack of
effective law enforcement. Inadequate funding and outdated technology put the coast
guard and other law enforcement agencies at a disadvantage. Moreover, family ties often
complicate prosecuting offenders; hence, most cases result only in a warning after
pleading from other family members. CRMP holds workshops and seminars with law
enforcement agencies to raise awareness of laws protecting the coastal environment as
well as discuss strategies to discourage illegal fishing activities.
Ranging from published reports and articles to word-of-mouth communication, social
interaction is a vehicle in the dissemination of environmental knowledge and information.
Social interaction plays a pivotal role in that dissemination, both horizontally (i.e.,
organization to organization; individual to individual), and vertically (i.e., organization to
individual and vice versa). Community organizers and community leaders are essential
as information bridges because they facilitate inter-organizational communication.
However, just as social interaction can lead to the acquisition of proactive environmental
attitudes and behaviors, it can also result in the imitation of environmentally
inappropriate behavior. Additionally, other factors such as education level, money, law
enforcement and land tenure affect how successful collective efforts are in instilling an
environmental ethic in the community.
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General Conclusions
“Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I may remember. Involve me and I learn.”
Reflecting again on these words from Benjamin Franklin, their meaning holds a special
relevance for community-based coastal resource management. CRMP’s approach of
involving members of the community in an environmental awareness campaign creates a
social network where interaction and new experience combine to prompt reflection about
common values and build on shared knowledge. The essence of Franklin’s words define
the theme of the PCRA training which is the nascent of the consciousness raising process
in community-based coastal resource management. The emphasis on involvement
justifies applying principles of social learning theory to the information-dissemination
process of environmental knowledge in Olango.
Applying Rotter’s (1982a) two major components of social learning theory to the
coastal resource management program in Olango provides an additional example of how
social learning theory frames the acquisition of new behaviors and the modification of
previously acquired behaviors. First, the modest successes of the Gilutongan Marine
Sanctuary and the development of eco-tourism as an alternative livelihood are evidence
that there has been an acquisition of new behaviors for some island residents.
Furthermore, the participatory approach to coastal resource management creates a change
in the educational approach to behavioral modification. The participatory element of the
approach parallels the conditions of situated learning (Lave and Wenger, 1991; Kearsley,
2000), which require new knowledge and skills to be obtained through daily contact and
interaction.
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As in the case of the Thai monks (Sudara, 1992) discussed in Chapter 2, dissemination
of environmental information in Olango is via respected members of the community that
form the core of a social interaction network. However, in Olango the social interaction
network that becomes the vehicle for passing on information is more structured with
planned workshops and training sessions designed to empower the core members of the
community initiative to effectively reach out to the greater community. At the core of the
network the CRMP community organizers and local community leaders function as the
information bridges promoting an environmental ethic among the greater community.
Social motivation, a factor in social learning theory (Cross, 1981), helps to explain the
attitudinal change among some residents of Olango. That is, social motivation is a factor
in encouraging community members to be more cognizant about coastal resource
management issues. Additionally, social approval, as Rotter (1982b) claims, is a factor in
getting most community members in Olango to conform to group values. However, the
group’s influence is not strong enough to eliminate all inappropriate behaviors among all
island residents. Since illegal fishing remains an environmental problem in the Olango
area, other factors, such as money and lack of law enforcement also influence the
behavior of residents.
Bandura’s (1997) discussion on social interaction and observational learning further
contribute to an explanation of how behaviors are acquired through vicariously observing
others. In Olango, this acquisition takes place both in nonformal educational settings,
and in informal settings. CRMP creates non-formal settings, such as workshops and
seminars, that incorporate observational learning in to the education components. Eco-
tours, beach cleanings, and other special events are examples of informal settings in
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which appropriate behaviors are modeled as a stimulus to prompt the observers to
respond by imitating. However, environmentally inappropriate behavior is also acquired
through observation. Accounts from participants indicate that boys learn how to use
cyanide and dynamite from watching others catch fish illegally.
Applying social learning concepts to organizational learning is a way of highlighting
information exchange between and among organizations. Imitation, innovative learning,
learning from errors, and superstitious learning (Bedeian and Zammuto, 1991) are four
types of social learning that occur in community-based coastal resource management
programs. Organizations, such as CRMP, share lessons learned from successes and
failures. CRMP and other aid organizations maintain exchange of field knowledge by
having representatives share in the PCRA training, Reef Checks and other events that
take place in target communities. Organizations also maintain academic exchanges
through the conferencing and publishing. These exchanges facilitate the emulation of
practices that are comparatively advantageous for the success of coastal resource
management. Therefore, inter-organizational exchange of knowledge involves both
learning through imitation and learning from errors. However, intra-organizational
learning involves more innovative learning (i.e., a willingness to experiment) and
superstitious learning (i.e., having an uncertain outcome). One example of this in coastal
resource management is CRMP’s Enterprise Development division. The seaweed
farming endeavor and, even more so, the eco-tour business venture are experimental
alternative income ventures that use coastal resources without abusing them.
Thus, far for Olango, social learning theory can explain the pathways of information
exchange between individuals and between organizations. However, since coastal
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resource management is a process of continual change evolving with respect to the
community needs, reciprocal causation (Bandura, 1997) is a significant factor that
influencing the evolution of collective effort. CRMP community organizers and local
community leaders work to merge individual participation into a collective community
effort that manifests the group’s environmental consciousness; a consciousness that
grows and evolves with the gaining and sharing of knowledge. Therefore, individual
participants are agents of change, and in turn, change individually through participation
in collective effort.
Although social learning theories can guide the mapping of avenues for information
dissemination, as a complementary theory ecofeminism is an additional lens with an
alternative perspective. Aspects of ecofeminism present a useful perspective that exposes
new layers of the environmental issues that plague Olango. These aspects, as discussed
in Chapter two, are historical connections, experiential connections and political
connections.
The historical connection between feminism and ecology raises the question, “How is
the current environmental crisis a predictable outcome of patriarchal culture?” Although
it is possible, it is not necessary, to argue that colonialism began a patriarchal system in
the Philippine Islands. A more plausible argument may be to apply Mellor’s (1997) idea
of “capitalist patriarchy” to explain how productive and reproductive labor account for
fisherfolk using illegal fishing methods that are environmentally destructive. While
destroying common resources illegal fisherman create an unfair market advantage over
fisherman who choose to use sustainable methods. This represents, on a local scale, a
capitalistic patriarchy in which the practitioners of an environmental ethic are
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marginalized because the inappropriate behavior of another group negatively affects their
livelihood resources. Thereby, threatening many of the fisherfolk with a life sentence to
poverty.
The empirical and experiential connections between women’s issues in Olango and
the local ecology emerge from the data presented in the previous chapter. In general,
coastal environmental problems affect the many women and children who earn part of the
family income from marine resource. As the environment deteriorates so does the ability
to earn a living from the environmental resources. Although poor environmental
conditions also affect the ability of men to earn a living from coastal resources, it is
important to emphasize the need for a feminist perspective that stresses inclusive
participation in coastal resource management. In the case of Olango, women’s
participation fortifies the struggle for community empowerment through the expansion of
collective effort and the contribution of additional environmental knowledge.
The political connections between women’s issues and ecology further justify the
consideration to view coastal resource management in the Olango area from an eco-
feminist perspective. In Olango, practical concerns about health and future livelihood
have motivated women to engage in local political activism in the campaign for
effectively integrated coastal resource management. Through encouraging local political
activism in various communities throughout the Philippines, CRMP attempts to bind
local efforts into national and even global campaigns.
The realization of these three connections between feminism and ecology stresses
inclusive participation for community empowerment. From community empowerment
comes collective effort to recognize and to dismantle social structures and learned
182
practices that threaten common environmental resources and recapitulate an oppressive
cycle of poverty. Eliminating behavior that threatens the sustainable use of community
resources and replacing it with more environmentally symbiotic practices is also a part of
the empowerment process. As environmental information is disseminated via social
interaction, individual and community awareness expand to promote a reactionary change
in the status quo through collective effort. Collective effort to instigate change is
evidence that a community is pushing for voice and clout in the decision-making,
planning, implementing and monitoring phases of the coastal resource management
process.
Practical and Theoretical Implications
The Olango learning area is only one example of a community-based coastal resource
management program that has an inclusively participatory approach. There are dozens of
similar programs throughout the Philippines; each unique as the participants and the
coastal environment. Beyond the Philippine Islands, NGOs, governments and
communities continue to implement various types of coastal resource management
programs in both affluent countries and impoverished countries. Since these programs
share common goals it is important that they share knowledge and lessons learned.
Therefore, one implication from this study is that the global actors in the campaign for
coastal resource management continue to make new information more easily accessible.
A greater sharing of information allows program participants an opportunity to
compare and contrast coastal management profiles and approaches. This generates new
ideas that can challenge the direction status quo effecting appropriate change through
informed decision-making. Although this study has focused on a community-based
183
approach to addressing environmental issues, programs in Nicaragua and Ecuador are
more top-down approaches. Therefore, the lessons learned from each program may be
helpful in modifying the other. For example, the importance of community organizers as
information bridges in this study could influence change for how information is
disseminated in nationally centralized approaches to environmental education.
Another implication that emerges from this case study echoes the old question about
the chicken or the egg. However, in this case the question is: “In developing an
environmental ethic, who should be taught first, children or parents? Although the
obvious answer would be “both”, feasibility limits such as time and money may force
choosing to concentrate on one group more than the other. The advantage of going to the
parents, and especially the mothers, is that they can become teachers and role models for
their children. Certainly, parents on the periphery of community activism are an
untapped potential for educating youth about the environment.
However, in the case of Olango, impressing an environmental ethic on the adults in
the greater community appeared to be more challenging than nurturing eco-friendly
ideals in the youth. One of the most common comments I hear while discussing
environmental issues in the Olango area is, “You have to start with the children.” One
American, living on Mactan Island and involved in community development, explains
that it has been his experience to see children from his youth group modeling
environmentally appropriate behavior for their parents. He adds that the children often
say something to the parents when the parents litter. A high school teacher on Olango
explained, “Students are the best tools, those students are our tools to really disseminate
the information we have taught to them.” Just as anti-smoking campaigns find greater
184
success in targeting youth before they start smoking; so might environmental campaigns
find greater success in teaching an environmental ethic early in life to begin an attitudinal
and behavioral change process that will likely take a generation.
Another implication emerges from the relationship between health and the
environment. Although this dissertation has been primarily concerned with the
dissemination of environmental knowledge and information, the connections between a
healthy environment and healthy people cannot be ignored. Paulo, the community
organizer for IMA, made the observation that there is a serious lack of health education
on Olango and all of the surrounding islets. He also makes a strong case in reasoning
why health care and health education should be included in a coastal resource
management plan, “Health is in an indicator of the environment. If the environment is
not healthy, the people are not healthy. A healthy environment equals healthy kids.”
Although the government does have some free vitamin programs, according to Paulo, it is
just, “Line up. Drink up. See you next week.” Those bringing the vitamins offer little
nutritional or health education.
Finally, the power of money has implications for alternative livelihood development.
The inability of seaweed farming and eco-tourism to meet the needs of the greater
community means NGOs and aid agencies need to explore other sources of income.
Although PBSB has plans to train some islanders for occupations unrelated to marine
resources, schools have a responsibility to provide an education that will encourage
young people and give them confidence to seek careers outside of the fishing industry.
185
Suggestions for Further Research
The importance of nurturing an environmental ethic in children during their formative
years deems it necessary to expand research on the effectiveness of environmental
education curriculum. Additional research can give input to what types of experiential
and hands-on learning are best for developing pro-environmental attitudes and behaviors.
Furthermore, research can help to develop teacher-training programs so that teachers
across the curriculum can work environmental themes into their lessons.
The question of project sustainability raises another topic for further research. One
CRMP affiliate postulates, “As soon as the dollars go away, the program collapses.”
Therefore, future research on factors that contribute to the sustainability of environmental
projects and campaigns can yield valuable data for maintaining those programs.
Currently, researchers from the University of Washington, Silliman University, CRMP
affiliates, and other groups involved in coastal resource management in the Philippines
are conducting such a study on the sustainability of community-based coastal resource
management programs. Additionally, comparing data between community “bottom-up”
approaches and government “top-down” approaches could provide valuable information
about program sustainability.
Concluding Comments
The enthusiasm among virtually all the active members gives optimism to the issue of
sustainability for the Olango coastal resource management efforts. CRMP is scheduled
to pullout of the area as their seven-year contract with the DENR comes to a close. PBSP
will fill the void so the local fisherfolk will still have technical support for their
environmental campaign. However, lack of education and a rapidly growing population
186
remain issues that need to be addressed. Although it would seem that the national
government should have some responsibility in addressing these issues, the political
environment in the Philippines appears too troubled to effectively lend assistance. This,
unfortunately, leaves a heavy burden on local governments, NGOs and aid agencies.
One informant compared the current situation of coastal resource abuse to having one
last coconut tree on an island. “You can look up in the tree and see the coconuts that you
want. Some people want all the coconuts so they think about chopping down the tree.
But, when you chop down the tree, you’re not going to get anymore coconuts.” This is a
simple explanation for a complex dilemma: How do we use our available resources
today and still insure their availability tomorrow. The issue is larger than the coconut
tree; its scope is not limited to the coastal waters of Olango. It is a global issue.
Everybody wants a better future, but at what cost? A change is needed, but to what
change will people be responsive? Milbrath (1989) suggests a new environmental
paradigm that envisions a global environmental ethic in which concern for the
environment outweighs desire of wealth. If this is the change that societies want to see;
then it is that change they must become.
187
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