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Transcript of Direct Action Summer 2011-12
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Summer 2011-12 gold coin donation
PUblication of the industrial workers of the world - australian ROC
The democracy uprising in the Arab
world has been a spectacular
display of courage, dedication, and
commitment by popular forces
coinciding, fortuitously, with a remarkable uprising oftens of thousands in support of working people and
democracy in Madison, Wisconsin, and other U.S.
cities. If the trajectories of revolt in Cairo and Madison
intersected, however, they were headed in opposite
directions: in Cairo toward gaining elementary rights
denied by the dictatorship, in Madison towards
defending rights that had been won in long and hard
struggles and are now under severe attack.
Each is a microcosm of tendencies in global
society, following varied courses. There are sure to
be far-reaching consequences of what is taking place
both in the decaying industrial heartland of the
richest and most powerful country in human history,
and in what President Dwight Eisenhower called the
most strategically important area in the worlda
stupendous source of strategic power and probably
the richest economic prize in the world in the field of
foreign investment, in the words of the State
Department in the 1940s, a prize that the U.S.
intended to keep for itself and its allies in the
unfolding New World Order of that day.Despite all the changes since, there is every
reason to suppose that today's policy-makers
basically adhere to the judgment of President
Franklin Delano Roosevelts influential advisor A.A.
Berle that control of the incomparable energy
reserves of the Middle East would yield substantial
control of the world. And correspondingly, that loss
of control would threaten the project of global
dominance that was clearly articulated during World
War II, and that has been sustained in the face of
major changes in world order since that day.
From the outset of the war in 1939, Washington
anticipated that it would end with the U.S. in a
position of overwhelming power. High-level State
Department officials and foreign policy specialists
met through the wartime years to lay out plans for the
postwar world. They delineated a Grand Area that
the U.S. was to dominate, including the Western
hemisphere, the Far East, and the former British
empire, with its Middle East energy resources. As
Russia began to grind down Nazi armies after
Stalingrad, Grand Area goals extended to as much of
Eurasia as possible, at least its economic core in
Western Europe. Within the Grand Area, the U.S.
would maintain unquestioned power, with military
and economic supremacy, while ensuring the
limitation of any exercise of
sovereignty by states that might
interfere with its global designs.
The careful wartime plans
were soon implemented.
It was always
recognised that Europe
might choose to follow
an independent
course. NATO was
partially intended to
counter this threat.
As soon as the
official pretext for
NATO dissolved in1989, NATO was
expanded to the East
in violation of verbal
pledges to Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev. It has
since become a U.S.-run
intervention force, with far-
ranging scope, spelled out
by NATO Secretary-General
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, who
informed a NATO conference that
NATO troops have to guard pipelines that transport
oil and gas that is directed for the West, and more
generally to protect sea routes used by tankers and
other crucial infrastructure of the energy system.
Grand Area doctrines clearly license military
intervention at will. That conclusion was articulated
clearly by the Clinton administration, which declared
that the U.S. has the right to use military force to
ensure uninhibited access to key markets, energy
supplies, and strategic resources, and must
maintain huge military forces forward deployed in
Europe and Asia in order to shape people's opinions
about us and to shape events that will affect our
livelihood and our security.
The same principles governed the invasion of
Iraq. As the U.S. failure to impose its will in Iraq wasbecoming unmistakable, the actual goals of the
invasion could no longer be concealed behind pretty
rhetoric. In November 2007, the White House issued
a Declaration of Principles demanding that U.S.
forces must remain indefinitely in Iraq and
committing Iraq to privilege American
investors. Two months later,
President Bush informed
Congress that he would
reject legislation that
might limit the
permanent
stationing of U.S.
Armed Forces in
Iraq or United
States control
of the oil
resources of
Iraq --
demands that
the U.S. had toabandon shortly
after in the face
of Iraqi resistance.
In
Tunisia and
Egypt, the recent
popular uprisings
have won
impressive
victories, but as the
Carnegie Endowment reported, while names have
changed, the regimes remain: A change in ruling
elites and system of governance is still a distant
goal. The report discusses internal barriers to
democracy, but ignores the external ones, which as
always are significant.
The U.S. and its Western allies are sure to do
whatever they can to prevent authentic democracy in
the Arab world. To understand why, it is only
necessary to look at the studies of Arab opinion
conducted by U.S. polling agencies. Though barely
reported, they are certainly known to planners. They
reveal that by overwhelming majorities, Arabs regard
the U.S. and Israel as the major threats they face: the
U.S. is so regarded by 90% of Egyptians, in the region
generally by over 75%. Some Arabs regard Iran as athreat: 10%. Opposition to U.S. policy is so strong that
a majority believes that security would be improved
if Iran had nuclear weapons -- in Egypt, 80%. Other
figures are similar. If public opinion were to influence
policy, the U.S. not only would not control the region,
but would be expelled from it, along with its allies,
undermining fundamental principles of global
dominance.
The Invisible Hand of Power
Support for democracy is the province of ideologists
and propagandists. In the real world, elite dislike of
democracy is the norm. The evidence is
overwhelming that democracy is supported insofar
as it contributes to social and economic objectives,
a conclusion reluctantly conceded by the more
serious scholarship.
Elite contempt for democracy was revealed
dramatically in the reaction to the WikiLeaks
exposures. Those that received most attention, witheuphoric commentary, were cables reporting that
Arabs support the U.S. stand on Iran. The reference
was to the ruling dictators. The attitudes of the public
were unmentioned. The guiding principle was
articulated clearly by Carnegie Endowment Middle
East specialist Marwan Muasher, formerly a high
official of the Jordanian government: There is
nothing wrong, everything is under control. In short,
if the dictators support us, what else could matter?
The Muasher doctrine is rational and venerable.
To mention just one case that is highly relevant today,
in internal discussion in 1958, president Eisenhower
expressed concern about the campaign of hatred
against us in the Arab world, not by governments, but
by the people. The National Security Council (NSC)
explained that there is a perception in the Arab world
that the U.S. supports dictatorships and blocks
democracy and development so as to ensure control
over the resources of the region. Furthermore, the
perception is basically accurate, the NSC concluded,
and that is what we should be doing, relying on the
Muasher doctrine. Pentagon studies conducted after
9/11 confirmed that the same holds today.
It is normal for the victors to consign history to
the trash can, and for victims to take it seriously.
Perhaps a few brief observations on this importantmatter may be useful. Today is not the first occasion
when Egypt and the U.S. are facing similar problems,
and moving in opposite directions. That was also true
in the early nineteenth century.
Economic historians have argued that Egypt was
well-placed to undertake rapid economic
development at the same time that the U.S. was.
Both had rich agriculture, including cotton, the fuel
of the early industrial revolution -- though unlike
Egypt, the U.S. had to develop cotton production and
a work force by conquest, extermination, and slavery,
with consequences that are evident right now in the
reservations for the survivors and the prisons that
have rapidly expanded since the Reagan years to
house the superfluous population left by
deindustrialisation.
One fundamental difference was that the U.S.
had gained independence and was therefore free to
ignore the prescriptions of economic theory,
delivered at the time by Adam Smith in terms rather
like those preached to developing societies today.Smith urged the liberated colonies to produce
primary products for export and to import superior
British manufactures, and certainly not to attempt to
monopolize crucial goods, particularly cotton. Any
other path, Smith warned, would retard instead of
accelerating the further increase in the value of their
annual produce, and would obstruct instead of
promoting the progress of their country towards real
wealth and greatness.
Having gained their independence, the colonies
were free to ignore his advice and to follow England's
course of independent state-guided development,
with high tariffs to protect industry from British
exports, first textiles, later steel and others, and to
adopt numerous other devices to accelerate
industrial development. The independent Republic
also sought to gain a monopoly of cotton so as to
place all other nations at our feet, particularly the
British enemy, as the Jacksonian presidents
announced when
Is the world too big to fail?FW Noam Chomsky
(Continued on page 12)
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What is the IWW?
fine merchandise fromthe house of wobbly.
A.C.T.
Canberra (e) [email protected]
New South Wales
Sydney(e) [email protected]
Coffs Harbour(e) [email protected]
Lismore (e) [email protected]
Newcastle (e) [email protected]
Queensland
Brisbane PO Box 703, Stones Corner QLD 4103
South Australia
Adelaide (e) [email protected]
Western Australia
Perth GMB PO Box 162, Nedlands, WA 6909
Delegate: Jake (ph) 0402 504 327
AlbanyMike P. (ph) 0423473807
Bunbury(e) [email protected]
Victoria
Melbourne GMB PO Box 145, Moreland VIC 3058
Delegate: Ben (ph) 0418 670 239
(e) [email protected] Wobs meet on the last Sunday of the
month at 670 High Street, Northcote. Phone or
email for meeting times.
The IWW is a member-run union for all
workers, a union dedicated to organising
on the job, in our industries and in our
communities. IWW members are organising to
win better conditions today and build a world
with economic democracy tomorrow. We wantour workplaces run for the benefit of workers
and communities rather than for a handful of
bosses and executives.
We are the Industrial Workers of the World
because we organise industrially.
This means we organise all workers pro-
ducing the same goods or providing the same
services into one union, rather than dividing
workers by skill or trade, so we can pool our
strength to win our demands together. Since
the IWW was founded in 1905, we have made
significant contributions to the labor struggles
around the world and have a proud tradition of
organizing across gender, ethnic and racial
lines long before such organising was popular.
We invite you to become a member
whether or not the IWW happens to have rep-
resentation rights in your workplace. We organ-ise the worker, not the job, and recognise that
unions are not about government certification
or employer recognition but about workers
coming together to address common concerns.
The IWW is a democratic, member-run
union. That means members decide what is-
sues to address, and which tactics to use and
we directly vote on office holders, from stew-
ards to national offices. Why wait? Join the
IWW and organise for a better future.
Preamble to the IWW Constitution
The working class and the employing class
have nothing in common. There can be no
peace so long as hunger and want are found
among millions of the working people and the
few, who make up the employing class, have
all the good things of life.
Between these two classes a struggle must
go on until the workers of the world organise
as a class, take possession of the means of
production, abolish the wage system, and live
in harmony with the Earth.
We find that the centering of the manage-
ment of industries into fewer and fewer hands
makes the trade unions unable to cope with
the ever growing power of the employing class.
The trade unions foster a state of affairs which
allows one set of workers to be pitted against
another set of workers in the same industry,
thereby helping defeat one another in wage
wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the em-
ploying class to mislead the workers into the
belief that the working class have interests in
common with their employers.
These conditions can be changed and the
interest of the working class upheld only by an
organisation formed in such a way that all its
members in any one industry, or in all indus-
tries if necessary, cease work whenever a
strike or lockout is on in any department
thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury
to all.
Instead of the conservative motto, A fair
day's wage for a fair day's work, we must in-
scribe on our banner the revolutionary watch-
word, Abolition of the wage system.
It is the historic mission of the working
class to do away with capitalism. The army of
production must be organised, not only for
everyday struggle with capitalists, but also to
carry on production when capitalism shall have
been overthrown. By organising industrially we
are forming the structure of the new society
within the shell of the old.
IWW Regional Organising Committee
PO Box 746, Rockingham, WA 6968
iww.org ~ iww.org.au
facebook.com/iwwaustralia
Friends:
Your Rights at Work - rightsatwork.com.au
Earthworker- earthworkercooperative.com
Beyond Zero Emissions - beyondzeroemissions.org Refugee Action Collective (VIC) - rac-vic.org Rex Bellotti Support Group - bellottisupportgroup.org
Catholic Worker Movement - catholicworker.org Loophole, Melbourne - loopholecommunitycentre.org
Melbourne Anarchist Cub - mac.anarchobase.com
Jura Books, Sydney- jura.org.au Organise! - organisesa.org
Brisbane Community Action - blackflag.co.nr Slackbastard - slackbastard.anarchobase.com
Perth Wobs protest CHOGM
Look fine on the picket
line with books, badges,
t-shirts, bike lights - you
name it!
Postage varies according
to how far you are from us
and the number of items you
order, we will discount forbulk. Total weight will affect
postage.
As a rough guide, a few
stickers under 150gm and no
thicker than 20mm will be
$1.10c within Aust and
AU$4.10 overseas. A soft-
cover book like Tom Barker
and the IWW will be $1.35
within Aust and AU$6.35
overseas. We will of course
give you an exact shipping
total once your order has
been placed.
To get hold of this fine
merchandise email Mike at
with your order. Dont forget to
include how many, sizes, pre-
ferred colours, etc.If you can, write I WANT
TO BUY STUFF (or similar) in
the subject line so that your
email doesn't get lost in the
spam filter. We'll get back to
you with what's available and
an estimated postage.
To pay send a money
order or cheque to IWW, PO
Box 746, Rockingham, WA
6968, and we'll forward your
items ASAP.
Find a full list of available
items at iww.org.au/inventory.
NEW! WAGE-SLAVE'S
ESCAPE by Mike Ballard - $20
WAGE-SLAVE'S ESCAPE is set in
Western Australia. It's 2307. A
fascist society exists in the Satel-
lite City States that orbit Earth.
Bettina Masters sees a piece of
Wobbly graffitti: Direct Action
gets Satisfaction! and takes you
on a revolutionary adventure.
Badges - only $2 each or
$1.50 for 3 or more. Multiple
designs, many colours of
The General Strike
by Ralph Chaplin
$2
Tom Barker and
the IWW$5
Green Syndicalism
by Jeff Shantz
$2
One Big Union
by IWW
$2
FANNING
DISCONTENTS
FLAMES,
Australian
Wobbly Poetry,
Scurrilous
Doggerel and
Song, 1914-
2007
$2
Name (or Pseudonym):
Address:
City:
State: PostCode:
Phone Number:
E-mail:
Occupation:
Industry:
Monthly Take-home Pay:
Less than $1500, dues are $4 per month; Between
$1500 - $2000, dues are $10 per month; Greater
than $2000, dues are $15 per month. Initiation fee
is equal to one months dues.
Initiation Fee: Dues:
Total Amount: Enclosed:
DECLARATION:
1. I affirm that I am a worker, not an employer;
2. I agree to abide by the IWW Constitution;
3. I will study the organisations' principles and
make myself acquainted with its purposes.
Signed..................................................................
Please complete and return to:
IWW Aust. ROC,
PO Box 746, Rockingham, WA 6968
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD
MEMBERSHIP APPLICATION FORM
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starts in East Williamsburg
and Bushwick in Brooklyn, and extend into Ridge-
wood and Maspeth in Queens. Wage theft, retali-
ation, discrimination and reckless disregard for
worker health and safety are endemic in the sec-
tor. Earlier this year, the corridor claimed the life
of Juan Baten, a Guatemalan immigrant who was
crushed to death at the tortilla factory where he
worked. The Occupational Health and Safety Ad-
ministration (OSHA) found that Batens death
would have been prevented if the employer had
not disregarded basic safety precautions.
2011 IWW Convention: Wobblies Discuss
Unions Progress & Plan Ahead
Once a year, Wobblies from across the globe con-
verge in one city to report and reflect on the
unions progress, debate and improve upon the
unions internal structure and proceedings, de-
velop goals and ideas for improving upon the
unions commitment to fighting against all forms
of oppression, and build stronger relationships
amongst each other. This year, nearly 100 Wob-
blies from across North America gathered in Bal-
timore, Md., for a weekend of reporting, planning,
amending, proposing, voting, networking, and
singing at the annual IWW General Convention,
from Sept. 3-5, 2011.
Kicking off the 2011 Convention
Following a welcoming meet n greet for dele-
gates and other attending IWW officers and mem-
bers on Friday night, the Convention kicked off the
morning of Saturday, Sept. 3, inside St. Johns
Churchotherwise known as the 2640 Spaceon
St. Paul Street in Baltimore. After a brief breakfast
of tea, coffee and bagels, Wobblies took their
seats and General Secretary-Treasurer (GST) Joe
Tessone officially called the 2011 General Con-
vention to order at 9:08 a.m. Delegates represent-
ing their General Membership Branches (GMBs)
appointed a Chair, Recording Secretary, and Time-
keeper for the Temporary Session, after which the
delegates elected a Credentials Committee and a
Rules Committee. The Credentials Committee con-
firmed the list of delegates seated on the Conven-
tion floor, while the Rules Committee drafted and
confirmed guidelines on the proceedings. After a
brief meeting held by these two committees, del-
egates and IWW participants began the Perma-
nent Session and elected the following officers forthe Permanent Ses- sion: Ryan G. (Portland) as
Chair; Jason Krpan (Chicago) and Diane
Krauthamer (NYC) as Recording Secretaries; Cims
Gilespie (Lane County) as Time Keeper; and Koala
Largess (Baltimore) as Sergeant-at-Arms.
The permanent session began with a brief re-
port from the two committees, and approval of the
final agenda. A few slight alterations were made to
the agenda and the delegates voted to adopt the
Rules Committees recommendations as set forth
in the IWW Manual of Policies and Procedures.
Once the procedural formalities were taken care of,
officers and representatives of the IWWs various
elected bodies presented reports on past, current
and future activities.
Moving the Work Along
GST Joe Tessone started with a re- port from Gen-
eral Headquarters (GHQ). Though not verbally pre-sented on the floor, FW Tessone eloquently
opened his written report with the following:
My second term as General Secretary-Trea-
surer is coming to an end. Holding international of-
fice in the IWW has truly been an amazing
experience. Though trying at times, I am so proud
and honored to have been given this opportunity
of a lifetime.
FW Tessone spoke on the floor about the
unions improved finances and membership, em-
phasizing that the IWW has more than doubled its
treasury since 2010. While some of the improve-
ments stem from GHQs switch to a new database
in 2010, which has allowed for more efficiency
when promoting and developing organizing and
outreach opportunities, FW Tessone commented
that he was not able to fully implement an online
reporting system. This system will give GHQ the
tools to handle a larger membership as it will pro-
vide the tools to more efficiently contact new mem-
bers who sign up online, thereby improving growth
and ultimately aiding in promoting and developing
organising and outreach opportunities for the
union as a whole. This, he said, will be one of the
larger challenges facing the incoming GST in 2012.
While there are many improvements in the
works, FW Tessone pointed out that GHQ still
needs to build its infra- structure in Chicago. He
encouraged all Wobblies who are interested to
consider volunteering at GHQ. GHQ can operate
with its minimal paid and volunteer staff, but it
can do a whole lot more with extra hands and a
constant flow of fresh ideas, he reported.
Next was the International Solidarity Commis-
sion (ISC) report, in which ISC Chair D.M. Kloker
discussed yet another productive year of building
worker-to- worker solidarity that can lead to effec-
tive action against the bosses of the world.
This year, he said, the ISC focused on three
main areas of organizing. The first was reaching
out to IWW members in countries without Regional
Organizing Committees (ROCs), such as in South
Africa, which is on course to have a Cape Town
GMB. The second was the ISCs commitment to
starting a liaison program so that GMBs could bemore engaged with the ISC, paving the way for the
ISC to become a more democratically functioning
body. The third main area of focus was responding
to calls for solidarity from other organisations
throughout the world. While it is important for the
ISC to respond to these calls, he commented, its
equally important for Wobblies who plan to travel
abroad to contact the ISC beforehand to help them
meet with IWW members or other labor activists
and groups in those countries.
Following the ISC report was a lunch break,
with food generously arranged and cooked by Fel-
low Workers Kate Khatib and Lanie Thomas of the
Red Emmas collective. Red Emmas generously
provided all of the meals and an assortment of
healthy snacks for delegates throughout the pro-
ceedings, and there was certainly no shortage of
tea, coffee, water, fresh fruit, and crackers served
with cubes of cheese. Additionally, childcare was
pro- vided throughout the weekend by Kidz City
Baltimore, a volunteer anarcha-feminist collective.The General Executive Board (GEB) was next
to present its report. GEB Chair Jason Krpan briefly
introduced the six Board members: Koala Largess,
Ryan G., John Slavin, John Reimann, Greg Giorgio,
and Ildi Sipos (who could not attend), and gave an
overview of their role in dang near every affair of
the union, as FW Krpan described it. He went on
to speak more generally of the GEBs work in help-
ing to establish the Canadian Regional Organizing
Committee (CanROC) and the Britain and Ireland
Regional Administration (BIRA), and emphasized
the unions continuing growth, announcing that
four new GMBs were chartered this year: Atlanta,
Richmond, Greater Kansas City and Mid-Ohio.
Fellow Workers Krpan and Ryan G. briefly sum-
marized budgetary changes and other financial
and legal issues, following which FW John Reimann
reported on his activities liaising with branches out-
side of the United States, including his recent trip
to Egypt. FWs Koala and Ryan G. commented onthe GEBs commitment to reaching out to Wobblies
across regions, pointing out that while a lot of their
focus as a body is on regions, the focus of organis-
ing should be happening across industrial lines. At
the conclusion of their report, Wobblies seated on
the Convention floor gave the GEB a thunderous
applause for their hard work and virtually thankless
dedication to the union.
FW Ryan G. presented on the Organising De-
partment Board (ODB) report, written by ODB
Chair Matt Jones. He briefly summarized the
ODBs role and purpose to coordinate organizing
activity between branches and
Collecting Pieces of the
Class Consciousness Puzzle
(cont. from page 3)
Over the past few months, some-
thing different has been taking
place across the globe: civil pop-
ulations have been ignoring standard forms of political
activity to take on power structures. The difference this
time is that the civil populations have been winning!
We have seen dictatorships fall at the hands of
the people during the Arab Spring; Greece, Italy and
Spain have ignited with massive social protests and,
along with the unanticipated Occupy protests which
have captured the imaginations of citizens across
the world, there is an atmospheric sense that some-
thing is different this time around.
Some trace the genesis of these insurrections to
the beginnings of the Arab uprisings which began in
Tunisia in December, 2010. Others relate the surge
of publicly expressed discontent to the mass protests
in Spain against government austerity measures.
Rather than trying to define a ground zero mo-
ment for the current mood it may be more helpful tostep back from the milieu to look at these events on
a larger historical perspective.
In 1999, the eyes of the world turned toward a
massive outpouring of dissatisfaction with the neo-
liberal status quo which erupted in the national gut
of Capital, amongst the greatest wealth producing
working class of the world. This was when 40,000
to 60,000 U.S. citizens protested in Seattle against
the corporate globalisation agenda of the World
Trade Organisation. Of course, the protesters were
confronted by the power of the political State, as
Starship trooper dressed police came down brutally
on protesting citizen workers, shocking most of the
worlds media watchers.
The capitalist dominated democratic U.S govern-
ment ordered a particularly vicious crack down on
citizens in this instance, because truth be told, the
wage-slaves of Capital realised that they hadnt con-
sented to policies written in their names by paid cor-
porate lobbyists and passed on by pollies out to
enrich the employing class. Citizen protest againstclass domination could not be given political air to
breathe so, the hirelings of State violence were
called out to quell, kettle, silence and jail dissent.
Despite the usual response from the corporate
media to de-legitimate and trivialize the protests by fo-
cusing on violent protestors, working people around
the world responded with surprising levels of admira-
tion for the bravery displayed by their fellow workers in
America, uttering shock at the totalitarian tactics that
the U.S Government used to suppress them.
At the time, the feeling amongst the liberal intel-
ligentsia and activists was that the Seattle protests
had somehow changed things. The fact that this kind
of anti-capitalist sentiment could be displayed in the
United States on such a massive scale, fuelled ex-
pectations that the working people of the industrially
advanced capitalist countries had finally had enough
of being exploited (and all that that entailed for the
environment and their fellow workers in other coun-
tries) and that this would build and build into a solid,
class conscious, anti-capitalist movement.
Then ... 911 happened. Anti-terror legislation
and jingoism took over in the USA , seeping oppor-
tunistically into the legislative acts passed by most
of the ruling classes of the world. Like the most
ridiculous days of the Cold War inspired witch-hunts
of the 1950s and 60s, any form of protest was
painted as being subversive and terrorist-loving.
Civil liberties were slashed in order to defend the
freedom THEY hated us for. State surveillance be-
came the new norm across Western nation States.
With the post-911 population in legitimate, but
often media-induced shock, ruling classes felt fairly
confident about setting their talking heads loose to set
a tone of putting an end to all of this anti-capitalism
nonsense which had been in the air since Seattle.
But they were wrong...
What people didnt realise, even some activists,
was that the Seattle protests didnt erupt out of
nowhere. It took time for an awareness of being lied
too to evolve. Its like the biggest jigsaw puzzle youcould ever imagine; except the jig saw puzzle of con-
sciousness is slightly different from your regular kind.
Your consciousness is dominated for most of your
life, by school curriculums, social norms, advertising-
induced pathological consumerism, and pro-State
propaganda. For some people this pre-fabricated, one
size fits all consciousness, lasts them their entire life.
But for those who have had their given consciousness
of consensus shaken up with all of the pieces scat-
tered onto the ground, due to say, a particularly vis-
ceral realisation of their class position, or the
culmination of many moments of slavery-awareness,
the puzzles pattern never looks the same again.
And, once the socially engineered ideological
puzzle of legitimation has fallen apart, it can never
be re-configured in exactly the same way. The person
fumbles with pieces to get them to make a coherent
picture, but the world that helped them take that ini-
tial picture cannot be retrievedone can never go
home again. The person has new eyes, and sees
that the pieces fit in different ways, ways that could
never be allowed to be connected before. Over time,
the persons consciousness jig saw is different: gov-ernments are no longer seen to serve the interests
of the majority of people, because they blatantly
spend the wealth we create on wars instead of
health; they let us starve on dole queues while they
give tax cuts to the mega rich; police can no longer
be seen as there to protect and serve the population
and help old ladies cross the streets because what
fresh eyes see is the police standing around the
bosses and governments like praetorian guards pro-
tecting power centres from the masses ... etc ... etc...
This is why Seattle made a change: because
since the consciousness raising of the 1960s over
many issues like civil rights, anti-militarism, womens
rights, environmental rights, class issues etc ... the
general process of becoming conscious of power
structures had been secretly extending; ebbing and
flowing under the surface, making tentative connec-
tions here and there against the tide of capitalist
propaganda. The Seattle protests were a minor erup-
tion from something that the ruling classes have
been trying to suppress for two hundred years ...
class consciousness.
The pieces of the puzzle had been getting reor-
ganised for decades, filtering down through genera-
tions, making their way surreptitiously into
mainstream cultural discourses. The 1960s initiated
steps towards societies becoming civilized in areas
like civil rights, and anti-militarism, in the 1990s the
awareness of capitalism as a source of destruction
and enforced wage slavery began to bubble to the
surface across all sections of what we now call the
99%; but at the time it was hard to understand ex-
actly what was going onwe couldnt see the forest
for the trees.
Thats why the working people of the world and
the employing class owners of their collective prod-
uct of their labour were so surprised by the breaking
of the 911-enforced crackdown on dissent when, im-
mediately preceding the invasion of Iraq in 2003,
millions of people across the world protested in an
unprecedented showing of opposition to capitalistimperialism. People were no longer willing to accept
government pretexts as gospel. They were beginning
to see the corporate profit motives behind the deci-
sions being made in their name.
The years following the 2003 global protests were
business as usual for the ruling classes as governments
and corporations continued their collusion, not least of
which being their Coalition of the Willing in the Iraq
war; the GFC and the following banker bail-outs. The ris-
ing consciousness of the people of the world created
an environment that was hostile to the spin of politi-
cians and the obtuse decrees of bankers ... people
wanted out, but werent sure how to go about it.
Then, the uprisings in the Arab and Iranian
spheres of class domination occurred. The citizens
of Tunisia liberated themselves, not through military
force, but simply through refusing to participate in
the corrupt system of their rulers. The success of the
simple act of each person deciding to make their sys-
tem of exploitation stop once and for all by joining
with their fellow workers in a mass act of defiancewas so contagious that soon the Middle East was
afire with popular uprisings.
Of course the governments of these countries
reacted violently to the blatant disobedience of their
subjects, unleashing security forces on unarmed
civilians; the results of which have been widely dis-
played across Western media and framed as dicta-
torships gone too far. Western leaders bemoaned the
violence and encouraged the dictators they liked, like
Mubarak in Egypt, to make concessions to their peo-
ple to placate them, and to stop the violence be-
cause they wanted to appear to be acting morally to
the Western populations who were becoming sensi-
tive to political repression in far away places.
Then the class conflict came home to the citadel
of finance capital. Ten years after 911, on September
17th, a modest group of between 100 to 200 people
set up tents in the financial district of New York City.
The rest, as they say, is history.
At present the Occupy X Movement is still on therise across the world as protesters occupy over 1600
cities worldwide. While the size of the occupations
vary from site to site, popular support for the anti-
capitalist, anti-class rule message against the 1%
runs anywhere from 40% to 70% approval in most
reported opinion polls. This kind of support would not
have existed for such a movement in the 1980s or
even the 1990s, even though capitalism went
through periods of crisis during these years. This cur-
rent moment has only been made possible by a
steady increase of class consciousness within the
minds of working people and its translation into a
movement in the streets of the world.
As many may have predicted, Western authori-
ties have reacted in the same manner as their Arab
counterparts, by unleashing violence upon their un-
armed, non-violent citizens, in the form of paramili-
tary style police forces, using all types of pretexts to
justify their brutality in the corporate media. The
scenes of brutality against citizens exercising their
freedom of speech in public
FW Anon
(cont. page 11)Delegates to the 2011 IWW Convention in Baltimore, USA.
(cont. page 10)
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Nyungar-Yamatji Maaman Rex
Bellotti Sr and Nyungar Yorga
Liz Bellotti, 42 and 40 years
old, have spent their lives working
very hard to ensure the likelihood of the personal ad-
vancement of their children, in the belief that Aborig-
inal advancement should be achieved by Aboriginal
peoples. They had never asked for help and had
worked to ensure that their six children, now aged 6
to 17, have had every reasonable opportunity. They
have given every little bit of what they have to provide
for their children the experience and hopes of a pri-
vate school education.
On March 6, 2009, the Bellotti family's eldest
son, Rex Jnr., aged 15, was involved in a police-re-
lated-incident. It was not of his making, he was an
Aboriginal person at a place that police were converg-
ing upon. Since this police-related-incident Rex Sr, Lizand Rex Jnr and his five siblings have not only had to
deal with the trauma of grievous injuries sustained
by Rex Jnr however they have had to cope with the
culture of brutal silence surrounding the Albany Po-
lice and the Western Australian Police and with the
contemptible minimalist fodder that we have all long
learned to expect from various government authori-
ties, ministerial portfolio holders and from the agen-
cies which argue various demarcation and claim to
be independent auditors and investigators.
On March 6, within the last hour prior to midnight
Rex Jnr was leaving a wake when he was struck by a
police vehicle, a four-wheel-drive, with a roo-bar,
which according to witnesses was driving on the
wrong side of the road. It has been alleged that Rex
Jnr was hit by the vehicle on the opposite side of the
road, on the wrong side of the road. The police offi-
cers in question deny this and conversely claim that
they were driving on the correct side of the road, and
that it was not on the opposite side of the road that
Rex Jnr was struck by their vehicle. However, whatbeggars belief for many non-Aboriginal Australians is
the keystone, almost circus-like police investigation
that for a significant period of time struggled to take
effect, and for a crucial period of time had very little
form and content. There was no bona fide investiga-
tion during the immediacy of the event. For our Abo-
riginal brothers and sisters this is routine - the
silences, the mind-boggling fodder, the passing of the
buck, the casting of aspersions upon the victim and
the victim's family, and upon the victim's cultural
identity and their community for Aboriginal peoples
these insults, these discriminations, these racisms
are a daily experience, are matter-of-fact. They are
some of the veils of this country's racist identity.
For near two and half years the Bellottis have
been unveiling the discriminatory and racist layers
which damage the Australian national identity, and
which keep oppressed peoples who otherwise should
enjoy a right to their historical and contemporary
identities, who should be able to enjoy unfettered
self-determination through various political persua-
sions and cultural settings. The Bellottis have not only
been staring into the abyss of spiteful hate by those
who are scared by the Bellottis unveiling the layers of
racism however they are now being victimised by this
very hate because they have the audacity to seek
some raindrops of justice, some remedy, some clo-
sure for a police-related-incident which thereabouts
just about destroyed the life, and most certainly the
once immediate hopes, of their son, and which has
spiralled Rex Bellotti Jnr into a dark world of melan-
cholia and into the high-end risk of various clinical
disorders. Rex Jnr seeks respite through damaging
altered states when he cannot cope with the grief of
his injuries and the discriminatory and racist insults
from the hostile silences that humiliate him and his
family. The trauma is so deep for Rex Jnr that he has
to live apart from his immediate family, far from the
sterile inhumanities of a metropolis such as Perth,
and is now living in nor thern WA, in Carnarvon, with
his Aunty Melanie. His family is trying to find themoney to buy a caravan for him to live in, with a mod-
icum of independence, on a nearby property to his
Aunty in Carnarvon while the passing of time tries to
heal Rex's physical and mental wounds. In the mean-
time the various authorities, who should represent
the interests of each of us rather than some of us,
act as if they have a right to be affronted by the ques-
tions put to them by the family and by others who are
now in support of the rights of this family which for
far too long endured what most Aboriginal peoples
far too often suffer in silence when they have been
victim to various injustices.
Simply, this whole article can be summed up with
the assertion that Police should not investigate Police
- this should be 'a given'.
Since the 6th of March 2009, it has remained
unclear whether then promising footballer Rex Bel-
lotti Jnr will need to have his right leg amputated after
he was run over by the four-wheel-dr ive police vehicle,
in Albany, Western Australia. The police vehicle struck
Rex Jnr with such force that it dragged Rex Jnr under
the vehicle, breaking his femur and horrifically exten-
sively lacerating his right leg. The police reports which
have been secured under Police Freedom of Informa-
tion Acts state that the police officers in question al-
lege the vehicle was not being driven at a speed
greater than 41 kmph at the time of the impact with
Rex Bellotti Jnr. Though not impossible, it is difficult
to fathom how any vehicle travelling at only 41 kmph
would subsume a reasonably sized human being
asunder beneath its undercarriage. Aside those in-
volved and those alleged as witnesses we would
know much more today, and be able to displace the
presumptions of various questionable and conflicting
evidences beyond reasonable doubt, if this incident
had obliged the courtesy of an extensive investiga-
tion. Demarcated investigators should have been
called in to examine the scene of the accident, to en-sure a full forensic examination, to ensure that all po-
tential witnesses had provided their testimonies.
Most of this, if not all of this, did not occur. Therefore,
once again the opportunity for trust building exer-
cises between non-Aboriginal Australians and our
Aboriginal brothers and sisters has been shattered.
It has been alleged the police officers involved
did not stay long and in fact left the scene of the in-
cident and that to some of those present, and to
many supporters and advocates of the Bellotti family,
this is in effect the 'leaving of the scene of an acci-
dent' which Australians have been schooled by the
news media and by the Police at every opportunity
for us to understand that the leaving of a scene of a
crime and accident are unlawful and in fact are a
criminal offence. Many people, Aboriginal and non-
Aboriginal believe that the involved police officers
could be guilty of a 'hit and run'. The police reports
are not clear however they do describe the involved
police officers as having remained at the scene for a
period of time and that in fact other police officers
did arrive. Witnesses have described that Rex Jnr was
hit on the opposite side of the road. Witnesses, who
were at the wake, or who were Passers-By, describe
that the involved police did not remain at the scene
and according to them in fact they left the scene of
the accident, and that in fact at no time while they
may have been there did any police officers offer to
assist Rex Jnr.. However the police reports describe
the presence of the involved police officers and of an-
other Albany Police Officer having been called to the
scene. Rex Jnr., lay encumbered by his injuries pale,
hardly a murmur, bleeding profusely, and many would
have been questioning whether there was a whisper
of life left in Rexs body, and yet the police officers
did not assist. The police reports do describe that the
involved police officers called for an ambulance. The
victim was left in the care of bereft and horrified rel-
atives and friends and shocked passers-by. Fortu-
nately, one of the passers-by was an off-duty medic
who in the immediacy provided assistance.Thirteen hours passed before Rex Jnr., with his
injuries threatening his very life, utterly traumatised,
underwent urgent surgery. Rex Sr., has explained that
by this time irreparable damage had occurred to the
leg in question. Rex Sr., and Liz with eyes welling, ex-
hale pained sighs of relief in the fact that their son
was not killed by the impact.
Western Australian Police Officers lied that Kevin
Spratt was a physical danger to them and that he was
resisting arrest. The Western Australian Corruption
and Crimes Commission thanks only to the harsh un-
avoidable brunt of CCTV footage proved that the West-
ern Australian Police Officers in question brutishly lied
and that they outrageously fabricated the charge
sheet. Subsequent the CCC's viewing of the CCTV
footage, the CCC had no choice but to instruct that
certain convictions against Kevin Spratt be quashed.
It is self evident that the nine police officers, and sim-
ilarly with the prison officers, 'covered' for each other
even if it was by 'silence'. In terms of the litany of
charges against Kevin Spratt that he resisted arrest
and that he was violent to police, or that he was a
physical threat to them, an innocent man was perse-
cuted. If such an obvious culture of cruel favour-dis-
pensation and vicious nepotism and the immoral
covering up for each other has been proven again and
again why would we all of a sudden trust in police in-
vestigating police? This culture does not just victimise
Aboriginal peoples, however it is obvious they are the
victims of this more often, it also occurs to non-Abo-
riginal Australians, as has been proven not just in
Western Australia, once again by various CCTV
footage, however throughout Australia. It can be ar-
gued that it is human nature to cower support for one
another in a profession as difficult as that of a police
officer. People will sacrifice others, even if innocent
of any wrong-doing, before they will own up to their
perpetration of injustice, even if inadvertent.
Rex Jnr's distraught parents arrived at Albany
Hospital to find their son sedated by medication how-
ever acutely traumatised. Their son said to them that
a police vehicle hit him, and he had tried to get outof the way when all of a sudden he saw it. Rex Jnr
said that he was trying to cross the road when all of
a sudden the lights of the vehicle came on. He does
not remember much more than this as he suffered
heavy concussion. Rex Sr said that it is often the case
that police vehicles attend events, even wakes, where
Aboriginal peoples congregate. His son's comment
that the police vehicle's lights were not on and then
were suddenly turned on does not surprise Rex Sr.
He believes that often police vehicles at night when
approaching such gatherings may turn their lights off
so as not to be conspicuous. However the Police re-
ports do not support the claim that the police vehicle
may have had its lights off for any period of time dur-
ing the heart of night's darkness.
Rex Jnr's injuries were life threatening. At near
six o'clock the following morning the Royal Flying Doc-
tor flew out of Albany with Rex Jnr for Perth and from
there onwards by ambulance to Royal Perth Hospital.
After Rex's surgery at Royal Perth Hospital he
was humiliated by the prejudicial stereotypes and as-
sumptions of some non- Aboriginal Australians. Rex
Jnr was forced to undergo a supposedly 'random strip
search' after medication in his shared ward appar-
ently went missing. Rex Jnr's parents, Rex Snr and
Liz, after working hard all their lives, after trying to
develop one opportunity after another in their Albany-
based family life, while managing the various hum-
blings of the various layers of racism that work only
to spite many Aboriginal folk, had to pack up and
leave Albany for good and of course with their other
five children and relocate more than four hundred
kilometres north to Perth so as to be able to provide
adequate and appropriate care for Rex Jnr. They have
endured a two year struggle in the seeking of a sliver
of justice, and it is always obvious that in a country
like Australia with a predominant hostile denial of its
racist identity that real or substantive justice for them
shall never succeed. However they are entitled to as-
pire to some justice, and to some closure through var-
ious remedies and in the seeking of someadmissions of liability and some ownership of culpa-
bility and maybe even some discovery of other vicar-
ious liability. Rex Jnr's injuries, as grievious and as life
threatening as they remain, in terms of him refusing
an amputation if it were to become necessary, are no
longer limited to just physical injuries.
Rex Jnr is finding it difficult to come to terms that
his life has been dishevelled, that a once promising
footballing career has come to an end. His mother
encourages his siblings to not play or speak football
when Rex Jnr is nearby as this can send him spiralling
into depression. Rex Jnr's deepest wounds come
from the fact that the police will not admit that they
hit him on the opposite of the road, and that he did
not as the police claim intentionally step in front of
the police vehicle, a four-wheel-drive with a roo-bar.
Rex's deepest wounds are that his testimony means
nothing to most of non-Aboriginal Australia however
of late he has been comforted by seeing others, many
non-Aboriginal Australians, support and advocate for
Rex's truth, for Rex's right to be heard and for Rex'sfull suite of rights. Rex can see that his identity is not
seen by every non-Aboriginal Australian as a liability
and that he is entitled to be a Nyungar, a Yamatji, an
Australian and entitled to be enobled with human
worth and dignity. This was denied to Rex by the dis-
graceful police handling of the investigation.
The core problems with the police investigation
of the police-related-incident in which Rex Jnr was hit
and run over by a police vehicle is that no third party
witnesses were interviewed by police for more than
a month. Clearly, it appears that if it were not for the
persistence of his parents and some mainstream
news media the Police would never have interviewed
anyone outside of themselves. Other than the in-
volved police officers, as if we are forever expected
to maintain an investiture of faith and goodwill in our
police, no one was interviewed. Interviews only oc-
curred after The Sunday Times newspaper published
a significant article on the tragedy. In the local Albany
newspaper, The Albany Advertiser, the only article
published four days after the incident quoted police
officers, ...it appeared the teenager had deliberately
walked in front of the ongoing car and which they
claimed had ...slowed down to 40 km per hour.
Why was it that for more than a month, local po-
lice did not seek testimonies from other sources be-
yond those of the involved police officers? Why wouldthey have not secured these statements especially
when it is alleged that at the scene people had
screamed out dissimilar testimonies to those of the
involved police and when passers-by noted that they
overheard disturbing allegations? An October 2009
internal police inquiry would conclude that while po-
lice mishandled the investigation they were neverthe-
less satisfied that every effort had been made by the
WA Police to undertake a thorough and transparent
investigation into these matters. The following
month, November 2009, the WA Corruption and
Crimes Commission, slammed the police investiga-
tion, stating, Given the injuries suffered by Rex Jnr.,
it would be hard to accept that the lack of obtaining
statements is merely an oversight. However the CCC
limited itself predominately to observations that the
investigation was mishandled and did not commit to
any acknowledgment of discrimination or racism.
However, the WA Police can never argue that the CCC
absolved them of the imputation of a culture of coverups or favour dispensation, this remains as arguably
self evident, though it may be argued interpretive, in
imputations from this very observation by the CCC. In
November 2009 Rex Bellotti Sr said, Police investi-
gating police again. At the end of the day they exon-
erate each other... they've got each others' backs.
Rex Sr's distrust of non-Aboriginal Australia ex-
tended to the CCC. At the time he said he doubted
the integrity of the CCC investigation, after his family
had been emotionally exhausted by the apparent in-
difference by the WA Police. Rex Sr., said Do you
trust them? In the past, police investigations have
proven they are not worth the time and space and ef-
fort. At the end of the day, they can exonerate each
other... they've got each other's backs. However at
the time CCC Director of Operations, Nick Anticich re-
jected Rex's concerns and was quoted, The CCC has
referred the complaint for a full internal investiga-
tion... However, this is not a matter of 'police investi-
gating police' as the Commission will be monitoring
and overseeing their investigation. In view of the se-riousness of the matter, when the investigation has
been completed (by police), the Commission will con-
duct an independent review into the adequacy of that
investigation. The CCC findings did include, (Police)
have admitted that Sgt (Jason) Liddelow made little
effort to gather witness statements in a timely man-
ner. His case management and investigation plan
was fundamentally flawed and mistakenly based on
the presumption that one highly important witness...
needed to be interviewed prior to any others. Rex Sr
at the time said it was good that the CCC had con-
cluded that the investigation was flawed however
added, The CCC describes the things that went
wrong as flaws, oversights, inexperience and anom-
alies. But these are just other words for racism, be-
cause the police did not investigate (the case)
properly. At the time Police Great Southern District
Superintendent Dene Leekong said, I admit we
should have done it better. We didn't get the state-
ments from some witnesses in time. That's an over-
sight on our behalf. We had other priority issues
unfortunately in our district at the time. This state-
ment alone by the Superintendent is indicatively ap-
palling let alone discriminatory and arguably racist.
Superintendent Leekong continued, We probably did
not manage that case as best we could. We're cer-
tainly trying to correct our errors now. But it's not
racism and it's not anything sinister. At the time Rex
Sr said, They can say what they want, but the fact
remains they didn't investigate this as they would
have for a white Australian. They were hoping it would
go away, as it had done in the past where crimes
against black people have been covered up.
Witness statements were finally taken by police
from Rex Bellotti Jnr, and from witnesses Michael
Coyne and Ashlee Riley. All three stated that Rex Jr
did not deliberately run or walk into the front of the
police four-wheel-drive. They gave testimony that Rex
Jnr was crossing the road near a house where a Wake
was being held and that in fact when Rex Jnr saw that
the police vehicle was approaching him, when al-legedly the headlights came on, he tried to 'jump out
of its way' however was run over. Rex Jnr's lawyer at
the time, John Hammond, was quoted in the news
media, as affirming that after The Sunday Times pub-
lished articles of the various allegations by the wit-
nesses that all of a sudden he received phone calls
from four police officers all urgently seeking to inter-
view Rex Jnr. Mr Hammond was quoted, Why was
the accident never investigated until the matter was
exposed by The Sunday Times? Furthermore, Mr
Hammond was apparently disappointed that there
had been no community outcry about the incident in
lieu of other recent police-related incidents at the
time and he was further quoted, Why is there not the
same response when a 15-year-old-boy is run over by
a police vehicle and faces life-threatening injuries?
Central Queensland University's Cheri Yavu-
Kama-Harathunian, Kabi Kabi Senior Elder, with a
Masters qualification in Criminal Justice, said, In
spite of the RCIADIC, the Fitzgeral Inquiry, the Dawes
Report, other reports about injustice within the crim-
Justice for Rex Bellotti JnrAn Aboriginal youth, Rex Bellotti Jnr, aged 15 was run over by a police four-wheel-drive Holden
Rodeo and more than two years have passed without any compensation, without any closure.
When it comes to Aboriginal victims this is nothing new.
5
Gerry giorgatos
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inal justice system metered out to Aboriginal peoples,
one thing seems clear, time for justice has stood still
for First Nations people of Australia. Aunty Cheri
pointed out, Our people are still holding the record
for being the most incarcerated peoples in our coun-
try and worldwide. Our people are still persecuted if
we dare to speak out about the inadequate 'justice'
process. Our people, just like younger brother Rex,
are left in limbo while the perpetrator is part of the
justice system. Aunty Cheri, who contributed re-
search to submissions to the RCIADIC, said Has
there truly been any change?... When stories like (Rex
Jnr) come to light one realises that those within the
'justice' system can and will continue to use the very
same system to maintain the status quo - injustice -
for the members of the First Nations peoples... I ask
myself what I can do, how do we as a people con-
struct within the 'justice' system a mechanism
whereby justice is done when the perpetrators are of-
ficers of the system, public servants or the ordinary
person in the street who commits a crime on one of
our people... Misconduct in the police rank and file
seems to be an 'in-house-joke'. It is a joke that is
aimed at us, Aboriginal peoples, and is based...
within 'the rightness of whiteness' pervading the
most powerful social systems.
Whatever happened on the night of March 6,
2009, we may well, as a community and as a com-
mon humanity, never know, nor will the mutually ac-
cepted account of the evening ever be recorded,
however what we do know without doubt is that for a
variety of reasons, and some of them having root in
favour-dispensation, in various discriminations, bethey coated with an investiture of faith, that justice
was not sought by the Albany Police at the scene fol-
lowing the incident nor in the weeks subsequent to
the incident. It is fact that the testimonies of Rex Jnr
and other witnesses were not sought by investigating
police officers. This is unequivocal unfettered dis-
crimination and with this point I have no qualms
whatsoever standing by it. For the fact that testi-
monies were not secured from the various witnesses
and involved parties indeed bespeaks volumes. Rex
Jnr was finally interviewed by police on April 16, and
in his police statement Rex Jnr explains that he was
not intoxicated, that he had not drunk any significant
amount of alcohol at the wake, that if the police ve-
hicle had its headlights on that it would have been
impossible for it to have been missed in the heart of
the darkness of the night, that the police vehicle did
not have blue lights flashing, that all of a sudden
headlights appeared, he tried to get out of the way,
he was hit by the roo-bar and from then onwards went
in and out of consciousness. Statements were se-
cured from various witnesses at a snail like pace be-
tween April 5, in Albany to April 30, in Bruce Rock,
and then to May 5 extending to Katanning, with vari-
ous statements conflicting with the police officers'
versions of the events. However, on July 15, after
Major Crash Investigations filed several statements
and memorandums, the Great Southern District Po-
lice Office 'found' that there was 'no offence' commit-
ted by the driver of the police vehicle, and that there
was 'insufficient evidence for any charges' and that
the matter was 'finalised'. What is concerning about
this 'finding' is that in the documents attached to this
'finding' there is an assessment by the investigating
police officer that there were conflicting versions of
the events so dramatic that any reasonable person
would have assumed that an 'external' inquiry occur
even if no for no other reason than to remove asper-
sions and imputations against the Police howeverpreferably in pursuit of a contextual truth beyond rea-
sonable doubts. Police should not be investigating
police, we need demarcated Police Inspectorates
who do not report to the Police.
Two months ago, after two years of pleading for
assistance, to no avail, from the under-resourced
Aboriginal Legal Services of WA and from the small
social justice community group Deaths in Custody
Watch Committee WA, neither being in a position to
provide support or to assist in advocating for the
rights of Rex Jnr, Rex and Liz came to me - my heart
went out to their pain and lone struggle - and we co-
ordinated a snap action rally at the steps of WA's
State Parliament - in the pelting rain 30 people
turned up. We stopped WA shadow Attorney-General
John Quigley and Australian Senator Mark Arbib who
both said their offices would assist. We followed up
with another rally in the following week once again at
the steps of WA's State Parliament - and this time 50
turned up. At the conclusion of the second rally the
Bellotti Support Group was formed and has met every
week since. Last Saturday a rally was held in Mokare
Park, in Albany, on the main strip, near the town hall.
More than 60 turned up, and more than half had
driven hundreds of kilometres from Perth, Bunbury
and Bridgetown. The rally was followed with a march
through town and to the Albany Police station - where
supporters and advocates spoke to the Albany Police
via the intercom. The Police Duty Officer said, You
can protest outside the Police Station, you may not
enter. We asked if we could file a complaint to Al-
bany Police about the police investigation. He said,
No comment. We asked who do we complain to
when we have a complaint against Police. He said, I
acknowledge 'your existence'. No comment.
Nyungar Traditional Owner and Curtin University
Indigenous Research Fellow, Associate Professor Len
Collard simply said, This matter needs to be taken
seriously. A young man's life has been destroyed andthe people who did this need to be held responsible
for their actions and therefore they need to be held
to account.
Sydney's Indigenous Social Justice President,
Elder Ray Jackson said, When are the WA cops going
to realise that they too are responsible to the laws of
the land as is everyone else? Surely, the outrage over
the death of Mr Ward, the tasering of Kevin Spratt,
along with so many other abuses quite clearly shows
corrupt actions will not be tolerated, and that mis-
takes and acts of bastardry will be paid for.
Recently, an Albany Police Officer was twice
caught on the same day by 'speed camera' reaching
driving speeds of 140 kmph. However he is yet to be
dismissed. You cannot apply to the Police Academy
without at least a twelve months clean driving record.
The Bellotti Support Group is calling for compensation
for Rex Jnr, in addition to insurance payments that are
yet to occur, and for a framework of support mecha-
nisms, and for some accountability for what may or
may not have occurred on the night in question, for
the truth of what did occur, for an external non-police
investigation of the involved police officers and of the
subsequent police investigations. The Bellotti Support
Group spokespeople have assured they will not desist
from educating the wider community of the indiscrim-
inate discriminations faced by Aboriginal peoples and
that they will hold Public Meetings in Perth (August
11) and in Albany, and that they will campaign to the
Government of Western Australia in the seeking of
some justice, remedies and closure for the Bellotti
family. The Group stands steadfast in the belief that
Rex Jnr did not have to be a death in custody for jus-
tice to be sought, and for them to stand by him, and
that they will campaign loud and clear, far and wide
in the name of Rex Jnr and all those who suffer injus-
tices because of the wells of prejudices and stereo-
types and in which their origins-of-thinking are
inter-generationally 'old', from days when racism was
matter-of-fact and delivered with 'pride'.
Justice does not come for everyone and moreoften than not it does not come for those who are the
object of prejudices, discrimination and racism. How-
ever even though there is no CCTV footage to incite
some expeditious justice, to raise the 'alarm', or to
ensure remedies and closure this family and the folk
of the Bellotti Support Group have no choice but to
seek a sliver of justice sadly inch by inch.
Join the fight for justice at bellottisupportgroup.org.
6
In the past year, Australias rich-
est 200 individuals have in-
creased their collective wealth by
23 percent, or $33.1 billion, to a staggering
$167.3 billion. The recently released Business Re-
view Weekly (BRW) Rich 200 points to escalat-
ing social inequality. Under conditions where
working people are confronting worsening eco-
nomic hardship, unprecedented levels of wealth
are being concentrated in the hands of a tiny elite.
The entry point for the rich list this year is a
record $215 million. In 2008, the previous high
point, $200 million was required to qualify, while
in 2009 this fell to $150 million and in 2010 it
was $185 million. The ultra-wealthy have more
than made up for the relatively minor losses they
suffered after the global financial crash. Are the
rich getting richer? the Business Review Weekly
asked, answering, Absolutely.
Four out of the top five made their fortunes in the mining sector, underscoring the Australian
economys dependence on mineral exports and
also pointing to the growing weight of the major
miners within the ruling elite. The wealthiest Aus-
tralian is now Gina Rinehart with a record $10.31
billion personal fortune. Western Australia-based
Rinehart inherited her father Lang Hancocks in-
perpetuity royalties to iron ore in the Pilbara region
now mined by Rio Tinto. She more than doubled
her wealth in the past 12 months, with her value
estimated at $4.75 billion in 2010.
The others in the top five who made their
money in the mining sector are Ivan Glasenberg, a
Swiss-based resource commodities trader who re-
cently became an Australian citizen and is valued at
$8.8 billion; Andrew Forrest, West Australia-based
iron ore miner, valued at $6.18 billion; and Clive
Palmer, Queensland-based coal and iron ore miner,
with a personal fortune of $5.05 billion.
The sole manufacturer in the upper tier is An-
thony Pratt, with $5.18 billion made from the card-
board and paper firm founded by his father
Richard Pratt. Property and shopping centre in-
vestor Frank Lowy topped the rich list last year
with $5.04 billionless than half of Rineharts cur-
rent fortunebut fell to sixth spot this year with a
slightly lower fortune of $4.98 billion.
It has been an incredible year for the mining
industry, Business Review Weekly senior editor
Kate Mills said. When we talk about the two-
speed economy, what this list shows is that it plays
out across the whole economy including right at
the top end.
The most immediate factor behind the soar-
ing wealth for the major mining corporations and
their CEOs is booming commodity prices. But this
is not the only factor at play. A proposed Resource
Super Profits Tax was one of the factors behind
the ousting of Kevin Rudd as prime minster last
year. His replacement Julia Gillard immediately
moved to modify the tax that the major miningcompanies spent $100 million fighting against.
Rinehart, Forrest and Palmer were among the bil-
lionaires heading the campaign.
Earlier this month, Gillard was feted by the
miners for services rendered (see Australian
prime minister in love fest with mining moguls).
In her fawning speech to the Minerals Council of
Australia parliamentary dinner, the prime minister
declared that the $22 billion in cuts and savings
announced in the May budget, including vicious
cuts to welfare recipients, was centrally aimed at
leaving room for the mining sector to grow.
The BRW rich list points to the parasitic char-
acter of the Australian bourgeoisie. The wealthiest
individuals are those who oversee the extraction
of minerals from the earth and their export to Asia.
The lone manufacturer in the top ten, Pratt, derives
his fortune from his father and his dubious busi-
ness practices. Richard Pratt, founder of the Visy
cardboard manufacturing and recycling conglom-
erate, was found guilty in 2007 of establishing a
cartel with his major rival, Amcor. The cartel netted
Pratt an estimated $700 million.
A further example of the character of this so-
cial milieu is the Packer family. James Packer
ranks eighth in the Rich 200 list, with a personal
wealth of $4.16 billion. Heir to the deceased Kerry
Packer, formerly Australias richest man, Packers
fortune is closely tied to his 40 percent stake in
Australias largest casino, Crown in Melbourne.
Crowns profits are directly tied to the immisera-
tion of many gamblers, often the poorest and
most desperate layers of society.
The rich list indicates the extreme polarisation
of Australian society. There are 35 billionaires in
Australia, equivalent to 1.6 billionaires for every 1
million citizens. This ratio is among the highest of
all advanced capitalist countriesfor example,
there are 1.3 American billionaires per 1 million
people in the US. The mining boom in Australia,
which has created wealth for a few, has helpedboost the Australian dollar which in turn has had
a recessionary impact on many other sections of
the economy. The result has been a renewed re-
structuring drive in manufacturing and service in-
dustries, intensifying the assault on wages and
conditions.
The BRW Rich 200 magazine features exten-
sive advertising for private jets, luxury cars and
Swiss watchmakers. The extraordinarily wasteful
activities of the wealthy elite finds expression in
the magazines description of James Packers re-
cent home renovations: Packer has been busy
renovating his $18 million residence in Vaucluse
[Sydney]. He spent $12.5 million buying adjacent
properties demolished the two houses, and
plans to pour another $13 million into building a
13-car garage, 23-metre pool, underground cin-
ema, gym and staff quarters.
Fellow Workers: An election was
held recently for the driver del-
gates position at my work. I
came up short to the incumbent in a close vote, ap-
parently. Please find attached a copy of the open
letter to my TWU comrades which was the basis of
my campaign. The letter contains many items that
are job and situation specific which mostly are likely
not applicable to all workplaces. Nevertheless, Fel-
low workers may find it a useful tool as a template
letter for running a similar campaign. It is obviouslythe view of our grand industrial band that empower-
ing the large bodies our class thrown together in pro-
letartianised work is a priori. Delegate/shop steward
elections are excellent oppertunities to agitate by
giving oxygen to the politics of direct democracy
amongst those we work and struggle with daily.
Fellow workers: On the 9th of November we are hold-
ing an election for the position of union delegate.
While recognising the valued contribution of the cur-
rent delegates, it is clear that there are deep-seated
structural problems with the TWU. During my 7 years
with ACTION working, talking, listening and struggling
together with you, there are a number of ways that I
would see the delegates position handled differently
and our unions structure altered to strengthen our
union and make it more democratic and account-
able, the better able to express and realise our col-
lective interests.
To this end Ive prepared a platform that I will im-
plement as your delegate in consultation with you,the members. This platform contains strategic meas-
ures that give power to the membership to use our
collective strength to gain the best possible outcome
for members drawing on lessons learned from the
last, unnecessarily protracted EBA dispute.
As your ACTION TWU delegate I will work for the
following:
An annual mass meeting of members.
The union notice board outside the canteen to be
made more accessible so that anyone can post,
anonymously or otherwise, agenda items in petition
form for the annual mass meeting. Each agenda item
would be debated for and against before a vote is
taken. These meetings would be chaired by a delegate
accountable to their fellow workers. These would then
constitute a hard log of claims for upcoming EBAs.
All negotiations on wages and conditions are
guided by members and include our full participation
through mass meetings and regular consultation and
reports.
Work to ensure that union finances and the
salaries of the top officials are transparent and avail-
able to all members.
In consultation with members implement a limit
on the number of terms any elected official or dele-
gate may serve in order to generate a regular renewal
of talent in our union and guard against complacency
and careerism.
Implement a process for the recall and replace-
ment via election of any official or delegate deemed
by a set number of members, e.g. 100, to be not ad-
equately performing their duties.
That delegates and members be empowered tomake union decisions.
That delegates and any interested members re-
ceive paid union training in legal rights and strategies
of collective self-defence on the job.
Work to see that our union is independent of
party politics and disaffiliates from the ALP pending
a ballot of members at our first annual meeting. It is
time to sever the links between the union office and
the party of government.
As your delegate I will put any question to man-
agement that is conveyed to me by any member,
anonymously or otherwise, and post the answer on
the union board or convey the reply privately if appro-
priate, even if it is a no comment.
Improved delegate accessibility. The union to
supply a basic handset for 9-5 use that all members
have access to on request. I would carry this phone
at all hours allotted by the union and be obliged to
return all calls. Outside of union shift hours this
phone would live in the union office.
A regular fortnightly depot visit at a set day andtime with our regional organiser, to be negotiated.
If you arent a union member, firstly shame on
you. Secondly, if the reason you arent a union mem-
ber is the lack of accountability and democratic struc-
ture within our union I challenge you to enroll and
vote for this platform. If you are a union member and
are feeling disempowered and alienated, vote for this
platform. What have we got to lose? Vote for a
change. Vote up this platform. If you are happy with
the our union then this platform will only improve the
way the TWU operates, making it a stronger, fighting
organization. Again, vote up this platform.
This platform is the result of many conversations
with ACTION drivers over the past few years. I would
like to apologise in advance if I am unavailable to
chat about this platform or my candidacy before the
election. Unfortunately I will be away on holidays with
unchangeable flights booked for two weeks around
and inclusive the date of the election.
Warmest Solidarity, Dan H.
Mining Boom Boosts
Australias Ultra-Wealthy
A Platform for Change in the TWU
peter byrne
FW El prolo
-
8/3/2019 Direct Action Summer 2011-12
7/12
7
In a country where two out of
every three newspapers in major
cities are owned by Rupert
Murdoch, and which possesses the unenviable
mantle of the most highly concentrated media
ownership in the Western world, it is unsurprising
that public discourse on all things related to big
business, and the shadow it casts over society,
tends toward the lowest common denominator.
According to the minions of Murdoch, the sole
threat to human existence re-affirmed on a daily
basis are boat people destined for the shores
of Australia ostensibly vastly unlike those that
arrived from Europe in the late 18th Century to
colonise the land, at that time deemed empty of
occupants. So important are these alien invaders,
who average approximately three a day since
2009, that discussion of their asylum attemptsassumes the categorisation of border defence,
and the Murdoch Empire in Australia regularly
leads with headlines regarding their imminent
arrival and presumably, the subsequent downfall
of Western civilisation. One might be cynical
enough to suggest that the hyperbole and editorial
outrage serves to mask and omit issues of a class
character. However, the Murdoch media of late
has been busy discussing, for want of a better
term, other issues within the Australian political
milieu pertaining to class and to a degree of
propagandistic proportions.
Since the election of the Labor government in
2007, proposed reforms have generated hysteria
amongst the business elite, and Rupert Murdochs
Newscorp has maintained its position amongst the
Australia media landscape as attack-dog par excel-
lence. Foremost amongst these have been the op-
position to the Resource Super Profits Tax (RSPT),
and the two proposed responses to climate
change, the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme
(CPRS), shelved by the Kevin Rudd led Govern-
ment (and undoubtedly a major contributor to his
downfall), and its recent successor, the Emissions
Trading Scheme (ETS). Murdochs Newscorp, in
true Murdoch fashion, put its finger to the wind in
2007 and supported the election of the Rudd Gov-
ernment after 11 years of John Howards conser-
vative rule; unsurprising, this is not the first time
that the media mogul has mounted an aggressive
agenda against an incumbent after initially leaping
on the bandwagon of change.
In 1972, Gough Whitlam, Labor Party poster
child of progress, after no less than 23 years of
post-war conservative rigidity, was swept to power
upon the tune of Its Time. The campaign
summed up the general mood of an Australian
public tired of the Vietnam War; tired of conscript-
ing its teenagers in death-lotteries and tired of thepaternalism of our presumably loving overseer,
Uncle Sam, that foresaw our entry into imperialist
adventures far and near. It was also an Australian
public convinced it was indeed time for many
other reforms: aside from the ending of conscrip-
tion and the freeing of draft-evaders, free univer-
sal higher education, a raft of progressive
legislation for women and Australias indigenous
communities were established, amongst many
others. In all, 507 new pieces of legislation were
introduced.
Most disconcerting for our benevolent masters
in Washington whom members of the Whitlam
Government had labelled maniacs and corrupt
due to their bloody campaigns in Southeast Asia
was the Governments pre-election promise to
buy back the farm: an end to the subservience
to (mainly US) multinationals and a campaign to
reclaim the minerals, refineries, and industries for
the benefit of the Australian public. Buying back
the farm, as the Arbenz or Mosaddegh Govern-
ments could have attested, is a risky strategy for
any would-be DIY country or politician. In fact,
Whitlam should really have known better. He con-
demned Australias own foreign security service,
ASIO realistically a regional lapdog for the CIA
for its complicity in the events of September 11,
1973. Whitlam would have his own Allende mo-
ment on November 11, 1975, when the Queens
representative in Australia, the Governor-General,
dismissed him in another CIA-backed coup.
Earlier that year, 75 Murdoch journalists went
on strike over one of Murdochs papers, The Aus-
tralian, becoming a propagandist sheet and a
laughing stock, presumably before laughing-
stockery became his mainstay. On the 20th an-
niversary of what has become known as the
Constitutional Crisis, Murdoch suggested that
historic accounts and speculation of his involve-
ment in the events of 1975 do not do him justice,
and that his behind-the-stage puppetry and con-
sequent subversion of Australian democracy was
actually far more extensive.
This time, unfortunately for