KernosRevue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion

grecque antique

10 | 1997

Varia

Death and Afterlife in Minoan Religion

Bernard C. Dietrich

Electronic version

URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/643DOI: 10.4000/kernos.643ISSN: 2034-7871

Publisher

Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique

Printed version

Date of publication: 1 January 1997Number of pages: 19-38ISSN: 0776-3824

Electronic reference

Bernard C. Dietrich, « Death and Afterlife in Minoan Religion », Kernos [Online], 10 | 1997, Online since12 April 2011, connection on 30 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/643 ; DOI :10.4000/kernos.643

Kernos

Kernos,10 (1997), p. 19-38.

DeathandMterlife in Minoan Religion

Minoan religion centredon the fruitfulness of nature and its powers ofrenewal.Death was a necessarystageof that processto ensurerebirth. Did theMinoansor Mycenaeans,for that matter, look beyondthat recurringcycle of lifefrom death?Burial practicesdo not contributeany decisive information on thispoint. The mode of disposaI of the physical remains had little bearing onreligious belief: cremationor burial servedthe samepurposeand had no parti-cular significancein what was thought to happenafter death. Nor did eithermethod fundamentallyaffect the nature of funerary ceremonial1. In such apragmaticvision of death as a natural stagein the repeatingcycle of renewalthere is little room for conceptsof afterlife. The belief in a continuedseparateexistencein sorne otherwordly fourth dimensionpresupposesthe notion ofsurvival in sorneform of individual identity after death.Minoan and Mycenaeaniconographyis not helpful on that point, or at bestambiguous.

A terracottamodel, that was found in the tholos complex at Kamilari,consistsof two pairs of figures sitting againstthe wall of a portico and receivingofferings of food from two smallermale figures who standbefore them2 (Fig. 1).The setting recalls the sceneon one of the long sidesof the HagiaTriada sarco-phagus,where the statue-likemain figure of the deadis being offered variousgifts3. Both representationsare instancesof a specialservicefor, tendanceof, ormore likely cult of the dead. The extendedfestival, that is depicted on thesarcophagus,includessacrifice in honourof the dead,gifts and libations. All ofthosewere cornmon on such occasionsfrom the early funerary cuits about thetombs in the Mesara4. Underlying the 'celebration'of deathwith its elaborateritual, which also includedcommunalmeals,is the expectationof renewal.

E. VERMEULE, AspectsofDeath ill Barly GreekArt alld PoetlY CSatherClass.Lect.46), Berkeley,1979CSatherClass.Lectures,46), p. 2; B. UHDE, Psyche.Bill Symbol?,in G. STEPHENSONCed.) Lebellund Tod in den Religionen.SymbolulldIVirklichkeit, Darmstadt,1980, p. 112.

2 D. LEVI, La Tombaa 71)olosdi Kami/an', in ASAA,39/40 (962), p. 59. The roof crownedwithhorns of consecrationis now missing.

K. BRANIGAN, The TombsofMesara, London, 1970; E. VERMEULE, Greece ill the Brollze Age,Chicago,1966, p. 44.

Recentdiscussionsof the larnax with full bibliographiesare by W. POTSCHER,AspekteulldProblemeder Milloischell Religioll. Bill Versuch, Hildesheim-Zürich-NewYork, 1990, p. 171-191;N. MARINATOS, Milloall Religioll. Ritual, Image, alld Symbol,Univ. South Carolina Press,1993, p. 31-

36; 254 n. 113.4

20 B.C. DIETRICH

Despitethe often preciousgifts, there is no convincing evidencethat thefunerary cult implied heroization,or indeeddeification, of the dead5. Hero culthasplausiblybeenexplainedas a phenomenonof archaictimes in the main, andit tendedto be reservedfor Homer'swarriors beforeTroy, or for the heroesthatwere thought to have beenburied in prehistoricMycenaeantombs6. The recur-ring rites in honourof the deadfocusedon the tomb rather than on one indivi-dual amongthe many deadthat were buried there7. Exceptionsto the mIe areconceivablein the case of extraordinaryroyals or noblemen, including thepersonwho had beenburied in the Hagia Triada sarcophagus.It is of consi-derableinterestthat importantaspectsof funerary ritual changedlittle, if at aU,betweenthe BronzeAge and classical times. The actions of tending the dead,laying out of the corpse(prothesis), signs of mourningand so on remainedverysimilar, apart from 'technical' differencesof burial and cremations.Minoanterracottasof mourning women in black dress,with handsclaspedover theirheads,are virtually identical to their Mycenaeanand Greek counterparts9. Thecharacteristicgestureof mourning is repeatedon Mycenaeancoffins, and it isquite familiar in geometricand archaicGreekartlO

.

Phourni: Minoan/Mycenaean funerary cult

A walled off areawith sevenMycenaeanshaft gravesin the Minoan ceme-tery of Phourni at Arkhanes in Crete looks like an implant in foreign soil. Themode of burial, however,suggestsan affinity betweenMinoan and Mycenaeanpracticell (Figs. 2 & 3). In many respectsthe setting resemblesthat of GraveCircle A in Mycenae,althoughit antedatedthe Phourni enclosureby sorne two

B1tANIGAN, op. cif. (n.4), p. 1I7; V. LA ROSA, Ancient Crete. A Hundred Years of ltalianArchaeology1884-1984,Rome, 1985, p. 142. For a different view of the Kamilari dead seeLEVI, art.cit. (n. 2), p. 123; I. PINI, Beitriige zur minoischenGriiberkunde,Wiesbaden,1968, p. 29.

6 V.R. d'A. DESBOROUGH, 71Je Greek Dark Ages, London, 1972, p. 283; ].N. COLDSTREAM.GeometricGreece,London, 1977. p. 164; A. SNODGRASS.Archaic Greece. 71Je Age of Experiment,London, 1980, p. 39; B.C. DIETRICH, Death, Pate and the Gods, repr. London, 1967, p. 31-35. Theehthonic cult of heroes(daemons)in popular belief and superstitionis diseussedon p. 35-58. Thereare a numberof different theories regardinghero cult vis à vis tomb and ancestorcult in the EarlyIron Age and arehaie Greece. They have most reeently been eritieally diseussedby Carla M.ANTONACCIO, 71JeArchaeologyofAncestors:TombCult andHero Cult in Early Greece,London, 1995.

7 Opinions differ on this point, see the previousnote and Carla ANTONACCIO, Placing the Past,in S.E. ALCOCK, R. OSBORNE (eds.),Placing the Gods,Oxford, 1994, p. 90-92.

8 VERMEULE, Aspects,op. cit. (n. 1), p. 63.

Cf 6th century B.C. Allie b-f bowl with mourning women, VERMEULE, Aspects,op. cif.(n. 1),

Fig. 19.

10 E.T. VERMEULE, PaintedMycel1aemlLarnakes,inJHS, 85 (1965), p. 142; Pl. xxv (a)(b); xxvii A,B, C, D; Aspects,op. cit.(n. 1), p. 12-14, 6th cent. vase,Fig. 7.

11 On the cemeteryof Phourni, which was in use for over 1000 years from EM II - LM IlIC, see]. & E. SAKELLARAKIS, Crete. Archanes,Athens, 1991.

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION 21

hundredyears.But the periboloswall at Mycenae,which was circular becauseof the unevenlyspacedgraves,and the rectangularenclosurewall in the Cretancemeterywere virtually contemporary12.The burials themselvespresent astriking mixture of Minoan and Mycenaeancustoms:at Phourni the deadhadbeenplacedinsideMinoan-typelarnakes,but the gifts werefound directly in theshaft, as in the caseof the Mycenaegraveswhich had no coffins. The sidesofthe larnakesin Phournihad beenpainted,but thosefound in situ weremostlybrokenand empty, exceptfor onewhich containeda few bones.Indicationsarethat, like their Minoan neighbours,the Mycenaeansthere practisedsecondaryburial: after the flesh had rottedaway, they exhumedthe bonesand laid them torest in the Minoan-typecoffin.

The characteristicallyMinoan terracottalarnax looks like a roundedbathtubor, in anotherpopularshape,like a rectangularchest,commonlywith a lid in theform of a pitched roof. Larnakesare known from Early Minoan but becamepractically universal in post-palatialtimes in Crete. On the mainland they arerare. A few quite late C13th/12th century B.C.) Mycenaeanexampleswereknown; but they were believed to be exceptionaland alien to Mycenaeancustom, until the relatively recentdiscoveryof abouta dozensuch coffins in acemeteryat BoeotianTanagra13. The Mycenaeancoffins from Phourni now addto the evidence.

Funeraryritual primarily concernedtendanceof the physical remainsanddid not obviously involve awarenessof, let alone care for, a soul of the deadl4 .

ThroughoutGreek history the rites of laying out the corpse,carrying it to theplace of burial, mourning and so on, constitutedimportantelementsof separa-tion of the deadfrom the living: a guiding away to anotherstage. In classicaltimes and later, scenesof parting are commonon Attic grave monuments.Thedeadis seenleaving his tomb on white-ground lekythoi, or oil flasks, whichwere placedwith the burial. Hermesguides the dead to the ferryman Charonwho takeshim to Hadesacrossthe Acheron river. Scenesof this naturebelongprimarily to the 5th centuryB.C., and so does the figure of Charon15. Descrip-tions of Hades and its topographyfirst occur in Homer's Odyssey.The twoNekyiai of Books 11 and 24 provideda model on which myth couId build up itsgeographyof the underworld16.

12 Ibid., p. 71.

13 VERMEULE, ait. cit. (n. 10), p. 123-148.On the Tanagralarnakesseenow also W. CAVANAGH -C. MEE, MOllming before and after the Dark Age, in Klados. Essaysin honollr of ].N.Coldstream,London, 1995 (BICSSuppl. 63), , p. 45-61.

14 But seeVERMEULE's discussionin Aspects,op. cit. (n. 1), p. 7-11.

15 Cf Charun in Etruscanbelief and art, DIETRICH, Fate, op. cif. (n. 6), p. 147.

16 VERMEULE, Aspects,op. cif. (n. 1), p. 4; 211 n. 6. Scenesof the underworldbecamepopularonSouth ltalian r.-f. vases,A.D. TRENDALL, SouthItalian VasePainting, BM, 1966, p. 12-13.

22 B.e. DIETRICH

Fig. 1 : Terracottamodel from Kamilari

(1. SAKELLARAKIS, Guide ta the Herakiionlv1useulIl,Athens, 1979, p. 54 [lower])

Fig. 2 : MycenaeanShaft Graves,Phourni, Crete

(1. SAKLELLARAKIS, Crete. Archanes,Athens, 1991, fig. 41)

Fig. 3 : MycenaeanShaft Graves,Phourni, Crete (Reconstruction)

Q. SAKLELLARAKIS, Crele. Arcbal1es, Athens, 1991, fig. 42)

Fig. 4 : The HaghiaTriada sarcophagus(MARINATOS-HIRMER, op. cit. [no 46], pl. xxx).

24 B.C. DIETRICH

Funeraryritual also had a negativefunction of preventingthe return of thedeceased'sspirit17. Thereis no traceof a belief in an immortal humansoul in thispracticewhich simply reveals the powerful atavistic fear that the potentiallyharmful spirit might return to hurt the living 18. In popularsuperstitionsuch evilspirits were daemons,goblins and bogeysin the serviceof the goddessHecate.They could assumethe shapeof birds and strike anyonewith madnessordisease19. Fearsof this kind are pretty universal in most cultures, and theydoubtlessplayeda part in Minoan andMycenaeansuperstitionas we1l2o.

However, the Minoan commonpracticeof multiple burial in one tomb, andespeciallyof reburial, does not suggesta lastingconcernfor the dead.The bonesof earlier burials were treatedwith scantrespect: they were unceremoniouslypushedto one side in order to make room for new additions. Care obviouslyendedwhen the corpse'sfamiliar physical featureshad disappeared.So ideasofany sort of palpableafterlife, are afortiori unlikely in Minoan religion21.

Thereis a period of transition betweendeath and actual burial or crema-tion. That period is taken up by the prescribedand basicallyunchangingrites22.The passagegrows considerablylonger in the caseof secondaryburial whichmay take betweentwo to five yearsafter death23. It hasbeensuggestedthat thetraditional long periodwas neededfor the soul of the deadpersonto breakfreeof its earthly bonds24. Indeed,similar notions are all but commoncoinage sincethe Presocraticphilosophers.The doctrine of the body as the tomb of the soul(a&flcx allflcx), becamefamiliar through Orphic teachingin the 6th century B.C.,and it appealedto subsequentGreekphilosophy25.The conceptdependson abelief in the survival of the individual's soul that was subject to reward orpunishmentfor pastsins. Neither is likely, or at leastprovable,for the world ofMinoans and Mycenaeans.The practice of secondaryburial did not by itselfindicate any eschatologicalideasbut allowed the living, who remainedbehind,to take properleaveof their dead.

17 DETLEF _ I. LAUF, lm Zeicben des grossen Übergangs,in Leben und Tod in den Religionen,Darmstadt,1980, p. 88.

18 Cf. the banning of spirits of the dead (Keres) at the end of the Anthesteria festival,M.P. NILSSON, GGRI3, p. 222, 597: DIETRICH, Fate, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 241.

19 Refs. in E. ROHDE, Psycbe(repr. of 8th ed., transI. by W.B.Hillis), London, 1950,App. VII, p. 593-594: ANDRES in RE Suppl. III, s.v. Daimon: M.P. NILSSON, GriecbiscbeFeste von Religi6serBedeutungmit Ausscblussder Attiscben,Leipzig, 1906, p. 396; DIETRICH, Fate, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 18-20, 241-242.

20 SeeDIETRICH, Fate, op. cif. (n. 6), p. 144-145.

21 Above n. 5.

22 VERMEULE, Aspects,op. cit. (n. 1), p. 2.

23 MARINATOS, MinRel, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 26-27.

24 Ibid.

25 The idea was taken up by PLATO, Crat., 400c; cf. Gorgias, 493c with other etymologiesof thetwo words. Seealso ROHDE, Psycbe,op. cif. (n. 19), p. 335-361:W. BURKERT, GreekReligion. ArcbaicandClassical(transI. by].Raffan), Oxford, 1985, p. 322.

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION

The concept of Elysium and Minoan eschatology

25

Yet, sunt aliquid manes} letum non O1nniafinit. 'Thereare such things asshades,deathdoes not end ail', accordingto Propertius26. At the moment ofdeathsomethingdesertsthe body which staysunmarkedbut beginsits processof disintegration. 'Soul' is a convenientterm for this essentialelementof life.Homercalls the insubstantiallife-breath \jfUXn (psyche)which literally meansjustthat, 'breath' or 'air,27. In epic the dying hero first loses his 8U1l6ç, that is hisphysical living strength,which leavesthe body and vanishes.The \jfUXn followshis 8ull6ç but doesnot dissolve: it flies away dream-like28

. It flutters like a bat onits way to Hades,after the physical remainshave beenduly buried29. 'Puxn inHomermeans 'life' thereforeandnot 'soul; evenanimaIspossesseda \jfUXn whichthey lost at death3ü.

A hero's psyche,however, enteredHades, 'Aïùnç in Homer, namely apersonificationof 'the Invisible', which is an appropiateterm for the abodeofthe dead31. The word eïùroÀov ('image, likeness') is synonymouswith \jfUXn inHomer: the eidolon gave visible form to the latter which in epic belief wasconceptmore than shape.The 'image' allowed the deadhero to appearphysi-caUy in his former shapebut on a much smallerscale,waif-like and with wingsfluttering about gloomy Hades.The winged eidolon, which has beencomparedwith a soul-bird ('Seelenvogel'),becamea popularthemefor Greekvasepaintersfrom the 8th/7th to the 5th centuryB.e. They pictoriaUy realisedHomer'svisionof a man's psycheand its eidolon32. Aristotle was the first authority to usepsychein the senseof 'butterfly' or 'moth>33.

The soul is still pictured as a butterfly in the folklore of modernCrete andotherpeoples34, bringing togetheran ancientsymbol of the renewal of life andphilosophical/ moral ideas of an immortal souI35. Homer's shades(psychaO

26 PROP.,IV, 7, 1.

27 NILSSON, GGR13 , p. 192-199, especially p. 194. On the Homeric concept of life, soul andafterlife seealso ROHDE, Psyche,op. cil. (n. 19), p. 3-43: E. BICKEL, HomerischerSeelenglaube(1925);]. B6HME, Die Seeleund das1ch im HomerischenEpos (1929): B. SNELL, Die El1tdeckungdes Geistes4

(1975): B. UHDE, art. cit. (n. 1), p. 103-117: A. DIHLE in FestschriftStuiber, jjAC, 9 (1982), p. 9-20:BURIŒRT, GrRel, op. cit. (n. 25), p. 194-199.

28 Gd., Xl, 222.

29 Gd., XXIV, 5-7; cf EUR., Hecuba,705.

30 Gd., XlV, 426.

31 On this likely etymologyseeNILSSON, GGR13, p. 455.

32 Homer borrowed his familiar notion from an earlier source, VERMEULE, m1. cil. (n. 10),p. 146-147: see below n. 40. On the popular idea of a soul-bird, see G. WEICKER, Der Seelellvogel(902) who collected the relevant instances:NILSSON, GGR13, p. 197-199.

33 Hist. ail., 551a 14.

34 A. EVANS, ThePalaceofMillos at Knossos,London, 1921-1935(cited PM below) III, p. 151.

35 B.e. DIETRICH, TheGrigills ofGreekReligion, Berlin, 1974,p. 121-122.

26 B.C. DIETRICH

were, and always remained,insubstantial.They lacked strength,excepttempo-rarily after drinking the blood of freshly slaughteredvictims, as in the Nekyia ofOdyssey11, and they hadno hopeof everbeingreborn.The psychailanguishedmiserably in Hades for al! time, so that even Achilles' shadewas moved tocomplain to Odysseus,that he would ratherbe a serf in the world above thanking of al! the shadesbelow36. Homer perceivedHades' realm as existing inparal!elwith the world of the living; thepsychaicontinuedin Hadesas replicasof their old selvesin occupationand social position but without punishmentorreward for their former deeds.The underworld in fact was modelled on theworld of the Olympians. In Homer PhoenixdescribesHadesas the 'chthonicZeus'37.Hades ruled his lower realm but also lived in a palace just like theOlympians38.

The epic mythological and geographicaldetails of Hades contain contra-dictions which aroseas a result of foreign influence impinging on earlier tradi-tion. Hadesis imaginedas below the groundin a subterraneanunderworld,or atthe edge of the world and beyond Oceanus.In a passagefrom the SecondNelGyia Hermesleadsthe psychaiof the deadsuitors past the White Rock andthe Gatesof the Sun, the Land of Dreams and on to the Field of Asphodel,'where dwell the psychai, shapesCeidola) of men outworn,39. These arecolourful, poetic variations on the basic theme of humanpsychaiand theirvisible eidola. The idea is older thanHomer'spoem,old enoughto reachback tothe myths of post-palatialCreteand the Greekmainland40.

Few neopalatialburials are known in Creteand practical!y no clearly identi-fiable funerary imagery41.However, paintingsof seacreatureson the sidesandeven inside Minoan coffins Clarnakes)at the end of the period have led to thesuggestionthat Minoans buried their dead at sea, thus accounting for thestrangearchaeologicallacuna42. The idea of an island-sea-faring peoplesendingtheir deadon their last voyageacrossthe sea, is certainly attractive. It conjuresup Hesiod'sIsles of the Blest43 and agreeswith Egyptianpractice44. Some,but by

36 Od., XI, 489-491.

37 II. , IX, 457 (KCHUx86vlOS); cf 569.

38 NILSSON. GGR13, p. 452-456.

39 Od., XXIV, 11-14, seeA. HEUBECK's commentson the passagein A Commentmyon Homer'sOdyssey,Oxford, 1992, p. 360-361;cf BURKERT, GrRel, op. clt. (n. 25), p. 196.

40 Seen. 32.

41 PINI, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 52-54; MARINATOS, MlnRel, op. clt. (n. 3), p. 229.

42 NILSSON, MMR2, p. 625-626;MARINATOS,' MlnRel, op. clt. (n. 3), p. 231.

43 W&D, 170-173. The concept of Elysium is discussedin a forthcoming study on Minoanreligion. The topie has been denselyargued by Chf. SOURVINOU-INWOOD in her book 'Reading'GreekDeatb. To tbeEnd of tbe ClasslcalPerlod, Oxford, 1995, p. 32-56. Her conclusionsregardingthenon-Minoanorigin of Elysium basically agreewith mine.

44 Seen. 42.

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION 27

no meansthe majority of, Minoan cemeterieswere placed near the sea, ineasternCretefor exampleand in the north at Mallia.

Furthermore,modelsof boatshavebeenfound in Minoan tombs, perhapsfor this very purpose45

. One also thinks of the offering of a boat to the deceasedon one of the long sides of the Hagia Triada sarcophagus46, Sorne Minoanlarnakeswere made in the shapeof boats, but they would sink instantly iflaunchedon the sea.Otherslook like bathtubs or boxes,that is practical contai-nersand quite unsuitablefor crossingthe seato anotherworld47. Equally remoteis the suggestionthat the Greekmyth of DanaeandPerseus,who were setadriftin a box by her fatherAcrisius, preserveda distantmemoryof Minoan customofburial at sea48,

One votive model of a boat from a funerary context, and now in theMitsotakis Collection at Chania, appearsto be canying a large honeycomb,According to one interpretation,the honeywas intendedas food for the deadon his last voyage49, But if it is a honeycomb50, a more obvious connectionseemsto be with the beeassymbolof regeneration51, Boatsare appropiategiftsto the deadof a seafaringpeopleandkeenfishermen,

Chancepreservedan important funerary documentin the painting on thefour sidesof the Hagia Triada sarcophagus52 (Fig, 4). It has beenplausibly sug-gestedthat the decorationon the two long sidestells one continuousstory of afestival for the dead that extendedover more than one day, The style of thepictorial programmeis still that of the neopalatialfresco. But the identity of thedeadperson,who received the gifts and who was honouredby the elaborateceremonial,has beensubject to debate,He may have beena mere mortal ofnoble or royal blood, or even a heroizeddeadon his way to anotherworld53.

One could wish for new Minoan finds to corroborate such a view which ismainly basedon Egyptian belief, Two pairs of female figures are seendrivingchariotsfrom right to left acrossthe small end panelsof the coffin, One chariot

45 D, GRAY, Seewesen,G6ttingen, 1974 (ArcbaeologiaHomerica), p, 14-19, For a critical review ofthe evidencesee R. LAFFINEUR, La mer et l'Au-delà dans l'Égéeprébistorique,in Agaeum,7 (991),p. 233-235,

46 Sp, MARINATOS - M. HIRMER, Kreta, Tbera und das MykeniscbeHel/as, Munich, 19763 ,

Pl. XXXII, top.

47 Suggestedby B, RUTKOWSKI, Kykladen und Kreta: Bemerkungenüber die bronzezeil/icbeReligion, in AAA, 9 (976), p. 237,

48 Criticised by LAFFINEUR, ait, cil. (n, 45), p, 234.

49 C. DAVARAS, in AB (1984), p. 76-92; fig. 1 on p. 56,

50 Doubtedby LAFFINEUR, art, cit, (n. 45), p, 235.

51 DIETRICH, Oligins, op. cit. (n. 35), p, 119-122,

52 Seeaboven, 3. According to SOURVINOU-INWOOD's eccentricview, the frescoesdo not showfunerary scenesbut divine cult in which the figure receiving the offerings representsa priest actingon behalfof a god, ('Reading'GreekDeatb, op, cil, [n, 43], p, 42).

53 NILSSON, MMR2 , p. 432-433.

28 B.C. DIETRICH

is drawn by two winged griffins, and the other is apparentlyharnessedto twogoats. Both scenesshould most probably be integratedas part of the wholecompositionand, judging by the syntax of Minoan wall painting, the figuresrepresentgoddesses54. If true, the ritual, which is depictedon the larnax, wouldconvey a more generalsignificanceof the symbolic celebrationof death andregeneration.

Sincethe early daysof Minoan studiesthere hasbeenmuchconfidenthopeof discoveringconvincingevidencefor a fully developedeschatologyin Minoanbelief. The primary expectationhasbeenthat of an Egyptian-typeconceptionofa paradisefor the dead. The Ialu or Earu Fields on an island across the sea,wherethe blessedsouls of the deadcontinuedto exist after death55. A memorysurvived, accordingto this line of thought, in Homer'sElysian Plain to whichMenelauswas destinedto be transportedafter his death,escapingthe universalhumanfate of descendingto Hades.The poet also briefly mentionsin passingthat Rhadamanthyslived there, as if his audiencewould be expectedto know56.

The passagecontains the only mentionof Elysium in both epics. The presenceof Rhadamanthysimplies a Cretanbelief in the existenceof a moral judgmentofthe dead. Indeed,his brotherMinos is describedin the Odysseyas judging theshadesin Hades57.

There is an importantdistinction here, though, becausein performing thatfunction in Homer'sHadesthe king did no more than continuehis characteristicactivity in this life. In the same way the threegreatsinnersof Greekmythology,Tantalus, Sisyphusand Tityus, go on with their regime of penanceeven inHades58. More advancedmoral notionscamelater. The idea of judgmentof deadsoulson their conductin this life was probablynot formulatedin Greecebeforethe 6th century B.C. under influence of Pythagoreanand Orphic thought. Platofirst describedRhadamanthys'office as judge of the dead59. Homer'sElysium(ad. 4, 563-564) is nat mentionedagain in Greek literature before the Al;go-

nautica by Apollonius of Rhodes60. It is unique, like the sceneson the HagiaTriada sarcaphagus,and it furthermoreclasheswith the picture of murky Radeswhich was the more familiar fate of mortals in the westernAegean61.

ad., IV, 561-564.

57 ad., XI, 568.

58 NILSSON, GGR13, p. 454.

59 Ap%gy,41a; Gorgias, 523e.

60 AR, IV, 811.

54 Whether the goats are pulling two chthonic goddessesis another question, MARINATOS,MiI1Re/, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 35-36. Seealso POTSCHER,Aspekte,op. cit. (n. 3), p. 181-182.

55 E.g. NILSSON, MMR', p. 626-627;GGR13, p. 693; VERMEULE, Aspects,op. cft. (n. 1), p. 72-73, withdetailed references.

56

61 Seen. 43.

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION

The 'Ring of Nestor'

29

Sir Arthur Evansdigressesto describethe discoveryof a remarkablering in atholos tomb at Pylos (Kakovatos). The solid gold signetwas found by a peasantin 1907 before the first Germanexcavationsat the site. Evanswent out of hisway to acquirethe objectafter seeingan impressionof the design62. He called itthe 'Ring of Nestor' after the king of MessenianPylos, where the ring had beendiscovered(Fig. 5). Going by the associatedpainted pottery in the sametomb,Evansdated the ring to the first phaseof the Late Minoan period, that is aboutthe secondhalf of the 16th centuryB.e.63. Il is a little earlier thereforethan theHagia Triada sarcophagusand its decorationvery much in the style of theKnossianMiniature Frescoes64. There are 17 figures, humanand animal, in thering's designwithout counting the two lepidopterain the top-Ieft zone. Theygreatlyoutnumberthoseof any otherknown ring of the Minoan and Mycenaeanrepertoire.In dress, actions and accoutrementsthe figures are strictly Minoan,although there is an impressionof separateelementsor groups having beenplacedside by side without perhapsfully coming togetherin one organic com-position. The field of design on the bezel is dramatically divided into fourseparate zonesby the trunk of a gigantic treewhich, togetherwith its horizontalbranches,extendsto the north, south,eastandwest edgesof the oval ring. LikeYggdrasil, the Scandinavian'Tree of the World', the top of the trunk heretouchesthe sky, while its massiveroots reachdeepdown below the surfacetothe netherworld65.

The first sceneon the top left showsa seatedpair of femalefigures next to astandingyoung male and woman with raised arms. Above the larger, seatedfemale, whom Evansidentifies as the Minoan GreatGoddess,two butterfliesarehoveringwith two chrysalisesstill higher up in the samefield. A large couchantlion, symbol of royal and divine power, has his headturned to the right and al!but fills the otherupperzone.He is lying on a platform, which Nilsson identifiesas a sacrificial table like that on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus.On the ring,however, the table is more elaborate:it has two top platesand what look likethree portablealtars with incurving sidesfor legs. Also two figures are shownkneelingbeforethe massiveplatform66.

The left lower field suggeststhe typical progressof a processionwith theleading figure drawing the three others to the right towards the tree. On theotherside are three bird-headedfemalesof which one is turned to the left as if

62 PM, III, 145-157,Fig. 95: 104; Pl. XXA.

63 PM, III, 146.

64 PM, III, 146: 155:157, seealsoNILSSON, MMR2, p. 43-45, speciallyp. 45.

65 PM, III, 147-148:NILSSON, MMR2: p. 44.

66 MMR2 , p. 47-48. Nilsson believes the artist revealed his forgery by rnisunderstandingthecorrectuse for the platforrn as a slaughteringtable.

30 B.C. DIETRICH

beckoningto the processionalgroup, while the other two with characteristicgesturesof adorationstand before a winged griffin seatedon a table. Thewomanbehindthe griffin effectively framesthe scene.She standsat the rightfacing inward to the left. She is taller than the adorantsand more formally dres-sedlike a priestessor possibly goddess.Hel' headis disproportionallysmall inthe mannerof late neopalatialglyptic67, so that it is impossibleto seewhetherher featuresare human or those of a bird like the other three figures68. Hel'gestureof one arm down along her side and the other raised from the elbowsymmetricallyrepeatsthat of the first bird-headedfemale figure.

Fig. 5 : The 'Ring of Nestor' (PM, III, p. 153, fig. 104)

Evansexplainsthe lower sceneas 'the initiatory examinationof those ente-ring the Halls of theJustin the Griffin's Court,69.His readingis basedon analogywith Egyptian beliefs, and he comparesthe limbs of the massive tree on the'Ring of Nestor' with the 'four rivers of Paradiseor the triple-branchedwatercourseof the Fieldsof Ialu in the Egyptian 'Islandsof the Blest,70.The composite

67 A. TAMVAKI, 77Je Human Figure in the AegeanGlyptic of the Late BronzeAge: SomeRemarks,in CMS(1989), p. 263, 264.

68 But seePM, III, Pi. XXA, which opts for the former.

69 PM, III, 154.

70 Pk!, III, 147,

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION 31

picture readsas one coherentstory, accordingto him, in the fashion of Minoanwall-painting. It is the pictorial representationof the Minoan Afterworld71.

Becauseof its crowdedscenesand unusualfeatures, like the large centraltree, doubtshavebeencaston the ring's authenticityeversince Evanspublishedit 72 . Unjustly, however, as it turns out. A curious dog-like creaturewith shortlegs, long neck and tail, the forerunnerof Cerberusaccordingto Evans73, ap-pearsto be running down along the roots of the tree. An exact replica of theanimal has sincebeenfound on a ring which cameto light in Mycenaein 1954and therefore could not have been known to the presumptive forger74.

Nevertheless,like the Hagia Triada sarcophagus,the Ring of Nestor remainsaunique documentwhich on its own can hardly sustaina theory concerningMinoan afterlife.

In one important respect,however, Evans' suggestionshave beenvindi-cated.He rightly explainedassymbolsof regenerationthe pair of butterfliesandchrysalisesabove the 'goddess'head in the ring's upper zone. His detaileddigressionon the topic and discussionof comparativematerial from the ThirdShaftgraveof Circle A at Mycenaeis quite convincing75. Recognizablysimilardesignsof winged insectswere engravedon the golden scalesfrom the gravewhich also containedmodelsof beesin gold leaf togetherwith objects in theshapeof chrysalisesor pupae76. The wonderful miniature golden balancewithtwo scales,which havebutterflies engravedon them, cali to mind Zeus' goldenscaleswith which he weighed the keres, or fates of death, of Achilles andHector77. Evansthoughtof the scalesas an instrumentfor weighing the souls ofthe dead,a kind of '!''lJxoO''tacrta,again on analogywith Egyptianreligion78.

The subjecthasbeendiscussedelsewherewith the conclusionthat, on theevidence,a belief in the existence of a soul and its posthumousjudgmentseemedunlikely in Minoan thought79. The sign of the butterfly, beeand relatedsymbolssuggeststhe more basicmessageof renewalfrom deathanddecay.Theidea governedancientreligious belief at leastsinceEarly Minoan andcan ultima-

71 Ibid.

72 E.g. NILSSON, MMR2, p. 43-50.

73 PM, III, 154.

74 CMSl, p. 167. SeeJ.A. SAKELLARAKIS, über die EchtheitdessogenanntenNest0l11nges,in Actsof3rd CretologicalCongress(1973), p. 303-318;cf LAFFINEUR, art. cif. (n. 45), p. 234.

75 PM, III, 149-152.

76 PM, III, 150-151,Fig. 100a,b; Fig. 101, 1-4; Fig. 102.

77 HOM., Il., XXII, 209-213,with LEAF's commentaryon this passageand Il., VIII, 69, 70.

78 PM, III, 151.

79 B.e. DIETRICH, The judgmellt of Zeus, in RhM, 107 (1964), p. 121-122; Fate, op. cif. (n.6),p. 241-242.

32 B.C. DIETRICH

tely be tracedback to neolithic Anatolian Çatal Hüyük80. The panelon the Ringof Nestor therefore,at its most basic level, revealsthe expectationof new life.The messageis of courseappropiatefor a gift to the deadprince of MessenianPylos. More one cannotread from the designwithout forcing the evidence;butit is to be hopedthat new informationwill castmore light on the episodesof thewhole story. Certainly the elaboratecompositionon the ring portrays one ormore scenesfrom Minoan myth and sophisticatedreligion.

Scenesfrom Minoan and Mycenaean larnakes

The sarcophagusat Hagia Triada bridges the divide betweenneopalatialtradition of wall painting and post-palatialforms that in turn linked up with theMycenaeanworld. The figures on the coffin are dressedmore in the fashion ofthe mainland than in the usual Minoan garb of open bodice and skirt81. Thefestival of the deadshownon its sides,aswell as otherfeatures,havea distinctlyMycenaean'flavour'82, although one would in any case expect commonreligious forms in the last phasesof the BronzeAge. Chronologicallythe lime-stone sarcophagusintroducesa period of intenseinterest in funerary art overmore than two-hundredyears.Many paintedstoneand clay coffins have turnedup in Crete betweenabout 1400, that is the date of the Hagia Triada sarco-phagusitself, and 1200B.e. (LM IlIA - Cj mostexamplesdatefrom IlIB)83.

In completecontrastwith neopalatialfrescoes,the decorationof the latelarnakesconsistsin abstractdesignswhich coyer the body and lid of the coffinsin deceptivelysimple style. Figuresare now far lessin evidence,if not altogetherabsent,and the overalleffect recalls the designsand mixed perspectivesof vasepainting84. Contemporarycoffins from Tanagraon the mainland mostly showmourning(female)figures in keepingwith the purposeof the decoration.TheMinoan connectionemergesfrom the continueduse of commonsymbols likehornsof consecration,birds etc.85. The link with funeraryritual for an indivi dualdeceasedis obvious in the caseof the mainlandexamplesbut far less so from

80 DIETRICH, Origins, op. cit. (n. 35), p. 104, 119-122;cf R. LAFFINEUR, in L1conographieminoenne(Acts oftbe RoundTableat Atbens,21-22April 1983), Paris, 1985, p. 250-257.

81 VERMEULE, art. cÎt. (n. 10), p. 135.

82 Seepreviousnote and NILSSON, MMR2 , p. 441, 442.

83 VERMEULE, ibid.; MARINATOS, MinRel, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 229-241,with illustrations.

84 Cf N. PLATON, La civilisation Égéenne,Paris, 1981, II, p. 330, Figs. 29 and 30. On the subjectofJate larnakessee, apart from PINI, op. CÎt. (n. 5), B. RUTKOWSKI, LamaksiEgejski, Warsaw-Krakow,1966 (BibliotbecaAntiqua,7); C. MAVRIYANNAKI, Recbercbessur les lamakesminoennesde la Crèteoccidentale,Rome, 1972 (IncunabulaGraeca).

85 No double axe, however; VERMEULE, ait. cit. (n. 10), p. 126. The Tanagrasarcophagicannotbecomparedwith Minoan Jarnakes,accordingto SOURVINOU-INWOOD, 'Reading'GreekDeath, op. cit.(n. 43), p. 40-41, despite their comparableform and age.

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION 33

the Cretanabstractdesigns.There is no evidence,however, that the changeinthe style of decorationaccompanieda fundamentalshift in the conceptionofdeathand afterlife.

Fig. 6a : Sarcophagus withoctopusand papyrus,Pachyammos

Fig. 6b : Sarcophaguswith !id, waterbirdsand fish

(MARINATOS-HIRMER, op. CÎt. [no 46], fig. 130)

34 RC. DIETRICH

The paintersof the coffins borrowedfrom the motifs on vasesincludingpapyrus plants, terrestrial animaIs, bull, horse, goats, creaturesof the sea,octopus,fish, nautilusetc. Theil' sizesvary and can be quite disproportionatetoone anotheras well as to real life on the samecoffin. Figuresmay be zonedoffseparately,as on a larnax from Pachyammos(Fig. 6)86, but generally they arecarelesslyplacedin juxtaposedprofusion.A coffin from Anogeia in centralCretehasa large centralpapyrusplant which is surroundedat all levels by birds, fishandotherseacreatures.More birds and fish cover the lid87. Theme,subjectandform closelymatch thoseof contemporarysmall funeraryvases(alabastra)fromtombs at Kalyvia near Phaistos(Fig. 7), and on a pyxis (jewel box) that wasfound in a chambertomb at Pachyammos88. The crowdedpicturessuggesttheoverwhelmingfertility of generousnaturein the air, on land andin the sea89.

The symbolismconveyedby the paintings is still basic and is repeatedonother larnakes.Only occasionallydoes the evidenceafford a glimpse below thesurfacefor a more detailedreadingof myth or ritual. The pyxis from Pachyam-mos, for example,is paintedwith a large male figure in priestly dressbut in thegrim style of the time with long neck and one large central eye. He holds aseven-stringedphorminxor lyre, and he appearsto be charmingbirds with hismusic making them rise from below and dive down from the sky 90. The storyneverthelessdoes not really depart significantly from the basic context ofrenewalfrom death,as is clearly signalledby the two pairs of sacredhornswithdoubleaxesin the middle.

Horns and axes, togetherwith other relatedsymbols,continueto be favou-rite themesof funeraryart. Chariotsalso occur not infrequentlysince the HagiaTriadasarcophagus.They transcendtheir purely funeraryfunction as bier or partof the processionand could have signalled divine arrivaI or departure.Morecommonlya chariot recalls the hunt in this world. It may be shown empty, itshorsesunyokedand suspendedin spaceas part of a larger scene91. Huntingseemsto havebeenthe messagein the main: either a particular hunt or morecommonly, one suspects,the generalthemeas representingman's noblestandmost pleasingpursuit in this world.

A lively sceneof the genrecan be seenon the sides of a late larnax fromArmenoi in westernCrete92. The hunt is viewed from above.Two hornedcattle

86 Large octopuswith stylisedpapyrus,Fig. 6a.

87 Fig.6b.

88 MARINATOS-HIRMER, Kl'eta, op. cif, (n. 46), Pl. 126-128.

89 Cf LAFFINEUR, al1. cit. (n. 45), p. 237: MARINATOS, MinReI, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 234.

90 MARINATOS-HIRMER, Kl'eta, op. cit. (n. 46), Pl. 128 bottom. The authorsdescribethe figure asan early Apollo Kitharodos, p. 150. A scenewith Orpheussprings to mind.

91 E.g. on a larnax from Kavrochori, MARINATOS, MinRel, op. cif. (n, 6), Fig, 238.

92 AM, 4 (1971), p. 217, fig. 4.(MARIN. Fig. 240)

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION 35

are paintedwith a spearjutting out of their back at an angle.A man next ta oneof them strikeshis victim with a sword. A very similar scenecovers one of thenarrow ends of a coffin from Maroulas93. The victims are horned cattle andgoats.Hatchedloops on bath larnakescanbe readas entrancesta cavesasseenfrom a bird's eye view. A good examplesurviveson a vasefrom Phaistosin theKamares-style,on which a caveand goat havebeenmouldedin relief94. Despitespearandsword, the ambienceof the hunt is surprisinglypeaceful,since on theArmenoi coffin the animaIsare protectingyoung beneaththem thatappearta besuckling. The symbolism of renewal through life-giving nature again emergesfrom the sceneand is reinforced, one imagines,by the male figure, perhapsapriest, who is standingin the mouth of a cave wielding what appearsta be adoubleaxe in his raisedhand95. The ultimate messageof this genericpicture isstill the same,including sacrifice/slaughter,caveand doubleaxe.

The most remarkableexample of the series cornes from a cemeteryinHierapetrain south-easternCrete. Four clearly outlined panels contain morehumanfigures than other larnakes,as well as the largestamongthem96. Bottomleft depictsthreemenstandingin a curious boat-shapedchariot which is drawnby a horsefrom left ta right. It standsabove a large octopus.The accupantsofthe wagon carry a cup and a disk fixed ta a staff. The impressionof a ritualprocessionis reinforcedby threemoremale figures abovethe chariotgroup withraisedarms and moving in the samedirection. One of them is also carrying adrinking vessel.On the right bottom panelthe largestmale figure holds a similardisk and cup in his raisedhand. He is shawnfrontally besidea horseta whichhe is attachedby a string. A young foal standsbeneaththe horsesuckling, likethe animaIson the Armenoi larnax. The lid of the coffin on bath sideshasmoreanimaIs in a similar arrangement,except that other smaller ones are shawnabovetheir backsas weIl. A remarkablefeatureof the compositionconsistsinthe curiousexcrescencebetweenthe horns of one large animal standingbeforea humanfigure97. The otherside is almost equally filled with large and smallerhumanfigures togetherwith animaIsand plants. Onesmall male figure betweenthe two bottom panelson the first side somehowlinks the various panelsof theextraordinarylarnax. Its one side suggeststhe paraphernaliaand ritual of afuneraryprocession,the otherlesscertainlya scenefrom nature,a hunt perhaps,althoughno one can tell for sure.The single eye, which is almostas big as the

93 AM, 6 (973), p. 319, fig. 3.

94 MM, from the first palaceof Phaistos.

95 For a different view, with full discussion,seePOTSCHER,Aspekte,op. cit. (n. 3), p. 20, 32, fig. 3.

96 MARINATOS-HIRMER, Kreta, op. cit. (n. 46), Pl. 132.

97 Cf the animal on the left on a larnax from Gournia, MARINATOS-HlRMER, Kreta, op. cit.(n. 46), Pl. 131.

36 B.C. DIETRICH

headof individual men Cthereare no females),graphicallyexpresseslight andlife; but this also remainsan inspiredguesslike so manyotherson the subject98.

Fig. 7 : Alabastrafrom Kalyvia (MARINATOS-HIRMER, op. cit. [no 46J, fig. 127)

98 E.g. hunt: PLATON, op. cit. (n.64), p.330; adoration of a divine bull, p.362; komos:MARINATOS-HIRMER, Kreta, op. cif. (n. 46), p. 152; the dead as Master of Animais: MARINATOS,Mil1Rel, op. cif. (n. 6), p. 237, etc.

DEATH AND AFTERLIFE IN MINOAN RELIGION 37

The contemporarylarnakesfrom a Boeotiancemeteryat Tanagra,look likecrude local productionsbesidethe island models. Few have lids or handles99:

they are heavy clay boxes with faded, thin and patterned-typedecorations.Thesemostly consistof womenmourningthe one deadof that particularburial.For ail that, the designsretain important elementsof the samevocabularyoffunerary symbols: plant and horns of consecrationwhose meaningdoubtlessrepeatedthe samemessageof renewal1OO. The mainland community, that wasservedby the cemetery,was evidently poor and could not match the quality ofartistsand resourcesof Crete.The Tanagracoffins, however,show the samemixof Minoan/Mycenaeanburial customsas the Mycenaeanshaft graves in therectangularenclosureat Phourni near Arkhanes101. The chamber tombs atTanagrahad long entrancepassages(dromoi) Up to three larnakeswere depo-sited inside one tomb102, sornecontainingbones,while in other casesthe boneswere found directly on the ground.Perhapsthey belongedto earlierburials andhad beencast aside; but larnakeswere not part of the usual Mycenaeanburialpracticein shaft or chambertomb, and their usein thesesettingswas borrowedfrom Minoan form.

One coffin of the Tanagragroup, and now in the museumat Kassel inGermany103,offers somethingexcitingly new that seemsto confirm both MinoanandMycenaeanpragmaticperceptionsof humanfate after death.On one of thesmall sides, betweentwo strips of chequerboardpattern and below circularbeam-endsdenotingan enclosedstructure,a female figure is paintedin fadingoutline. Her feet are off the ground, and with arms upraisedshe seemsto befioating upwardson two wings sproutingout of her sides.Her plumedfiat capvaguely recalls that worn by the sitopotinija (?) of the Cult Centre atMycenae104. Thereis a certainsimilarity in her attitude of raisedarms and wingsto a later figure on a Protogeometricfunerarypithos from the FortetsacemeterynearKnossos105. At first glancethe latter could be mistakenfor a survival of theMinoan iconographictype; but her attachmentsto the waist are in fact snakeswhich, not unusuallyfor the period, sheprobablyowed to oriental models.She

99 VERMEULE, art. cit. (n. 10), p. 125.

100 VERMEULE, ait. cit. (n. 10), Pl. XXV-XXVIII. The authorsuggests(p. 145) that the horns, whichappearon two coffins (N° 5 & 8), are mere architecturalpatternsdevoid of religious content. Giventhe close chronologicaland cultural links, this seemsunlikely, however.

101 Above fi. Il.

102 VERMEULE, ait. cit. (n. 10), p. 125.

103 R. LULLIES, GriechischePfastik, Vasen und Kfeinkunst,Kassel, 1964, n° 37: VERMEULE, art. cil.(n. 10), p. 126-129:146: Pl. XXVI a, b.

104 P. REHAK, Tradilion andInnovation in the Fresko in Room31 in the 'Cuft Center'at Myeenae,in Aegaeum,8 (1992), p. 56 & Fig. XIIa.

105 Fortetsa pls. 24 & 144 n° 339: COLDSTREAM, GeometrieGreece,p. 69, Fig. 21 a, b: VERMEULE,art. eit. (n. 10), Fig. 2(e).

38 B.C. DIETRICH

may be a goddess106, but not so the winged, waif-like form on the Tanagralarnax. The latter looks more like a somewhatclumsy attempt at pictorialrepresentationof the deceased'seidolon on its way to Hades.If that is right, thesingularcoffin reflects the negativecontemporaryview of afterlife which Homeradoptedin his epic107 .

B.e. DIETRICH

ABERYSTWYTHUK

106 COLDSTREAM, op cit. (n. 105), p.70, thinks of the divine protector of the deceasedin theunderworld.

107 This plausible Interpretationwas first proposedby VERMEULE, art. cil. (n. 10), p. 146-147.