Descendit Ad Inferos

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Descendit Ad Inferos: Medieval Views on Christ's Descent into Hell and the Salvation of theAncient JustAuthor(s): Ralph V. TurnerSource: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 27, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1966), pp. 173-194Published by: University of Pennsylvania PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2708637 .Accessed: 22/09/2014 22:14

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DESCENDIT AD INFEROS: MEDIEVAL VIEWS ON CHRIST'SDESCENT INTO HELL AND THE SALVATION OF

THE ANCIENT JUST

BY RALPH V. TURNER

Medieval scholars did not think of themselves as medieval; theyviewed their investigations as simply continuing he work of the Greekand Roman philosophers and the Jewish prophets. They recognizedtheir debt to the ancients, even though they were confident that inat least one way their knowledge surpassed hat of their predecessors:they knew Christ, who held the key to salvation. But how could the

ancients, who had no opportunity to learn of Christ, gain salvation?Orthodox Christian doctrine held that no one could be saved withoutfaith in Jesus Christ, yet surely not all who had lived before theIncarnation deserved eternal punishment. It seemed unjust, evencruel, of God to condemn men simply for the fault of having beenborn before His son's sacrifice. Educated men in the Middle Ages knewthat many of the pagans had adhered to a high moral code, and thatsome of them had beliefs closely approaching Christ's eachings. Were

the ancient just among the damned or the saved?The question of the salvation of the ancient just is closely con-nected with the tradition of Christ's "harrowing of hell" during thetime that his body lay in the tomb. Christ's descent into hell wasdescribed n the apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus, written in the IIIrdcentury.' Later, the statement descendit ad inferos was included inthe Apostles' Creed. This article in the Creed raised the question ofwhat reason Christ, who was without sin, had for going down to the

dwelling place of the damned. Did he descend n order to bind Satanand release all the souls imprisoned there, to preach the gospel tothose who had died before the Incarnation, or to lead the Old Testa-ment Fathers triumphantly nto heaven? This subject lent itself wellto drama, and many of the mystery plays included "harrowing f hell"scenes.2 It also lent itself to speculation by theologians. They couldexpand on the rather cryptic statement in the Creed and the scatteredreferences in the Bible,3 using all the resources at their disposal:

citation of authorities, allegorical interpretations, and logic.One of the earliest centers of Christian theology developed inAlexandria n the IIIrd century. Members of the Alexandrian chool

1J. Monnier, La Descente aux Enfers, Etude de pensee religieuse, d'art et delitterature (Paris, 1905), ch. 4, 91-107.

2Monnier, ch. 11, 211-245; William Henry Hulme, ed., The Middle EnglishHarrowing of Hell and Gospel of Nicodemus. Early English Text Society, extraseries C (London, 1907), introduction.

3E.g. Psalm 23: 7-9 (Vulgate); Hosea 13: 14; Matthew 27: 52-53; Romans10: 7; Ephesians 4: 9; I Peter 3: 18-20 and 4: 6.

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174 RALPH V. TURNER

had been educated n the classical tradition, and they recognized im-ilarities between the pagan philosophies and Christian beliefs.Amongthem, Clement of Alexandria had such respect for the Greek philoso-phers that he accepted the legend that they had gained their wisdomfrom the Jewish prophets.4 t is not surprising hat Clement reflectedon the salvation of these pagans whose teachings so closely approachedthose of Christ. In his Stromata, he affirmed that the gospel waspreached to the Jews and the gentiles in hell.5 It seemed to Clementthat a just God should offer salvation to all men, whether they livedbefore or after the Incarnation; he asked, "If, then, he [Christ]preached he gospel to those in the flesh in order that they might notbe condemned unjustly, how is it conceivable that he did not for thesame reason preach the gospel to those who had departed this lifebefore his coming?" Clement proposed hat Christ had preached hegospel to the souls in hell, offering salvation to those who believed inhim; but he was not certain whether Christ had preached to all thesouls confined there or to the Jews alone. He felt confident that ifChrist did not preach to the pagans, then the apostles would preachto them at the time of their coming to hell.

Clement's pupil, Origen, followed him in this doctrine of Christ'spreaching in hell. Origen was perhaps the most learned of all theearly Greek theologians, surpassing his master in understanding ofpagan philosophy. Both Clement and Origen held to the Neoplatonicdoctrine of the eventual restoration of all souls to God after experi-encing a purifying process, a view that conflicted with the orthodoxteaching concerning hell.7 Origen's eaching on this problem s foundin his apologetic work Contra Celsum, a point by point answer to thepagan Celsus' criticisms of Christianity. Celsus had written of Christ,"You [Christians] will not say of him, I presume, that having failedto convince men on earth he traveled to Hades to convince themthere." Origen replied to Celsus:

Even if he dislikes t, we maintain his, that when he [Christ] was in thebody he convinced ot merely a few, but so many that the multitude ofthose persuaded y him led to the conspiracy gainst him; and that whenhe became a soul unclothed

bya

bodyhe conversed with souls unclothed

by bodies, also converting those of them who were willing to accept him,or those who, for reasons which he himself knew, he saw to be readyto do so.8

4 John Edwin Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship , 3rd edition (Cam-bridge, 1921), 331-32.

5 Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Graeca (hereafter referred o as P.G.), vol. 9,Stromata, lib. VI, cap. vi, Evangelium ethnicis in inferno positis non minus quasJudaeis et ethnicis viventibus fuisse annuntiatum, col.265-276.

6 P.G.9, col.274C. 7 Monnier, 82-88.8P.G.11, Contra Celsum, lib.II, cap.xliii, col.863-866. The translation is from

the edition of Henry Chadwick (Cambridge, 1953), 99-100.



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DESCENDIT AD INFEROS 175

From these IIIrd-century Greek Fathers, it is necessary o turn tothe IVth-century Latin Father, St. Augustine. He too speculated onChrist's descent into hell and the salvation of the ancient just. Hisviews on doctrinal questions were more widely known to medievalthinkers; indeed, they were usually accepted as the authoritativestatement. He did speculate on Christ's descent into hell and on thesalvation of the ancient just; the question arose in his sermons onthe Creed.9 He said that Christ descended into hell to free our"ancestor Adam, and the Patriarchs, and the Prophets, and all thejust, who were held in that place for original sin." 10He added that allwho were guilty of crimes n addition to the sin of Adam that corruptsall men were left to the tortures of the lower region. As authorityAugustine quoted the prophet Hosea, who had prophesied of Christ,De manu mortis liberabo eos, de morte redimam eos. Ero mors tua, omors morsus tuus ero, inferne (Hosea 13:14). He interpreted theterm morsus (bite) as a reference o Christ's iberation of part of thoseconfined n hell and rejection of the rest.

St. Augustine's statement that Christ freed from hell all the justwho had suffered death before his coming raises the possibility thatmen could gain eternal happiness without belief in Christ, that theycould win salvation after death, as Clement and Origen had taught.Augustine denied such a possibility, stating the orthodox Christianteaching. He set forth the opinion in his De Civitate Dei that no oneis saved except through faith in Christ, he one Mediator between Godand man.1l

This does not mean that there was no salvation between Adam'sfall and Christ's coming, for Augustine explained that men before thetime of the Incarnation could have the same faith as those who followit. Just as men of the New Testament believe that Christ came in theflesh and died for their sins, so those of the Old Testament believedthat a Savior would come at some future time for the salvation ofmankind. The good bishop of Hippo wrote to Bishop Optatus:

Consequently ince all the just, that is, true worshippers f God, whetherbefore he Incarnation r after the Incarnation f Christ, neither have livednor do live

except byfaith in the Incarnation f Christ, n whom s the

fullness of grace; certainly he words which are written hat there s noother name under heaven whereby we must be saved (Acts 4:12), wereeffective or saving he human ace from he time when he human ace wastainted in Adam. For just as in Adam all died, so in Christ all will live.2

9 Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina (hereafter referred o as P.L.), vol.39,St. Augustine, Sermo CCXLIV, De Symboli fide et bonis moribus, col.2195; vol.40,Sermo de Symbolo, col.1189-1202.

10P.L40, Sermo de Symbolo, cap.vii, Quid egit in inferno, col.1194.

P.L.41, De Civitate Dei, lib.VII, capxxxii, col.221; lib.X, cap.xxv, col.302-303; cap.xxxii, col.313-315.

12 P.L.33, Epistola CXC, col.859.



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In another letter, Augustine made a distinction between the faithbefore and after the Incarnation.13 He defined the faith of the Old

Testament as a hidden mystery (sacramentum), while the faith ofChristians s an evident mystery. But he warned against valuing theChristian faith more highly than the faith of the ancients, for theywere such friends of God that He allowed Himself to be identified asthe God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob. St. Augustine was un-clear about which men living before the Incarnation could have thisfaith. He wrote in the De Civitate Dei that it was revealed by theangels and prophets "to the few who, by the grace of God, could

understand." He was certain that of those few a large number werefound among the Jews, "whose commonwealth was consecrated, as itwere, nto a prophecy and prediction of the City of God which is to begathered from all nations." 4

Augustine did not mean to imply that these Old TestamentFathers were admitted into heaven immediately following theirdeaths; their souls had to await Christ's coming to earth. Two nameswere given to their place of waiting: paradise, from Jesus' words to

the thief on the cross (Luke 23:43), and the bosom of Abraham, romhis story of the beggar Lazarus and the rich man (Luke 16:19-31).St. Augustine did not interpret the statement to the thief as a refer-ence to heaven, for apostolic teaching reveals that Christ's soul de-scended into hell, while his body lay in the tomb.16 nstead, he con-cluded that there must be two regions n hell, one where the damnedwere tortured and another where the souls of the just were at rest; andChrist's words concerning paradise signified that second region.

Elsewhere Augustine rejected his view that the bosom of Abrahamis a zone of hell.16 He wrote to Bishop Evodius concerning he meaningof a passage in First Peter (3:18-21), which mentioned Christ'spreaching "to the spirits in prison, who formerly did not obey." Thispassage had been interpreted as an indication that Christ descendedinto hell, and Augustine accepted this. But he could not conceive ofthe bosom of Abraham as being in hell, for the souls of the Fathersin that blessed abode would never have been deprived of the Savior's

sanctifying presence. If the saints of the Old Dispensation were notmeant by the phrase "spirits n prison," o whom did it apply? To therighteous pagans? This was a troublesome question for Augustine, andone to which he pleaded his inability to answer.7 He admitted thatmany of the ancient philosophers, poets, and orators inspired suchadmiration by their wisdom and virtue that even he might wish them

13P.L.33, De praesentia Dei Liber, seu Epistola CLXXXVII, cap.xi, col.845.14 P.L.41, De Civitate Dei, lib.X, cap.xxxii, col.314.15 P.L.33, cap.ii, col.833-34.16

P.L.33, Epistola CLXIV, Augustinus Evodio, respondens ad duas questiones,quarum altera est de loco obscuro primae Petri.. ., cap.iii, col.711-712.17P.L.33, cap.ii, col.710.



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freed from eternal sorrow, but he knew that their good deeds were asnothing, unless directed oward he one true God. Augustine could notaccept the notion of Clement and Origen that men who had notacknowledged Christ in life could believe in him in hell and gainsalvation. This would lead to the absurd conclusion that the Gospelought not be preached, so that men could then have the opportunityof obtaining salvation in the afterlife without the risk of rejectingChrist in this earthly life.18 He wrote in the De Civitate Dei that noman should ask of God why He sent a savior so soon or so late. Menshould simply appreciate he way to salvation as a gift given by God'smercy, and they should admit that His justice is incomprehensible othem.l9

But the Bishop of Hippo wrote Evodius that he should believethat Christ delivered Adam, the first man, from hell, for this had beena tradition of the Church for so long that there must be grounds forits acceptance even though it has no definite Scriptural authority.20He observed hat some authorities would list with the name of Adamthe names of the other Old Testament patriarchs and prophets;however, n this instance he maintained that they were never in hell.Yet it has been seen that on other occasions he too included themamong those liberated from hell by Christ.21

In spite of this ambivalence in his view of the situation of thesouls of the ancient Fathers, St. Augustine made certain to his corre-spondent the main points of the faith concerning the descensus adinferos. Christ had descended nto hell and loosed the sorrows thatwere incapable of binding him, and he released the souls of thosewhom he chose.22 Christ had not preached to all the spirits there;indeed this was unnecessary, because Augustine had maintained else-where that salvation was possible before the Incarnation by hiddenrevelation. Salvation of the Old Testament Fathers was made possibleby means of this hidden revelation; but the question of the salvationof the other ancient just is beyond the realm of human understanding.These basic beliefs about that article of the Creed would stand firmthroughout the Middle Ages, although they would be expanded insome ways.

St. Gregory the Great, a representative of the transition in theVIth century from the Patristic Age to the Middle Ages, is anotherauthor whose opinions were respected by medieval thinkers. HisHomiliarum n Ezechielem Prophetam s an example of the Scripturalcommentaries written during that period: it served as a starting pointfor mental digressions that led him far beyond the literal meaningof the text in a search for hidden meanings. This is illustrated in

18P.L.33, cap.iv, col.714.19P.L.41, De Civitate Dei, lib.X, cap.xxxii, col.313. 20 P.L.33, cap.iii, col.711.21E.g., Sermones CCXLIV, De Symbolo, and Epistola CLXXXVII.22 P.L.33, cap.v, col.715.



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Homilia V, where he turned from Ezekiel to the Gospel of Mark andits account of Christ's riumphal entry into Jerusalem.23 he passage,"And those who went before and those who followed shouted

saying:Hosanna, blessed s he who comes n the name of the Lord," (11:7-9),was not in the mind of Gregory imply a literal description of the wel-come that Jesus had received. He found a deeper symbolic meaningthere. "Those who went before" symbolized the elect of the OldTestament; "those who followed" were the Christian people; theircommon cry of "Hosanna" showed that both groups acknowledgedChrist as their Savior. Gregory, like St. Augustine, explained that

justas Christians are saved

bythe Lord's

passionand resurrection hat

had already taken place, so the Hebrew Fathers were saved by theirexpectation of his passion and resurrection.24

Pope Gregory wrote scores of letters that circulated widelythroughout Christendom, and there is one among them in which hediscussed Christ's descent into hell.25 He wrote to two officers of thechurch at Constantinople regarding their preaching that Jesus hadreleased from punishment all those in hell who acknowledged him asGod.26

Gregorywrote that he wanted them to believe far

differently,for the truth was that Christ delivered only those who had believedthat he would come and had observed his commandments. He advisedthem, "Only hold the true faith taught by the Catholic Church: thatthe Lord on his descent into hell only released from its confines hosewho in their fleshly existence had been guarded by his grace in faithand in good works." This emphasis upon good works had been lackingin Augustine's exposition on the salvation of the ancients; but absent

from Gregory'swork was

Augustine'sdoubt over the location of the

ancient elect, for he was confident hat they waited in hell for Christ'scoming. However, the Pope shared with St. Augustine the belief thatif Christ had preached to all the souls in hell, it would have givensinners an unjust advantage over the faithful.

Gregory buttressed his teaching with the authority of Philastrius,a IVth-century bishop who had compiled a catalogue of heresies, Diver-sarum Hereseon Liber.?7 He had labelled as heretics those, such as

Clement and Origen,who

saythat Christ revealed himself to all the

souls in hell and granted salvation to those who acknowledged himthere. St. Gregory noted that St. Augustine had concurred n thiscondemnation. n sum, Gregory's iew was that Christ descended ntohell to free those ancients who had believed that he would come andhad spent their lives in faith and good works. Whether he felt that

23P.L.76, Homiliarum..., lib.II, col.985B-986A. 24P.L.76, col.986A.25P.L.77, Epistola XV, Ad Georgium Presbyterum, col.869B-870C.

26P.L.77, col. 869B.27Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum . . (Vienna, 1866-), vol.38,cap.cxxv, p.90; quoted by Gregory n P.L.77, col.870B.



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this limited salvation to the Jews or included pagans as well is leftuncertain in his writings.

In the schools of the XIIth century there was a revival of interestin the ancient Greeks and Romans, in their literature and in theirphilosophy. This atmosphere of sympathy for the pagans might beexpected to arouse an interest in the question of their salvation, justas it had among the Alexandrians. One of the most famous teachers atthis time was that contentious scholar Peter Abelard. It is not aston-ishing that he confronted the question of Christ's descent into helland the salvation of the ancients n his works, nor is it surprising hathe answered he question in a manner that caused criticism.

The earliest of Abelard's works treating the descensus ad inferosis his Sic et Non, a collection of contradictory tatements on doctrinalquestions gathered rom the Church Fathers. One chapter of this workgathers opinions on the question of Adam's salvation, a subject relatedto Christ's going down into hell.28 St. Augustine's declaration on thesubject in his epistle to Evodius was noted by Abelard, as wereadditional statements of Augustine. Other authorities cited includethe Book of Wisdom, St. Hilary, and St. Gregory the Great. Thepassages quoted are brief and merely affirm that Adam was saved,with no indication of the manner of his salvation, though it has beenshown that St. Augustine treated the subject in connection withChrist's descent into hell. While Abelard entitled the chapter QuodAdam salvatus sit, et contra, there is no contra; all the authoritieswhose opinions were sought agreed that Adam, the first man, wassaved.

In another chapter of the Sic et Non Abelard collected variousviewpoints on whether or not Christ on his descent into hell liberatedall the souls found there.29 He first quoted a work of Origen's, not hisContra Celsum but his Homilia ultima super Genesim, for confir-mation of the view that Christ had freed all. Additional support camefrom a statement in the commentary on the Epistle to Romans attri-buted to St. Ambrose: "Indeed men sinned, Jews as much as Greeks,for which reason the death of Christ was an advantage for all; and atthis time, this must be believed and observed, that he taught andfreed all from hell." 30 Other selections from Ambrose's commentaryon Romans and from his commentary on Colossians end support tothis view.

But Abelard found that the authorities opposed to the belief thatChrist freed all from hell greatly outnumbered he two who favored

28 P.L.178, caplviii, Quod Christus descendens ad inferos omnes liberavit inde,et contra, col.l427C-1428A.

29P.L.178, caplxxxiv, Quod Christus descendens ad inferos omnes liberavit nde,et contra, col. 1468D-1471D.

3 P.L.178, col.1468D-1469A. Actually this commentary was not the work ofAmbrose; its author is usually called today Ambrosiaster Monnier, 130-31).



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it.31 It has already been seen that St. Augustine had much to say onthe subject, and Abelard was well aware of this. He quoted the epistleto Optatus in which Augustine wrote that only those ancients whobelieved in the coming of a Mediator between God and man obtainedsalvation. In another letter of Augustine, in his De nuptia et con-cupiscentia, and in his De correptione et gratia, Abelard found proofthat this revelation came to the Old Testament elect in a veiled form.The compiler of opinions also presented the thoughts of St. Gregoryon the subject. He cited the Pope's interpretation of the passage inHosea, "I shall be your bite, o hell," as evidence that only part ofthose confined n hell were liberated.32 He repeated Gregory's warningthat Philastrius isted among the heretics those who teach that Christannounced himself to all the souls in hell. He also recalled thatGregory had interpreted Christ's Palm Sunday entrance into Jeru-salem as symbolizing the justification by faith of the Old TestamentFathers. Further proof that the patriarchs were among the elect wasoffered by St. Jerome and by Bede. Abelard again quoted the com-mentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Colossians, which he believed tobe the work of St. Ambrose, this time among the opponents of thedoctrine that Christ freed all the souls in hell. The writers cited byAbelard would indicate that the mass of authority was on the sideof the view that Christ liberated from imprisonment in hell onlythose who had believed that he would come as Savior of mankind.Those who taught that Christ offered salvation to all the souls in hellwere in a small minority.

The enumeration of opinions on Christ's descent into hell in theSic et Non shows that Abelard was aware of the question of the salva-tion of those who had died before the Incarnation. Most of hisauthorities taught that only those who had hoped for the coming ofChrist were saved. This doctrine easily explained the salvation of theOld Testament prophets, but what of the pagan philosophers?Augustine had briefly speculated on their fate, but he quickly con-cluded that such a question is beyond the reach of man's under-standing and lies in the realm of divine wisdom.33 Yet the audaciousAbelard was not so conscious of the limitations of human reason, andhe plunged into the controversy n his Theologia Christiana and inhis Epitome Theologiae Christianae.4 It is in these works that hegives his own views.

Master Peter wished to show that faith in the Trinity was revealed81P.L.178, col.1469C-1471D.82 This has been seen used as an argument by Augustine n one of his sermons.83P.L.33, Epistola CLXIV, cap.ii.84"The Epitome ... is probably not the work of Abailard, but is most likely

the lecture notes of a pupil; therefore, it can be used with relative confidence."Reginald L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought (Oxford, 1884),147, note 12. See also, J. G. Sikes, Peter Abailard (Cambridge. 1932), 268-69.



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before Christ's coming both to the prophets of the Jews and to thegentile philosophers. He wrote that it was proper for God to fore-shadow Himself with the gift of His grace to the pagan philosophers,for even the Fathers of the Church agreed that they led lives ofabstinence and sober contemplation.35 belard stated that his reasonfor this demonstration of the ancients' faith was his conviction thathis contemporaries might believe in the Trinity more easily if theysaw it handed down from those learned men of old.36 He wished toshow that man's reason, rightly used, could point to a belief in theTrinity.37 He cited passages from the writings of Cicero, Mercury,Plato, Macrobius, and the Sibylline Oracle to demonstrate theirknowledge of the Trinity.38 Then Abelard sought to demonstrate heirfaith, writing:In this manner indeed, we consigned all those to infidelity and damnation,to whom, by the testimony of the Apostle, the hidden and deep mystery ofthe Trinity was revealed by their faith; and its works were wondrouslypreached by their own virtue and by the holy doctors, although the Apostleasserted that some of them were blinded by pride and fell into idolatryand shameful life, just as it affected many of the faithful and as we readof Solomon. Who then would assert that faith in the Incarnation was notrevealed to any of them, not even to the Sibyl, even if it is not expresslyin their writings? this which was not preached openly by Job or any of theprophets.. ..39

Abelard continued, explaining that although the ancient philoso-phers had neither the written law of Israel nor the Christian gospel,they attained the same truth by natural reason.40 He added that justas Christians

mightcall themselves

philosophersbecause

they possesstrue wisdom of God, so the philosophers deserved their name forpossessing that same wisdom.41 He concluded with a review of thevirtuous deeds of the pagan philosophers.42 belard did not considerthe mechanics of their salvation. He nowhere said that Christ ed themfrom hell into heaven along with the Old Testament Fathers, but heleft no doubt that they were saved.

Elsewhere, Peter Abelard treated the question of the state of thesouls of the blessed who were confined n hell before their liberation

35 P.L.178, Epitome, cap.xi, Probat philosophos nec salute, nec cognitione Trini-tatis caruisse, col.1712B.

86 P.L.178, Theologia Christiana, ib.I, cap.ii, col.1126C.37Sikes, Peter Abailard, 60-75.38 P.L.178, Theologia Christiana, ib.I, cap.v, col.1140-1166. By his reference o

"Mercury" he actually meant Hermes Trismegistus, a legendary Egyptian writer,whose works were known to the Alexandrian Greeks. The works have also appearedin modern editions by W. Scott and by A. D. Nock.

9P.L.178, lib.II, col.1172A-B; a similar view is expressed in Epitome, col.1714B-C. 40 P.L.178, lib.II, col.1173A-D.

41P.L.178, col.1179B-D. 42P.L.178, col.1180-1201.



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by Christ, but he gave no indication whether he believed the paganphilosophers to be among them. According to the Gospel of Luke(16:25) the just were comforted in hell in the bosom of Abraham.Abelard eized upon this statement n his commentary n the Epistle tothe Romans or support of his rejection of the interpretation of Christ'spassion as a ransom for mankind's sins. This doctrine had originatedwith St. Paul's interpretation of Christ's suffering on the cross as anoffering to God for mankind's sins. Later, this developed into the"ransom heory" that the devil had power over all men because oforiginal sin, but that Christ's sacrifice was a ransom paid to him toredeem the human race.43 Abelard argued that since some souls werebeyond the devil's power n the bosom of Abraham, he clearly did nothave power over all men; therefore, he was merely God's jailergoverning those souls assigned to him for imprisonment or torture.The crucifixion was necessary, not to purchase men's souls from Satanwith Jesus' blood, but to set an example of perfect love, for "Greaterlove hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for hisfriend" (John 15:13).44

In the writings of this scholar are found a mixture of orthodoxyand new controversial doctrines. Abelard stated in his Sic et Non theview of the authorities that Christ descended nto hell to free thosewho had expected his coming, including Adam. But in the TheologiaChristiana he advanced he doctrine that the pagan philosophers hadknowledge of the Trinity, which they reached by natural reason. Thisseemed startling and new in the XIIth century, although some of theapologists, like St. Justin, had argued that there were pagan andJewish "Christians" before Christ. In his commentary on RomansAbelard rejected the traditional ransom doctrine.

Abelard's greatest adversary was St. Bernard of Clairvaux, whofeared the growing reliance on reason that Abelard represented. Hewas a powerful figure, a skilful controversialist with many influentialfriends, and he used all his resources against the new teachings. Thestruggle was between two sincere Christians who approached thefaith in different ways-Abelard, a scholastic, emphasizing under-standing, and Bernard, a mystic, relying upon direct experience. TheSaint of Clairvaux wrote scores of letters warning against what heconsidered the dangerous teachings of Abelard. One of these listserrors contained in Abelard's Sententiae and Scito te ipsum, andamong the errors is the doctrine de descensu Christi ad inferos.4

48P.L.178, Commentariorum uper Pauli Epistolam ad Romanos, lib.IV, col.833D-834A. For a summary of the doctrine of the atonement and for Abelard'sviews, see Sikes, Peter Abailard, 204-213. 44P.L.178, col.836A-C.

45P.L.182, Epistola CLXXXVIII, ad episcopos et cardinales curiae. . . , col.

353C. It is not certain to what work Bernard referred by the title Sententiae. Hemay have intended either the Epitome or the Sic et Non, both of which were some-times given that title. P.L.182, col.353, note 495, and Poole, 147, note 12.



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Bernard also wrote two longer tracts exposing and refuting theteachings of the Parisian master.

The first of thesepamphlets

is a collection ofquotations

fromAbelard's Theologia Christiana and commentary on Romans thatillustrates chiefly his false teachings about the nature of the Trinity.46St. Bernard's second tract, addressed to Pope Innocent II, refutesthose doctrines which he found untrue.47 Again, questions concerningthe character of the Trinity receive the main emphasis, and Bernarddisclaimed any notion that man can come to faith in the Trinity bynatural reason alone.48 He also rejected Abelard's exemplarist theoryof Christ's sacrifice and defended the traditional ransom view.49 Heanswered Abelard's question whether the devil had tormented Lazarusand the elect in the bosom of Abraham as he had the rich man in hellwith the following statement:

No, but he would have if they had not been set free by faith that he[Christ] would come, as concerning Abraham it is written: Abraham be-lieved God, and it was counted unto him for righteousness (Gen. 15: 6).Again: Abraham rejoiced to see my day; he saw it and was glad (John 8:

56). Therefore even then the blood of Christ was bedewing Lazarus inorder that he should not feel the flames; because he had believed on himwho would suffer. So are we to think of all the saints of that time, that theywere born, just as we are, under the power of darkness because of originalsin, but they were rescued before they died and by nothing else but theblood of Christ.50

In this positive language, St. Bernard stated his belief that thoseancients who believed that Christ would come were saved by the

same faith that Christians hold. This faith was not gained throughreason but through revelation.

There was no question for Bernard as there had been for Augustineand Abelard concerning he state of the pre-Christian aints awaitingtheir Savior's coming. Of course, they were deprived of the heavenlyvision of God, but they were made comfortable in the bosom ofAbraham. The abbot of Clairvaux n his fourth sermon for the Feastof All Saints pictured this waiting place in such simple terms that

even the most humble could see it.51 He described the bosom ofAbraham as a refuge of tranquillity and refreshment or the souls ofthe blessed n hell, separated rom the souls of the damned by "a great

46P.L.182, Capitula Haeresum Petri Abaelardi, col.1049-1054.47P.L.182, Contra Quaedam Capitula Errorum Abaelardi, col.1053-1072.48P.L.182, Contra. . ., cap.i, Impia Abaelardi de Sancta Trinitate dogmata

rescenset, et explodit, col.1055-1057.49P.L.182, cap.v, col.1062-1065; cap.vii-ix, col.1067-1072.

50P.L.182, cap.vii, col.1068A-B.51P.L.183, Sermo IV, De sinu Abrahae, et altari sub quo sanctorum animas

beatus Joannes audivit. . ., col.471C-472C.



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184 RALPH V. TURNER

chasm" (Luke 16:26). It was dark, for Job had said that he was going"to the land of gloom and deep darkness" (Job 10:21). But Christdescended nto that place, and he "shatters the doors of bronze and

cuts in two the bars of iron" (Ps. 106:16; Is. 45:2), "to bring out theprisoners rom the dungeon" (Is. 42: 7). He brought them with himto the throne of heaven, where "He will hide me in his shelter in theday of trouble, he will conceal me under the cover of his tent" (Ps.26:5). This sermon, a string of scattered Scriptural references tiedtogether by their allegorical interpretation, illustrates the childlikefaith of St. Bernard, which was satisfied with the words of the Bibleand felt no need for the arguments of reason.

The allegorical method of St. Bernard and the dialectical methodof Peter Abelard were united in the treatises of Peter Lombard. Thisstudent of Abelard sought the reconciliation of conflicting authoritiesthat had been anticipated by the Sic et Non, yet he carefully remainedwithin the confines of orthodoxy. He discussed the doctrine of thedescent into hell in his commentaries on certain verses in the epistlesto the Ephesians and the Romans; he wrote that Christ went downto the lower region and led the souls of the ancient just from thereinto heaven.52 n his Quatuor Libri Sententiarum, a work that becamethe standard extbook for medieval students of theology, Peter Lom-bard discussed he faith of the righteous men of the pre-Christian ra.He sought in his third book of Sentences to discover what was anadequate faith for the salvation of the ancients.83 He wrote that thereis a measure of faith without which there can be no salvation; "Forwhoever would draw near to God must believe that He exists andthat He rewards hose who seek Him" (Hebrews 11:6). He wrote thatthose who believed this before the giving of the Law and before theIncarnation may have been delivered, but that this is no longersufficient n the age of grace, when faith in the Creed s essential. Infact, such a simple faith does not appear to have sufficed either beforethe Law or before the advent of Christ, for the authorities St.Augustine and Gregory the Great confirm that no man was savedwithout faith in the one Mediator.54

The Master of Sentences then speculated whether the faith ofthe ancients was revealed openly or veiled in mystery. He held thatthe faith was revealed clearly to the great patriarchs and prophetsbut obscurely o the masses who followed them, just as in the churchmany believe the articles of the Creed without understanding hem.55This contrasted both with Augustine's view that all revelation priorto the Incarnation was veiled, and Abelard's dea that understandingis necessary or genuine faith.

52P.L.191, Collectanea n omnes d. Pauli Apostoli Epistolas, col.1474C; P.L.192,Collectanea n Epistolam d. Pauli in Epistolam ad Ephes., col.199D.

53P.L.192, Sententiarum, ib.III, Distinctio xxv, De fide antiquorum, col.809-810. 54P.L.192, col.809. 55P.L.192, col.810.



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Now that the Lombard had established the necessity for faith ina Redeemer, he pondered the question whether any further beliefwas necessary.56 He wrote that some gathered from the writings ofAugustine that the ancients were obliged to believe in the four basicfeatures of Christ's ministry: his birth, death, resurrection, andcoming to judge. He noted that others taught that belief in theTrinity was sufficient, and that as proof they offered John the Baptist,who at one time doubted that Christ was the Messiah (Matt. 11:3),yet who undoubtedly was saved. Peter Lombard could have had inmind no other than Abelard, who had expressed just such a view inhis Theologia Christiana. The Master of Sentences did not flatly denythe validity of either opinion; however, he illustrated his own viewwith a discussion of the faith of Cornelius he Centurion (Acts 10).67God was pleased with Cornelius' faith that a Savior would come,although he did not know whether this had come to pass or wouldcome in the future; and St. Peter was sent to instruct him in thedetails of the faith. Clearly, Peter Lombard placed himself withAugustine in recognizing aith in the Incarnation as the prerequisitefor salvation among the ancients; however, he did distinguish betweenthe depth of understanding of this required of the learned and thatrequired of the masses.

Peter Lombard's presentation of the tenets of the Christian aithin orderly fashion was continued by Alain of Lille. He wrote not forthe instruction of theological students but for the conversion of here-tics, Jews, and Moslems; for his De Fide Catholica contra Haereticosin four books came at a time in the XIIth century when Christianitywas on the defensive. Alain's first book is directed against theAlbigensian heretics of southern France. He wrote that they deniedthat Christ had descended into hell or that the souls of the saintsimprisoned here had ascended nto heaven with him, for they believedthat the souls of all who had died before the Incarnation wereeternally damned.58 They even included John the Baptist among thedamned, for had he not doubted Christ and sent two of his disciplesto inquire if Jesus were the true Messiah? (Luke 7:20).

Alain of Lille embarked upon a refutation of their error n denyingthat Christ went down into the lower world.59 He chose his evidencein support of the orthodox position from the New Testament, the onlyauthority the Albigensians would recognize; only once did he appealto another authority, the article of the Apostles' Creed-descendit ad

16P.L.192, Quae ante adventum Christi de Mediatore credere sufficiebat, ol.810.7 P.L.192, De fide Cornelii, col.810.

58 P.L.210, De Fide Catholica. ., lib.I, Opinio haereticorum, qui dicunt quodanimae sanctorum, cum Christi non ascenderunt n coelum, et quod Christus nondescendit ad infernum, cap.xv, col.319C.

59P.L.210, cap.xvi, Quibus auctoribus et rationibus probatur, quod Christusdescendit ad inferos et quod animas sanctorum ab inferis liberavit, col.319C-320C.



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186 RALPH V. TURNER

inferos. Alain demonstrated hat John the Baptist was not condemnedby quoting selections from the Gospel where he had acknowledged

Christ as Savior (John 1:29-30) and where Christ had proclaimed hisgreatness (Luke 7:24-28).60 Then Alain quoted more passages ofScripture o prove that Christ had descended nto hell (Luke 11:21-22; Eph. 4: 8-9), and he maintained that Christ had no reason to godown into that infernal region except to free his own whom the devilheld captive there.6

It was not enough for the Doctor universalis to prove that Christdescended nto hell; he had to prove that those confined there were

worthy of redemption. The Albigensians maintained, according toAlain, that the patriarchs and prophets of the Old Testament wereevil and were deserving of eternal punishment because of theirenormous sins.62They were dualists, recognizing wo supreme deities,the good God of the New Testament and the Jehovah of the OldTestament, whom they identified with the devil. Alain confuted theirargument by demonstrating hat the law of Moses was good becauseit was given by God. He presented verses of Scripture llustrating the

goodness and faith of Abraham, Moses, Aaron, and other HebrewFathers, and manifesting their faith in the coming of a Redeemer.63He explained hat these Old Testament figures had not descended ntohell because they deserved eternal damnation but simply because theyshared with all men the guilt of Adam's sin. Alain further explainedthat Christ died in order to free them from the shadows o which theywere bound by original sin just as he died to liberate the living fromthe threat of those shadows, and he descended nto hell to complete

their liberation. Alain's conception of the condition of the Fatherswho awaited Christ in hell was similar to St. Bernard's: they werenot in the deepest part of hell; they were not punished materially;but they were cut off from the vision of God.

The third book of the Contra Haereticos of Alain of Lille wasaimed at the Jews in the hope that they might be converted o Christi-anity.64 Since he was writing for this audience, he had to prove whatboth the Albigensians and orthodox Christians affirmed, hat all who

had perished before Christ's coming descended nto hell, including theJewish patriarchs and prophets. He turned to the Old Testament forevidence, quoting such statements of the Israelite Fathers as Jacob's

60P.L.210, col.319C-D. 61 P.L.210, col.320A-C.62P.L.210, cap.xxxvii, Quibus auctoritatibus et rationibus probant haeretici

Patres Veteris Testamenti malos fuisse, et esse damnatos, col.341B-342B.a8P.L.210, col.242C-243D.64 P.L.210, lib.III, cap.xix, Quibus auctoritatibus probatur quod omnes ante

Christi adventum ad inferos descendebant, t quod necessarium uit ad reducendumgenus humanum, ut Deus hominem assumeret, et sibi mortem subjiceret, col.418A-419D.



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"I shall descend to hell mourning my son" (Gen. 37:33), and Job's"Hell is my home, and I have spread my couch in darkness" Job 17:

13). However, Alain was careful to assert to his Jewish readers thatthis was a penalty for original sin only. After he proved that even thejust descended nto hell, he sought to demonstrate that Christ wentdown to them to reunite them with the Father in heaven.65 Heappealed to the Biblical passages that were traditionally interpretedas referring to the descensus ad inferos. Alain's intention was toassure the Jews whom he sought to convert that salvation was avail-able to their patriarchs and prophets through Jesus Christ.

Although Alain of Lille and Peter Lombard wrote for differentaudiences, hey both treated the doctrine of Christ's descent into hellin the orthodox manner. Alain was one of the few theologians whofound it necessary to defend this doctrine which formed an article ofthe Creed, but he was faced with the Albigensians. Elsewhere, writingfor the Jews, he was forced to justify the confinement of the HebrewFathers in hell by appealing to the doctrine of original sin. Bothwriters adhered o the traditional teaching that the ancient just were

saved by faith in one Mediator between God and Man. Noticeable byits absence from the writings of Peter and Alain is any considerationof the salvation of any ancients outside the Old Testament, except forLombard's discussion of Cornelius the Centurion; in general, thesetwo writers seem to have used the terms "ancient just" and "OldTestament Fathers" interchangeably.

The organization of the tenets of the Christian aith attempted bythese two writers reached its culmination in the Summa Theologica

of St. Thomas Aquinas in the XIIIth century. Since his massivecollection treats every aspect of Christian doctrine, it is hardly sur-prising to find a chapter dealing with Christ's descent into hell.66 n-deed, his treatment s the most exhaustive of all the medieval writers'.The first question about Christ's descent into hell that is raised inthe Summa Theologica concerns its propriety, and St. Thomas an-swers that it was proper n order hat Christ might save mankind romimprisonment here, just as it was proper for him to suffer death in

order to free living men from that burden.67 Thomas found supportfor this in the Scriptures and their glosses, among them the familiarinterpretation of the passage n Hosea.

St. Thomas also treated Christ's descent into hell in one of hisseries of Quaestiones Disputatae, the De Veritate. There he treatedthe question whether for salvation it is necessary o believe explicitly.

65P.L.210, col.418D-419D.66Summa Theologica diligenter emendata de Rubeis, Billuart et aliorum, 9th

edition(Turin, 1901), (hereafter

referred o asS.T.),

vol.IV, pars III, quaestio iii,De descensus Christi ad inferos in octo articulos divisa, pp. 732-41.

67 S. T. pars III, quaestio ii, art. 1, pp. 732-33.



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188 RALPH V. TURNER

One of the objections he listed was the argument that John theBaptist, who surely was saved, had doubted Christ's descent into

hell.68If John the

Baptistdoubted

this,one of the articles of the

Creed, hen surely explicit faith was not demanded of those who livedbefore the Incarnation. St. Thomas replied concerning John's doubt:". . . it was not necessary for him to believe explicitly all the mattersof revelation which are believed after Christ's passion and resurrectionin the age of grace. For, in his time, the knowledge of the truth hadnot reached the fullness which it received especially with the comingof the Holy Spirit." Thomas had no doubt concerning John's admis-

sion to paradise, even though hedied before Christ's sacrifice.

In his Summa this Doctor of the Church discussed Christ'sliberation of the Old Testament Fathers from hell in the orthodoxmanner.69 He wrote that Christ's passion freed man both from thedebt owed by all mankind for original sin and from the individual'sdebt for personal sin. Now the saints in hell, such as John the Baptist,were imprisoned here only because of the stain of original sin whichprevented their attaining the vision of God, but this stain was washed

away by the power of Christ's passion. Followinghis death

uponthe

cross, he led the saints out of the darkness into the light of theheavenly kingdom. Among the objections to this opinion St. Thomaslisted one based on St. Augustine's epistle to Evodius, the source ofseveral arguments opposed to his conclusions.70 he Bishop of Hippohad written that he found no basis for believing that the just in thebosom of Abraham were deprived of the happiness that is the visionof God. Aquinas reconciled this view with his own by interpreting

Augustine as meaning that the ancient just were happyin

expectationof that vision but not yet happy in actual fact. Christ's iberation ofthe saints from hell raised the question of his rescue of the damned,for some early Fathers such as Clement and Origen taught that hefreed all the souls held captive by the devil. Thomas denied that thedamned were delivered, since they had neither the faith in Christ northe love in conformity with his suffering which were necessary forsalvation.71 This concept of love (caritas) in addition to faith as

prerequisite for deliverance had not been emphasized by the earlierwriters.St. Thomas's discussion of the descensus ad inferos indicates that

the ancient just were saved by love and faith in Christ. But howcould man who had suffered death after the fall of Adam and before

68 Based on Matt. 11: 3, "Art thou he that art to come?" Quaestiones Dispu-tatae, De Veritate, Quaestio XIV, De Fide, art, 11, Utrum necessarium aliquid ex-plicite credere, objection 6; Opera Omnia secundum mpressionem Petri Fiaccadori(Parma, 1852-1873), IX, 246. 69 S. T., art.5, pp.736-38.

70 I.e. art.l, obj.l; art.2, obj.4; art.5, obj.l, referring o above; and art.8, obj.l.71S. T., art.6, pp.738-39.



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the coming of Christ achieve that faith? His answer was that evenbefore the Incarnation men were instructed by means of sacraments

in the faith that Christ would come. He expounded his doctrine morefully:I answer that it must be said that sacraments are necessary for humansalvation, inasmuch as they are sensible signs of invisible things by whichman is sanctified. However, nothing can be sanctified after sin, exceptthrough Christ, whom God put forward as an expiation by His blood, toshow His justice. . ., that He may be just and justifying him who has faithin Jesus Christ (Rom. 3: 25-26). Indeed before Christ's coming there was

need for certain visible signs, by which man might declare his faith in thefuture coming of a Savior. And these signs are called sacraments. And thusit is clear that before Christ's coming it was necessary that certain sacra-ments be instituted.72

Aquinas made clear in his replies to various objections that the sacra-ments that foreshadowed Christ's coming were contained in theMosaic Law. As an example he pointed to the similarity between theJewish feast of the Paschal Lamb and the passion of Jesus Christ.73

This doctrine that the Jews living under the Old Law could learn ofa Redeemer and manifest faith in a Christ to come through theirsacraments easily explains the salvation of the Jews, but it seems tobar the pagan philosophers from hope of salvation.

But St. Thomas's more detailed treatment of this question in thetreatise De Veritate makes clear his view that righteous pagans couldgain salvation, too.74 In his exposition he closely followed Peter Lom-bard, setting forth those articles of the Christian faith that are vital

for man's salvation, whether in the age before the Incarnation or inthe following, whether in a Christian kingdom or among the heathen.St. Thomas stated that all men, in whatever age they live, mustexplicitly believe two things: first, that God exists, and second, thatHe exercises providence over human affairs. Then he made severaldistinctions concerning implicit beliefs and explicit beliefs. Hedistinguished between what the leaders and the common people mustbelieve and between what is necessary for belief in different ages-

before the Fall, after the Fall, and after the Incarnation. He statedthat both before and after the Fall, explicit faith in the Trinity wasnecessary for the great men; and after the Fall, explicit faith in thecoming of a Redeemer became necessary in addition. For the commonpeople, only an implicit faith in the Trinity and in a Redeemer wasdemanded. However, in the present age of grace following the Incar-

72 S. T., pars III, quaestio lxi, De necessitate sacramentum n quartos articulosdivisa, art.3, p.795.

73S. T., art.3, obj.2 and 3, pp.795-96.74 Quaestiones Disputatae, De Veritate, Quaestio XIV, De Fide, Opera Omnia,

IX, 244-46.



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190 RALPH V. TURNER

nation, explicit faith in the Trinity and in a Redeemer s required notonly of the leaders but of all men. St. Thomas's addition of belief inthe Trinity as a requirement or salvation marks a break with PeterLombard; t may be due to Peter Abelard's nfluence, or he was con-vinced that the ancient philosophers had known of the Trinity, atleast implicitly.

St. Thomas's precise definition and careful drawing of distinctionsdid not stop with this treatment of the problem. He went on to answerseveral objections to his solution. One objection raises directly thequestion of the salvation of the ancient just; it states that manygentiles were saved before the Incarnation, though they could nothave had an explicit faith in Christ's coming.75 t. Thomas n his replyheld to his view that the leaders must believe explicitly in the comingof a Redeemer, but he placed all gentiles in the category of ordinarypeople, for whom implicit belief is enough. He stated that they shouldnot be expected to be "teachers of divine truth," and he added:

Therefore, t was enough or them to have implicit aith in the Redeemer,either as a part of their belief n the faith of the law and the prophets, r

as part of their belief in divine providence tself. Nevertheless, t is likelythat the mystery of our redemption as revealed o many Gentiles beforeChrist's oming, s is clear from he Sibylline prophecies.76

Aquinas here opened wide the gates of salvation, for admirers of thelearned Greeks and virtuous Romans could easily be convinced thattheir heroes had believed implicitly in a Redeemer. Furthermore, St.Thomas himself expressed the view that many of them were saved.Apparently he would class as leaders, for whom explicit faith was

necessary, only the patriarchs and prophets of the Jews.But what of the fate of those righteous ancients who died before

Christ's coming? Following their deaths, were they welcomed intoheaven at once? St. Thomas had shown n his discussion of the descentinto hell that those ancients who were saved had to remain in helluntil Christ's coming. In one section of his Summa Theologica hetreated their dwelling place there.7 First, Aquinas discussed thequestion whether the limbo of hell (limbus inferni) and the bosom of

Abraham are the same, and he concluded that they are, using argu-ments similar to those that Alain of Lille employed in proving thatthe Hebrew Fathers had gone down to hell. The two terms apply tothe same place, but "Limbo of hell" suggests the incomplete rest ofthe saints awaiting the vision of God, while "bosom of Abraham" m-plies comfort and exemption from punishment.78 He described the

75Obj.5, p.245. 76Reply to obj.5, p.246.77 S. T., vol. V, pars III, Supplementum, quaestio xix, De his quae spectant ad

resurrectionem, t primo de loco animarum post mortem in septem articulos divisa,art. 4-6, pp.578-81.

78 S. T., pars III, Supplementum, rt.4, pp.578-79.



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bosom of Abraham n the traditional manner as a region higher andless gloomy than the section reserved to the damned.79 ndeed, in allhis remarks on the descensus ad inferos St. Thomas Aquinas followed

the traditional, orthodox doctrines; his chief contribution lay inorganizing hem into a logical whole.

Usually ranked alongside St. Thomas Aquinas' Summa Theologicaas one of the great summaries of Scholastic heology is Dante's DivineComedy. In his fictional journey through hell, purgatory, and heaventhe poet encountered many figures who had lived before Christ'scoming. What was his opinion concerning heir salvation? One mightexpect a person such as Dante, sympathetic toward classical iterature

and ancient philosophy, to find justification for the salvation of allthe righteous pagans; but this is not the case at all. The view that heexpresses concerning their fate is completely orthodox, but it is lessgenerous than St. Thomas's view.

Dante's map of hell locates limbo, the abode of the unbaptized andthe virtuous pagans, in the first circle on the outer edge of the pit.Here they were in a state of calm, suffering no physical torment butenduring one great grief, "That, without hope, we ever live, and

long." 0 They did not scream or cry out in physical pain, but onlysighed at their separation from God. Vergil, Dante's guide throughhell and purgatory, made clear the reason for the confinement of theancient just in limbo: it was their lack of faith.81 Dante named manyof the Greeks and Romans he encountered n limbo. It is no surpriseto find the philosophers Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, but it is sur-prising to find many of the classical poets, including Ovid, along withcharacters from pagan legend, such as Hector and Aeneas.82 Dante

found none of the Old Testament patriarchs n limbo, for he acceptedthe traditional interpretation of the descensus ad inferos that Christhad come down and delivered them. Vergil described or him Christ's"harrowing f hell":

When I was newly in this state ..I saw One come n majesty and awe,And on His head were crowns of victory.

Our first great father's pirit [Adam] He did withdraw,And righteous Abel, Noah who built the ark,Moses who gave and who obeyed he Law,

King David, Abraham he Patriarch,Israel with his father and generation,Rachel, or whom he did such deeds of work,

79S. T., art.5, pp.579-80.80Dante, The Divine Comedy, Hell, canto IV, line 42. The translation is

Dorothy L. Sayers', Penguin Classics edition (Harmondsworth, 949), 92.81

Hell,canto

IV,lines

34-39, p.92; Purgatory (Harmondsworth, 955),canto

VII, lines 7-8, p.118.82Hell, canto IV, lines 88-144, pp.93-95; Purgatory, canto XXII, lines 97-114,

p.243.



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192 RALPH V. TURNER

With many another of His chosen nation;These did He bless; and know, that ere that day

No human soul had ever seen salvation.83Finally, in the Paradise, Dante faced directly the question of the

salvation of the ancient just. He pondered he fate of those righteouspersons who died without knowing Christ. Through no fault of theirown, they had the misfortune to live in a time or place where knowl-edge of Christ was forbidden them. In heaven, the just rulers whocompose the starry eagle collectively voice this problem which per-plexed Dante:

... Here's a man ... born of some breedOn Indus' bank, where there is none to tellOf Christ, and none to write, and none to read;

He lives, so far as we can see, quite well,Rightly disposed, in conduct not amiss,Blameless in word and deed; yet infidel

And unbaptized he dies; come, tell me this:Where is the justice that condemns he manFor unbelief? What fault is it of his? 84

The eagle gives an Augustinian answer that human beings cannotquestion the justice of such a man's damnation, for they cannot expectto understand God's justice; but it goes on to declare faith in Christas the way to salvation:

. .. None ever soaredTo this high realm [Paradise] that had not faith in Christ,

Ere He was nailed on tree, or afterward.8This statement expressed the traditional view that one who diedbefore the Incarnation could win entry to heaven by faith in a Saviorto come. Dante was made fully aware of this when he observed closelythe five stars which form the curve above the eagle's eye, for he foundthe fifth one to be Rhipeus, a Trojan hero, killed in the fall of Troylong before Christ's coming.86 Dante's amazement at finding Rhipeusin paradise prompted the chorus of just rulers to explain that onaccount of his righteousness God revealed to him "the redemptionyet to come," so that he was "complete in Christian faith" before theIncarnation.7

Yet Dante was extremely cautious in his application of this doc-88Hell, canto IV, lines 52-63, pp.92-93.84 Paradise (Harmondsworth, 962), canto XIX, lines 70-78, p.226.85Paradise, canto XIX, lines 103-105, p.227.86Paradise, canto XX, line 68, p.234. The Roman emperor Trajan was another

of the five stars, but of course he lived after the Incarnation.87Paradise, canto XX, lines 100-129, p.235.



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trine of "baptism by desire." He might have been expected to usethis to gain admittance into heaven for any number of virtuous

pagans, at least for Vergil, his image for human wisdom. Vergil'sfourth Eclogue, interpreted in the Middle Ages as a prophecy ofChrist, surely qualified him as one who had an implicit faith in thecoming of a Redeemer. But Vergil remained in limbo, along withCicero, Seneca, and others whom Dante might have thought deservingof salvation. Dante was hardly unrestrained n his admiration or thewisdom of the ancients. It seems that both Peter Abelard and St.Thomas Aquinas were more optimistic concerning the possibilities

for salvation of the ancient just.In this survey of medieval views on the salvation of the ancientjust, the writings of ten thinkers have been examined: Clement ofAlexandria and Origen, IIIrd-century Greek Christian writers; St.Augustine and Pope Gregory I, Latin Fathers of the Church; PeterAbelard, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, Peter Lombard, and Alain of Lille,XIIth-century teachers and preachers; St. Thomas Aquinas andDante, XIIIth-century summarizers of Christian teaching. As

Christians, all these men accepted as an article of faith the statementof the Creed: Descendit ad inferos. Only Alain of Lille, writing in anattempt to convert heretics who denied that teaching, felt compelledto defend it.

Most of these writers recognized ome connection between Christ'sdescent nto hell and the salvation of men who died before his coming.All the writers affirmed hat Christ's purpose n going down into hellwas to free the souls of the just men who deserved salvation. They

believed that these men were confined in a region of hell knownvariously as paradise, the bosom of Abraham, or limbo, a place ofphysical comfort but obstructing the full vision of God. The twoGreek Fathers went further and maintained that Christ had preachedto the souls in hell, offering salvation to all confined in its depths.But St. Augustine and St. Gregory he Great rejected this opinion asheretical.

The question of defining he ancient just proved to be difficult and

caused some divergence of opinion. St. Augustine taught that of thosemen living between Adam's fall and the Incarnation only those whohad believed in the future coming of a Mediator between God andman were delivered from hell by Christ. These souls were obliged toremain in hell until Christ's coming because they, like all men, weretainted with original sin. Augustine's teaching became the orthodoxview, reaffirmed y St. Thomas Aquinas and Dante.

The problem ay in determining what men among the ancients did

believe in a future Redeemer. Clearly, the prophets and patriarchs ofthe Old Testament who had foretold Christ's coming fall were within



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194 RALPH V. TURNER

the class of those who believed. But what of others who lived beforethe Incarnation, uch as the pagan philosophers of Greece and Rome?Origen and Clement of Alexandria recognized the righteousness of

many of these men, and they were unwilling to accept their damnationas just. They supposed that Christ had preached to them in hell. St.Augustine, pondering he same question, came to a different answer-or rather to no answer at all. He simply concluded that man is in-capable of comprehending God's justice, a conclusion repeated byDante in his Divine Comedy. Peter Abelard was not so cautious aboutman's abilities. He formulated the revolutionary doctrine that thepagan philosophers arrived at knowledge of the Trinity by natural

reason and consequently gained an awareness of Christ, which madethem worthy of salvation. Of course, Abelard's view was attacked bySt. Bernard, who was a conservative hostile to this new emphasis onman's reason.

Peter Lombard in his Sentences spelled out precisely the rulesgoverning the salvation of the ancients, and St. Thomas largelyfollowed the Lombard's solution of the problem. They both taughtthat all men-for salvation-must acknowledge hat God exists and

rules over the world, and they both taught that all men living beforeChrist must have had faith in the coming of a Redeemer. This faithmust be clear to the leaders, but may be veiled to the masses. St.Thomas added to this faith in a Redeemer a faith in the Trinity. Hewas quite generous in extending salvation to the pagan just, for heclassed all pagans as among the common people for whom a veiledfaith sufficed. Apparently, only the Jewish patriarchs and prophetsneeded to believe explicitly. St. Thomas even made the statement

that many of the "gentiles" had been saved. Surprisingly, Dante, whohad great admiration or the pagan poets and philosophers, and whoclosely followed St. Thomas's theology, was not nearly so optimisticabout the ancients' salvation. He placed only a tiny number n para-dise, leaving the vast majority of the ancients languishing in limbo.

In spite of Dante's caution, medieval Christians who admiredclassical thought and letters could hope to meet their favorite authorsin paradise and still remain orthodox. However, the question of the

fate of the pagans is not likely to have worried many medieval Chris-tians. They saw the mystery plays which pictured Christ freeing theOld Testament Fathers from hell and leading them in glory into thekingdom of heaven, and they were satisfied with God's justice.

Florida State University

Descendit Ad Inferos

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