The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 15 | Issue 24 | Number 2 | Article ID 5095 | Dec 15, 2017

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Conflicting Japanese Responses to the Syrian Refugee Crisis

Atsushi Yamagata

Abstract

This article explores Japanese responses to theSyrian refugee crisis since 2011. In particular,it examines the rationales of the Japanesegovernment and others who expressed opinionson the crisis. Since the outbreak of the SyrianCivil War in March 2011, a large number ofcivilians have been forced to flee their countryof origin. Japan has been reluctant to acceptrefugees although it has pledged a largeamount of financial assistance to internationalorganizations. This article explores therationales of Japanese responses as expressedin media texts and proceedings of the Diet andits committees, with a particular focus onissues of national identity and state identity.

Keywords: Japan, Japanese refugee policy, theSyrian refugee crisis, identity, state identity,national identity

Introduction

Since the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War inMarch 2011, a large number of civilians havebeen exposed to fierce conflict. According tothe Office for the Coordination of HumanitarianAffairs (OCHA), 13.5 million people are in needof humanitarian assistance, 6.3 million peoplehad been internally displaced by violence, and5.1 million people had fled the country as ofJuly 2017.1 Of those who fled the country, mostare in neighbouring countries: 3.1 million inTurkey, 1 million in Lebanon, 660,000 inJordan, 240,000 in Iraq and 120,000 inEgypt,2 which has had an enormous impact onpublic services in those countries.3 The flow ofrefugees has reached European countries as

well, resulting in about 980,000 asylumapplications having been submitted in the areaas of June 2017.4 In this article, I analyseJapanese responses to the Syrian refugee crisissince 2011. I am particularly interested in therationales expressed by the Japanesegovernment and others who have expressedopinions on the crisis.

To address the Syrian refugee crisis, somedeveloped countries, such as Germany, Canadaand Norway, have proactively acceptedrefugees. The percentage of Syrian refugeeswho have settled in rich countries,5 however,remains less than three per cent as of themiddle of 2016.6 The United Nations HighCommissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimatesthat 10 per cent of Syrian refugees are underthe most vulnerable conditions, and has askedthe international community to resettle morerefugees.7

Even though Japan ratified the ConventionRelating to the Status of Refugees (hereafterreferred to as the 1951 Refugee Convention) in1981 and the Protocol relating to the Status ofRefugees (hereafter referred to as the1967Protocol) in 1982,8 it has not fulfilled its dutiesas a signatory state. Japan has pledged a largeamount of financial assistance to internationalorganizations or countries which have accepteda large number of refugees, but has beenreluctant to settle refugees in Japan. In 2016,when the worldwide refugee crisis wasongoing, Japan accepted only 28 refugees outof 10,901 applicants.9 Regarding Syrianrefugees, only seven people were grantedrefugee status between 2011 and 2016.10 InMay 2016, the Japanese governmentannounced a plan to accept Syrian students

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and their family members, but the numberadmitted is expected to be only around 300,including the family members.11 They will beallowed to stay in Japan on student visas notlong-term resident visas, which are usuallygiven to refugees. Oxfam calculates a “fairshare” of refugees for each country on thebasis of the size of the economy, according towhich Japan would be expected to acceptaround 50,000 refugees in total.12 Why does theJapanese government maintain such a toughattitude toward the admission of refugees whileoffering large financial assistance tointernational organizations? Why did thegovernment decide to accept Syrians asstudents and not as refugees? This article s therationales behind the Japanese response to theSyrian refugee crisis.

Regarding Japanese refugee policy, manystudies have tried to explain why the refugeerecognition rate in Japan is lower than othercountries.13 When it comes to the Japaneseresponse toward specific refugee issues, manystudies have focused on the admission ofrefugees from Indochina since 1978 and on theadoption of the 1951 Refugee Convention in1981 and its 1967 Protocol in 1982.14 However,there is as yet no study of Japanese responsesto the Syrian refugee crisis.

In order to explore the rationales behindJapanese responses to the Syrian refugee crisis,I analyse the following sources: editorials, op-eds, feature articles and readers’ letters fromtwo Japanese newspapers, Yomiuri Shimbunand Asahi Shimbun (between March 2011 andJune 2017), Diet proceedings, committeeproceedings, and opinion polls. In addition,other publications provide context. As Turnerstates, media texts offer “opportunities toobserve the cultural construction of meaning,locations where we can see the socialproduction of ideas and values happeningbefore our eyes”.15 Thus, media articulates thevalues of a society. In addition, as Flowersstates, “Diet records are an excellent place to

locate discourses of state identity andlegitimacy, mainly because they are notproduced for an audience”.16 We can find frankopinions of policymakers from Diet proceedingsand committee proceedings. By analysing thesematerials, I trace the formation of Japaneseresponses to the Syrian refugee crisis. Inaddition, I consider whether Islamophobia hasaffected Japanese responses to the Syrianrefugee crisis. Finally, I consider futureprospects for Japanese responses to the Syrianrefugee crisis.

Syrian refugees crossing from Syria intoNorthern Iraq (This image “17-03-10 02R e f u g e e s(https://www.flickr.com/photos/felton-nyc/32664770214/in/photolist-RLtuam-deMHaG-fFpxZZ-i2qeNz-eUyvdQ-ponquv-fDNaf5-fNdBpo-j2dWCg-ontrD4-rB593a-eZfuda-i2pVb7-eZfm6t-pCHdrN-mMFcvc-fgjrfp-eZfmqR-eVpJcG-eVpSD3-eZrQSW-RAEmV7-eVpUA3-eUytNL-e U n 9 1 k - f g y D z W - R J 5 c X m - e Z f h V r -eZrEvj-3gjNCY-eZrCDy-eVdn4e-eVpQeo-QyFoQP-eWSadE-eZrRfs-eZfi3v-eZfifv-eZfuga-eUyuQW-eZrDGh-eVpMsA-FPsU1-i2qxhT-eZfmEc-eVdwEP-i2q7km-eZfv3x-eVdjtV-e W S d u m / ) ” b y F e l t o n D a v i s(https://www.flickr.com/photos/felton-nyc/) isl i c e n c e d u n d e r C C B Y 2 . 0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/))

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Refugee Policy in Japan

Although Japan had occasionally grantedasylum status to people in need of protectionsuch as the so-called “White Russians”, whoresisted the Bolsheviks and fled the countryafter the Russian revolution in 1917, and Jewswho fled from the Nazis in Europe,17 there wasno systematic refugee recognition system inJapan until relatively recently. This was still thecase after Japan regained independence withthe San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952 andbecame a member of the UN in 1956. It waswith the arrival of Vietnamese asylum seekersthat the admission of refugees began to bediscussed. After the fall of Saigon in 1975, thepolitical and socioeconomic turmoil in theregion forced a large number of people to fleeto seek asylum. From the middle of 1975,people who fled by sea started to arrive inJapan. 1 8 In Apri l 1978, the Japanesegovernment decided to allow the resettlementof refugees and, between 1978 and 2005,11,319 Indochinese refugees were settled inJapan based on a quota for Indochineserefugees.19 In 1981, three years after thedecision to accept Indochinese refugees, Japanfinally adopted the 1951 Refugee Conventionand adopted its 1967 Protocol as well in 1982.In order to adopt these treaties, the Japanesegovernment revised the Immigration ControlAct (Shutsu Nyūkoku Kanri hō) to introduce therefugee recognition system and renamed it theImmigration Control and Refugee RecognitionAct (Shutsu Nyūkoku Kanri Oyobi NanminNintei hō).20

Even after the ratification of the 1951 refugeeconvention and its protocol, however, thenumber of refugees accepted based on theJapanese refugee recognition system is verylimited. Between 1982 and 2016, Japanaccepted only 688 refugees out of 41,046applications.21 Even if an application forrefugee status is refused, though, applicantsmay be given residential status based onhumanitarian considerations (Jindō teki hairyo

ni yoru Zairyū Tokubetsu Kyoka). Between1982 and 2016, 2,543 people whose refugeeapplications were rejected were allowed to stayi n J a p a n b a s e d o n h u m a n i t a r i a nconsiderations.22 Thus, in reality, the number ofpeople who are allowed to stay in Japan islarger than the numbers awarded officialrefugee status in any year. It should be noted,however, that some people who stay based onhumanitarian considerations face variousdifficulties. For example, they have to renewtheir residential status every year becauseresidential permission based on humanitarianconsiderations expires in one year. Also, theyare basically not allowed to bring their familyto Japan, do not have a right to access servicesfor refugees such as employment support andJapanese language education, and cannotobtain a refugee travel document.23

When it comes to the acquisition of Japanesenationality, even people recognized as refugeeshave to meet the same requirements as otherforeigners. Under the Japanese Nationality Law(Kokuseki hō), nationality is based on the jussanguinis principle, meaning that one musthave a Japanese parent to acquire Japanesenationality at birth. Children born in Japan ofrefugees (or other immigrants who have notnaturalised) will not acquire Japanesenationality on birth.24 Article five of theNationality Law stipulates six requirements forthe acquisition of Japanese nationality:residence in Japan for five consecutive years;twenty years of age or more and full capacity toact according to the law of his or her homecountry; being of upright conduct; being able tosecure a livelihood by one’s own property orthose of one’s spouse or other relatives withwhom one lives on common living expenses;having no nationality, or the acquisition ofJapanese nationality will result in the loss offoreign nationality; having never plotted oradvocated the overthrow of the Constitution ofJapan or the Government, or formed orbelonged to an organization which has plottedor advocated it.25 If an applicant has a certain

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kind of relationship with Japan, however, suchas being born in Japan, being a child of aJapanese national and a spouse of a Japanesenational, these requirements may be eased.26

Apart from the ordinary refugee recognitionsystem, in 2008, the Japanese governmentdecided to launch a pilot resettlement programfor Burmese refugees who were in a refugeecamp in Thailand. In the initial plan, theresettlement program was supposed to run forthree years from 2010, but in 2012 theprogram was extended for another two years.In 2014, the Japanese government decided tocontinue to accept Burmese refugees after2015 as well. Since 2015, the target of theprogram changed to Burmese refugees from arefugee camp in Malaysia. The acceptance ofrefugees is carried out once a year and up to 30people can be accepted at any one time. As ofthe end of 2016, 123 Burmese from 31 familieshad been resettled in Japan.27

State Identity and National Identity

While Japanese refugee policy has beenanalysed from various perspectives, in thisarticle I focus on the question of identity. As Iwill demonstrate below through discourseanalysis, the rationales behind Japaneseresponses to the Syrian refugee crisis can beexplained by two types of identity: stateidentity and national identity. According toFlowers, Japan’s state identity is defined as“identity as a member of the internationalcommuni ty , w i th ob l igat ions to ac taccordingly”28 and its national identity isdefined as an identity “which conceptualizesthe Japanese nat ion as a b io log ica lrace”.29 Flowers states that, in the phase of theadoption of the 1951 Refugee Convention, stateidentity was the most important factor. Japanunderstands itself as an economic power anddemocratic country and believes that it hasinternational duties based on these identities.

On the other hand, in the compliance phase,national identity, which conceptualized Japanas a homogeneous country, constrained itscompliance.30 These two conflicting identitiesare useful in the analysis below as well.Flowers was writing about the adoption of theRefugee Convention, but both international andJapanese domestic environments have changeda lot since the beginning of the 1980s whenJapan adopted the 1951 Refugee Conventionand its protocol.

What should be noted about Flowers’ definitionof state identity is that “[o]bligations are part ofstate identity to the extent that they are shapedby the perception of others, and they grow, atleast in part, out of meanings that are attachedto identity”.31 According to Flowers, theadoption of the 1951 Refugee Convention byJapan in 1981 can be explained by the “desirefor legitimacy” based on state identity.32 While Irefer to Flowers’ definition of state identity, Iconsider that its current primary component isdifferent from when Japan adopted the 1951refugee convention in 1981. Flowers points outseveral aspects of state identity such as“economic power”, “democratic government”and “developed country”.33 As we shall seebelow, however, in the analysis of the Japaneseresponse to the Syrian refugee crisis, thenotion of “developed country” (Senshin-koku)shows up as the strongest component of stateidentity. In 1981, when Japan adopted the 1951convention, it was the world’s second-largesteconomy, but was overtaken by China in2010.34 In addition, a number of countries inEast and Southeast Asia democratized in the1980s and 1990s.35 Due to these changes in theregion, it may be that components like“economic power” and “democrat icgovernment” have gradually lost significance.Although other Asian countries haveexperienced social and economic development,Japan is still the only member of the Group ofSeven (G7) in Asia,36 which underscores its self-image as a developed country. Thus, in thisarticle, I define Japan’s state identity as an

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“identity as a developed country of theinternational community, with obligations toact accordingly”.

On the other hand, under Flowers’ definition ofnational identity, the nation is conceived ashomogeneous. This myth of Japanese as aracially distinct and homogeneous people hashistorical roots, but there is no ethnic group ofthe Japanese race in the objective sense.Japanese people have been formed through along period of mixture.37 As Lie states, “[t]hefundamental forces of modern Japan— state-making, co lonia l ism, and capi ta l is tindustrialization— engendered ethnicheterogeneity”.38 Japan accepted people fromdifferent ethnicities in the process of its state-making. Oguma points out that the governmentof Imperial Japan (1890–1945) claimed thatthere were many different races in Japan,which was used to justify its imperial expansionand the incorporation of colonised people in itscolonies.39 After the defeat in the Second WorldWar, however, Japanese intellectuals needed toadopt a different framework to rebuild thestate. As non-Japanese people living in Japanbecame small minority groups following theloss of the colonies of Taiwan and Korea, theconcept of a multi-national state was no longerembraced. Under these circumstances, anumber of theories emerged which held thatJapan was a homogeneous island nation thatcontained no “aliens”.40 Furthermore, a genreof works called Nihonjinron, which emphasizesthe cultural uniqueness of the Japanese people,was popularized, shaping perceptions of theJapanese population.4 1 As a result, theassumption that Japan is a homogeneoussociety has come to be widely shared amongJapanese,42 although there are also robustcritiques of this position.43 In this article, Idefine the national identity that has beenmobilised in the immigration debate as an“identity as a homogeneous island nation whichcontains no aliens”.

Discourses in Japan on the Syrian Refugee

Crisis

Since former Prime Minister Noda Yoshihikoannounced the first tranche of assistance ofthree million dollars to provide food andmedical supplies through the InternationalCommittee of the Red Cross (ICRC) andUNHCR in February 2012,44 the Japanesegovernment has announced pledged 810million dollars announced at the generalassembly of the UN in September 201545 andan assistance package of 2.8 billion dollars forthree years announced at the UN Summit forRefugees and Migrants in September2016.46 On the other hand, the Japanesegovernment has been reluctant to acceptrefugees even after the Syrian refugee crisis.The number of Syrians who were grantedrefugee status by Japan between 2011 and2016, however, is only seven out of 69applicants.47 The Japanese governmentmaintained its tough attitude to the admissionof Syrian refugees even after the UN urgedJapanese to accept more refugees.48 However,on 20 May 2016, just before the G7 Ise-ShimaSummit, the government announced it wouldaccept 150 Syrian students for five years from2017.49 The Japan International CooperationAgency (JICA) estimates that the total numberof arrivals would reach around 300 includingthe students and their families.50 In short, whilethe Japanese government pledged largefinancial assistance, it has been reluctant toaccept refugees. Although it accepted someSyrians, they were accepted as students andnot as refugees. Below, I examine discoursesabout the admission of Syrian refugees andexplore the rationales behind the Japaneseresponses to the Syrian refugee crisis.

Public opinion on the admission ofrefugees

Since the Syrian refugee crisis in 2011, theJapanese media has conducted opinion polls on

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this issue. According to an Asahi Shimbun pollconducted in December 2015, 24 per centfavoured accepting more refugees and 58 percent answered opposed further admission ofrefugees.51 In the same way, an opinion pollcarried out by Mainichi Shimbun in February2017 shows that 69 per cent answered thatJapan should be cautious about the admissionof refugees and 15 per cent answered thatJapan should accept more refugees.52 In anInternet opinion poll by Yahoo, whose reliabilityis lower, 83.1 per cent answered that Japanshould be cautious about the admission ofrefugees and 11.7 per cent that Japan shouldaccept more refugees.53 In short, even after theSyrian refugee crisis was exacerbated, amajority of Japanese citizens polled in mediasurveys opposed the admission of refugees.

How was the refugee issue discussed in theJapanese media?

I examined articles between March 2011 andJune 2017 in Yomiuri Shimbun and AsahiShimbun. These are the two newspapers withthe highest circulation with 9 million and 6.6million readers respectively.54 In general,Yomiuri Shimbun is considered conservativeand Asahi Shimbun liberal.55 In addition,according to Tokuyama, under the Abe regime,Japanese newspapers are divided into twogroups : p ro -government and an t i -government.56 Yomiuri Shimbun belongs to thepro-government group and Asahi Shimbun tothe anti-government group. The validity ofTokuyama’s argument needs to be investigatedfurther, but, as we shall see, discussions aboutthe admission of Syrian refugees to Japan in thetwo newspapers show a significant difference.While the admission of refugees has beendiscussed extensively in editorials, op-eds,feature articles and readers’ letters in theAsahi, it has seldom been discussed in theYomiuri. While there are some articles aboutthe difficulties of refugees or asylum seekers

who are already living in Japan57 and a series offeature articles about Indochinese refugees inthe paper from 26 April to 2 May in 2016,58 theYomiuri has published no articles on theadmission of Syrian refugees. Therefore, thissection focuses on the Asahi.

Since the outbreak of the Syrian Civil war in2011, Asahi Shimbun has reported extensivelyon the Syrian refugees and publishedcomments of or interviews with executiveofficers of international organizations. It wasnot until November 2014, however, that thefirst mention of admission of Syrian refugees toJapan appeared in the newspaper.59 Since then,by the end of June 2017, four articles on the op-ed page, six editorials and 18 letters fromreaders mentioned the admission of Syrianrefugees. In addition, a feature article aboutJapan and refugees was published on 23November 2015.60 While all of the op-ed articlesand editorials criticized the current Japaneserefugee policy and called for expansion of theadmission of refugees, opinions opposing theadmission of refugees were introduced inreaders’ letters and the feature article.

Looking at the opinions supporting theadmission of more refugees, most includecomments concerning one or more of thesepoints:

the reputation of Japan in internationalsociety;its responsibility as a developed country;andcomparison with other developedcountries.

For example, we can see a concern for thereputation of Japan from the following articles.An editorial on 23 November 2015 stated,

Japan has prohibited itself fromexercising military actions abroad.As a result, Japan’s reputation as apeace state (Heiwa kokka burando)

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is deep rooted in the Middle East.This reputation is important capitalin Japanese diplomacy. […]. Weexpect Japan to fulfil its role as ap e a c e s t a t e w h i c h v a l u e shumanitarian diplomacy. 6 1

An editorial on 23 September 2016, which waspublished after the Japanese governmentannounced the admission of Syrian people asstudents, also stated,

the fact that the number ofrefugees accepted in Japan isextremely low and has notchanged, so Japan has beencriticised internationally. […]. Thegovernment should broaden therange of engagement, open thedoors to the world and aim to be as t a t e w h i c h c a n f u l f i l i t sresponsibilities (Asahi Shimbun2016f).62

In the same way, a letter on 17 September2015 states that “the admission of refugees willraise the status and dignity of Japan ininternational society”,63 and a letter on 5October 2015 also stated that the admission ofrefugees would “improve the reliability of Japanas seen by other countries”.64

Similarly, some articles show concern aboutJapan’s responsibility as a developed country.For example, an editorial on 7 April 2015insisted that the Abe government should facethe admission of refugees in order to pursue itscontributions to international society, statingthat “Japan needs to realize that the rescue ofrefugees is the least responsibility of adeveloped country”.65 An editorial on 1 October2015 pointed out the small number of refugeesin Japan and stated,

even given the geographicald is tance between westerncountries and Japan, the number istoo low. It cannot be said thatJapan fulfils its internationalresponsibility.66

A letter on 25 March 2016 also states that “theadmission of immigrants and refugees is a partof our responsibility to share humanitarianassistance as a member of internationalsociety”.67 In a feature article on 23 November2015, similar concerns can be seen fromreaders’ letters, such as “the admission ofrefugees is the duty of a developed country” orthe “inaction of the Japanese governmentshows the lack of a global perspective as adeveloped country”.68

There are articles which show concern aboutthe Japanese response in comparison withother countries. An op-ed by Ōno Hiroto, editor-in-chief of the Asahi, on 3 May 2015 statedthat, “the number of refugees who have beenaccepted by Japan is too low compared withwestern countries”69 and an editorial on 13August said that “we need to focus on why thenumber of refugees recognized in Japan hasbeen low compared to other countries”.70 Aletter on 6 September 2015 praises the attitudeof German Chancellor Angela Merkel forcriticising anti-refugee demonstrations andcalling for cooperation with the EuropeanUnion. Comparing Germany and Japan, theletter concludes that the “dedication of Japanas a peace state is at stake”71.

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Syrian refugees arriving on the shores ofLesvos island in Greece (This image“ S y r i a n R e f u g e e s(https://www.flickr.com/photos/syriafreedom/210 7 7 6 0 3 0 1 9 ) ” by F reedom House(https://www.flickr.com/photos/syriafreedom/)i s i n t h e p u b l i c d o m a i n(https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/))

On the other hand, looking at the opinionsagainst the admission of refugees, we can seecomments concerning one or several of thesepoints:

the difficulty of adaptation of refugees toJapanese society;the inability to afford accepting refugees;andconcerns for security.

For example, a letter on 13 February 2015states,

it is difficult for refugees to adaptto Japanese language, religion andculture. Due to the languagebarrier, it is expected that theycannot get a job they want […]. Ifconfrontation between refugeesand Japanese citizens arises, that

m a y c a u s e a x e n o p h o b i cmovement”. 7 2

In addition, a feature article on 23 November2015 expresses concern for the adaptation ofrefugees based on their different appearance,stating that “in Japan, it seems difficult forpeople from the Middle East, who have adifferent appearance, to be accepted inJapanese society.”73

In the same article there are concerns thatJapan cannot ‘afford’ to accept refugees.

There are Japanese people who donot have money and a place to live.There are also young people calledNettocafe Nanmin (internet caférefugees), who are l iving inInternet cafés. If refugees come toJapan, where would they live?74

The author continued, “there are victims of theGreat East Japan earthquake who are stillliving in temporary houses. Can Japan afford toaccept refugees?”75

There are also concerns expressed concerningsecurity. “There is a possibility that terroristswill enter Japan as refugees. How can we checkthe identity of refugees?”76

As Asahi Shimbun is considered to be liberal,not surprisingly the majority opinions favourthe admission of refugees. However, at thesame time, opinions from readers opposed tothe admission of refugees also appear. Asillustrated by the absence of discussion inYomiuri Shimbun, the admission of Syrianrefugees to Japan has not been discussed muchelsewhere in the Japanese media. It can be saidthat the Asahi is the place where the admissionof refugees to Japan has been discussed mostactively.

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To supplement the discussion in newspapers, Iwould like to examine other publications. Whilethe number of articles discussion the admissionof Syrian refugees to Japan is limited, considertwo articles published in sōgō zasshi, amagazine which makes available literary worksas well as critical analysis on politics, economyand society.

One of the articles was published in Sekai(World), whose tone is progressive liberal. Theauthor is Yamaguchi Kaoru, CampaignCoordinator of Amnesty International Japan.She raises issues related to refugee acceptanceprocedure in the Basic Plan for ImmigrationControl (5th Edition) released in September2015.77 The Fifth Basic Plan for ImmigrationControl mentions the establishment of a systemto protect people who flee their countrybecause of so-called “new forms of persecution(Atarashii keitai no hakugai)”, which is a typeof persecution the Refugee Convention doesnot stipulate. The plan, however, also mentionsrestrictive measures such as sorting outapplications based on reasons clearlyinconsistent with the Refugee Convention andsetting restrictions on the resubmission of anapplication.78 Her argument mainly focuses oninstitutional issues of the Fifth Basic Plan, butshe states, “[t]he Fifth Basic Plan forImmigration Control will provide a foundationfor how Japanese people build a relationshipwith foreigners looking toward the TokyoOlympic Games. International society iswatching not only Japanese tourism but alsoh o w J a p a n m a k e s a h u m a n i t a r i a ncontribution”. 7 9

Although the main point of her argument isinstitutional issues, similar to the newspapers,we can see words concerning the status ofJapan in international society.

Another article is from the magazine calledBungei Shunjū, whose tone is conservative. Theauthor is Sono Ayako, a conservative writer.While not precluding the admission of refugees

in the future, she states that it is too early forJapan to accept refugees. She reasons that“while European countries have knowledgeabout admission of refugees because of theirhistorical experiences, as Japan is an islandcountry in the Pacific Ocean, Japanese peopleare insensitive to the difficulty of acceptingrefugees.”80

She also states that “Japanese people do notknow how difficult it is for people who havedifferent backgrounds, religions, cultures andphysical appearance to live together.”81

In short, she insists that Japan does not knowhow to accept foreign people because of itshistorical or geographical background.82 Whilethe number of publications concerning theadmission of Syrian refugees to Japan is quitelimited, we can see similar rationales to thosefound in newspapers.

Diet proceedings and committees

Although the issues related to the Syrian CivilWar and the subsequent refugee crisis havebeen discussed since around 2012 in the Dietand its committees, the Prime Minister and theMinister for Foreign Affairs only highlightedthe financial assistance Japan had pledged anddid not mention the admission of refugees. Inaddition, other members of the Diet did not askthe government about the admission ofrefugees. It was not until 27 November 2013 inthe Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Houseof Representatives that the admission ofrefugees was discussed in relation to the Syrianrefugee crisis for the first time.83 Since then,the response to the Syrian refugee crisis hasbeen discussed in the Diet or its committees. Inmany cases, while an ordinary member ofparliament made remarks which pointed outthe shortcomings of Japanese refugee policy orurged the admission of refugees, CabinetMinisters supported the non-admission ofrefugees.

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What was most obvious from discussions in theDiet and its committees was the desire tomaintain a good reputation in internationalsociety. On many occasions, Diet membersmentioned that “Japan was valued by othercountries” to support the admission of refugeesto Japan. For example, in the Committee onForeign Affairs of the House of Representativeson 27 November 2013, Yamauchi Kōichi, amember of the opposition Your Party,84 askedwhy refugee acceptance in Japan was becomingmore difficult. He pointed out that the Japaneserefugee recognition system was one of thestrictest among developed countries. Hefurther stated that if Japan could not establisha system in which refugees could be treated ina humanitarian manner, “Japan would behumiliated in international society”.85 Inaddition, Sonoura Kentarō, a member of theruling Liberal Democratic Party86 raised theissue of Syrian students studying in Japan. Hepointed out the hardships Syrian studentsstudying in Japan faced. He stated that theywere not allowed to bring their familiesbecause their families were already outsideSyria and the Japanese government does notallow entry from a third country. In addition,their scholarships from the Syrian governmenthad been stopped, but they could not get anysupport in Japan and were not allowed to workin Japan either. He pointed out that “this issuecould affect the credibility of Japan amongother countries”.87 Okamoto Mitsunari, amember of the New Komeito Party88 alsocommented on the international reputation ofJapan. He stated,

though the Pr ime Ministerannounced financial assistance of$850 million, no internationalmedia treated this as importantnews […]. On the other hand, whatwe were told by host countries ofrefugees was that, if Japan wouldaccept 100 refugees as studentseach year and educate them to

become leaders of their homecountries, media all over the worldwould highly value Japanesehumanitarian assistance andreport the Japanese commitmentwidely.89

On the other hand, ministers highlighted theclaim that “Japan’s strength is in offeringfinancial assistance”, which implies that theadmission of refugees is not Japan’s role. In theBudget Committee on 2 February 2015, PrimeMinister Abe stated that “the role that Japan isexpected to play is to contain the spread ofextremism in cooperation with internationalsociety and to offer humanitarian assistanceunique to Japan to neighbouring countries.”90

In addition, The Minister for Foreign Affairs,Kishida Fumio, when asked about what Japancould do for Syrian refugees other thanfinancial assistance, stated that, whileEuropean countries experienced difficulties inthe acceptance of refugees, “the Japanesestrong point and Japanese duty is to contributeto the stabilization of the region which causedthe flow of refugees.”91

Furthermore, Prime Minister Abe, in adiscussion about Donald Trump’s controversialtravel ban prohibiting citizens from sevenMuslim-majority countries from entering theUS for 90 days and all refugees for 120days,92 stated more directly that the way toutilize Japanese strength was not to acceptrefugees but to solve root issues and offerfinancial assistance.

It is important for each country toaddress this issue by making thebest use of their country ’scharacteristics. Japan has beendoing as many things as possible,but, unfortunately, it is impossiblefor Japan to accept 10,000 or20,000 refugees. Rather than that,

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it is important to address the rootissues which cause the flow ofrefugees, offering substantialassistance to neighbouringcountries […] it is true thatJapanese contributions in thosefields are already appreciated ininternational society.93

Syrian refugees and relief supplies fromJapan in Basirma Camp, Iraq (This image“IOM and Japan continue to help Syrianr e f u g e e s(https://www.flickr.com/photos/iom-migration/12165900774/in/photolist-jx4qrU-9THDV5-c i4wEu-SnBsY8-gn37QX- jx4t jh - jx5wLC-gKTNP6-jx5Hqd-jx5AoC-jx4gA7-xeAJqQ-mgHcmi-jx4swf-jx3rEB-jx5Cmf-e4Yyvq-jx3pix-nBAnGu-TQYEo6-jx4rQA-GSJssW-Hmht7q-TQPNf6-XTYAAP-BVwFbi-EcwoWB-CRhcun-Fk9ZRo-EmykmU-CzQm4a-D7PZ5D-kShyCz-GiLDFf-zHEhJh-MQDiYe-Gf1iU3-Csrarv-AA7x63-BTqtUX-BaCdhc-R4cH9Y-QpqMPA-BibV32-mytt8z-Cc71GM-NqUuDn-MCGAqQ-SKVeR7-TsnRAN)” by UN Migration Agency( I O M )(https://www.flickr.com/photos/iom-migration/)is licenced under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/))

Abe’s reluctance to accept refugees can beseen in his remarks at the UN general assemblyin 2015. Asked about the admission of refugeesby a reporter, he answered, “I would say thatbefore accepting immigrants or refugees, weneed to have more activities by women, elderlypeople and we must raise our birth rate. Thereare many things that we should do beforeaccepting immigrants.”94

Even though he was asked about the admissionof refugees, he answered about demographicissues in Japan. He continued,

Japan would like to contribute bychanging the conditions that giverise to refugees. The cause of thistragedy is the fear of violence andterrorism, and terror of poverty.The world must cooperate in orderfor them to find a way to escapepoverty.95

His remarks show his intention to avoiddiscussion about the admission of refugees inJapan and to highlight Japanese financialassistance.

In their remarks, Ministers also highlight thefact that Syrian people have been allowed tostay in Japan based on humanitarianconsiderations although they are not grantedrefugee status. In the Committee on Audit on 6February 2015, Prime Minister Abe stated,

[e]ven i f applicants are notrecognised as a refugee ass t i pu l a t ed i n t he r e fugeeconvention, they are allowed tostay in Japan when there is a needt o p r o t e c t t h e m b a s e d o nhumanitarian considerations. In2014, 156 people were allowed to

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stay based on humanitarianconsiderations and 26 of them areSyrians. In 2015, as of the end ofNovember, 98 people including 12Syrians were allowed to stay inJapan.96

In the same way, the Minister of Justice IwakiMitsuhide, when asked about the admission ofSyrian refugees in the Budget Committee on 25February 2016, stated that,

Syrian applicants for refugeestatus are allowed to stay in Japaneven if they are not recognized asa refugee. We are accepting themas emergency cases based onhumanitarian considerations.97

In short, as we can see from these remarks, theAbe government considers that they areprotecting Syrian people even if they are notgranting them refugee status.

In the discussion in the Diet and its committeeswe can see the desire to protect Japan’sreputation as a nation, or the desire to behighly valued by other countries, as a rationalefor promoting the admission of refugees. Thisrationale can be found in the remarks ofordinary members of parliament. On the otherhand, government ministers highlighted theview that the way to utilize Japanese strength isnot to accept refugees but to offer financialassistance. Although differing in opinions, bothsides argued on the grounds of Japan’sinternational reputation.

Islamophobia in Japan

Before analysing the discourses above, I wouldlike to mention Islamophobia in Japan. InEuropean countries, the rise of Islamophobia

has been noted amid the influx of refugees fromMuslim countries. According to a surveyconducted in 2016, Islamophobia is on the risein fields including education, employment,media, politics, the justice system and theInternet in European countries. Publicopposit ion to further migration frompredominantly Muslim countries is veryhigh.98 When it comes to the admission ofSyrian refugees in Japan, as we can see fromJapanese media and the proceedings of the Dietand its committees, Islamophobic discoursesare rarely expressed explicitly. In the middle of2015, however, when European countries wereexperiencing the influx of refugees, oneillustration of a Syrian refugee girl drawn by aJapanese artist caused controversy.

An illustration drawn by Japanese Manga artistHasumi Toshiko was posted on her officialFacebook account on 10 September 2015. Theillustration was probably traced from a photo ofa Syrian girl at a refugee settlement in Lebanontaken by a Canadian photographer. Hasumiadded text which shows the girl’s thoughtbubble in the background, saying, “I want tolive a safe and clean life, have a gourmet meal,go out freely, wear pretty things and luxuriate.I want to live my life the way I want without acare in the world — all at the expense ofsomeone else”. It concludes, “I have an idea.Why don’t I become a refugee?”99 Many peoplewere outraged by this illustration and an onlinepetition calling on Facebook Japan to recognizeit as a racist work was launched. AlthoughFacebook Japan did not remove the illustration,saying that it did not violate communitystandards, Hasumi deleted the illustrationherself, saying that it had caused too muchtrouble for the photographer who took theoriginal photo.100 Only a few months later,however, her new book “Sōda Nanmin Shiyō –Hasumi Toshiko no sekai” (Why don’t I becomea r e f u g e e ? – T h e w o r l d o f H a s u m iToshiko)101 was published. The book featuresher illustrations which anti-racism campaignerscalled racist cartoons. It also includes the

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illustration of the Syrian girl though herappearance has been changed so that she doesnot look like the girl in the original photo takenby the Canadian photographer.102 While thebook outraged many people, others praised it.For example, it has received 401 reviews on anonline book store, Amazon.co.jp, as ofNovember 2017 and it is rated on average 4.6out of 5 stars.103

Does this mean the rise of Islamophobia inJapan by either the government or the generalpublic? It is true that Muslim community inJapan has been kept under surveillance. In2010, conf idential documents of theMetropolitan Police Department were leakedonline, which revealed that the police hadcompiled personal information aboutMuslims.104 After the leak, 17 of the Muslimsnamed in the leaked documents sued thenational and Tokyo governments for violatingtheir constitutional rights. The Supreme Courtissued a ruling on 31 May 2016 after twoappeals. While the decision ordered the Tokyogovernment to pay a total of 90 million yen incompensation to the plaintiffs, it upheld theruling by lower courts that the surveillance wasnecessary.

I consider, however, that this surveillance doesnot necessarily mean that Islamophobia isspreading in Japanese society. For example,Satō Ken’ei, a journalist who has beenresearching the Muslim community in Japan,believes that Islamophobia is less prevalent inJapan than in many European countries.105 Inthe beginning of 2015, following the CharlieHebdo attack in Paris, an incident occurred inwhich two Japanese citizens were killed inSyria by ISIS. There was a concern that thesetwo events might affect Japanese attitude toMuslims. According to Satō, however, mostMuslims in Japan have not felt changes inJapanese people’s attitudes. In some Mosquesin Japan, the number of non-Muslim Japanesewho want to visit the Mosques to learn aboutIslam has even increased after those

incidents. 1 0 6

One possible explanation for why Islamophobiais not so explicit in Japan is that the number ofMuslims is relatively small compared withEuropean countries. There is no official dataabout the number of Muslims, but Tanada,estimates that they number around 140,000 to150,000.107 Regarding their nationality,Indonesia is the largest source at 28,000followed by Pakistan and Bangladesh.108 Whilethe number of mosques is on the increase andthere are more than 90 mosques in Japan,109 thepresence of Muslim in Japanese society is verylow compared with Europe.

Since Islamophobia in Japan has hardly beendiscussed, it is hard to discern its effect onJapanese responses to the Syrian refugee crisis.However, some studies point to a rise ofxenophobic movements since the mid 2000s inJapan.110 Those movements mainly targetedpeople of Korean or Chinese ancestry ratherthan refugees.111 For example, the controversialbook by Hasumi Toshiko, “Sōda Nanmin Shiyō”,mentioned above also includes illustrations ofattacks on Koreans.112 As the case of theillustration of a Syrian girl shows, however,amid the global refugee crisis, there is apossibility that refugees will be attacked byothers using the same discourse as existingxenophobic movements. In the same way, if theoutflow of Muslim refugees continues, thesexenophobic movements may developconnotations of Islamophobia.

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Tokyo Camii (also known as TokyoMosque) in the Ōyama-chō district ofShibuya ward in Tokyo, Japan(This image“ T o k y o C a m i i(https://www.flickr.com/photos/o_0/9164954083 / i n / p h o t o l i s t -eXSMxH-82K334-8MvAyn-82N9Jo-82K8rH-9KKN H N - 3 f p 5 v D -eXSHGT-9KGVax-82Nfgu-82NcRJ-9KKMKN-82N e 6 q - 8 2 N c y b - 8 2 K 3 S B -b z k M Z - 9 k D o Q w - 9 K G U S K - x Q U d H -A n F K 1 - 9 s d e t g - 9 s d e z X -R4cH9Y-8MvAmi-8MvyS8-82NhRw-8MyDfQ-eXSJqZ-82K8ig-9KH2we-9KKQAb-89YvrU-5Mu3h Z - 8 9 V f A x - 2 y 8 1 Z - Z 1 s V z -eY5613-89YvhE-9kAobz-2y81X-89Vfnp-eXSJXc-89Yv4L-2y821-2y81V-YbYd6-82JZXv-Z1sWc-AR5r3v-2y81W)” by Guilhem Vellut(https://www.flickr.com/photos/o_0/) isl i c e n c e d u n d e r C C B Y 2 . 0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/))

How have Japanese responses beenshaped?

The Japanese government actually hasaccepted more refugees than public opinionwould dictate. In this section, I would like toconsider how the rationales behind theJapanese government’s response have beenshaped. One possible explanation is thatopinion polls show negative attitudes regarding

the admission of refugees. As shown above, themajority of respondents to opinion pollsopposed the admission of refugees. However,low public support cannot fully explain why theJapanese government takes a certain policy. Apublic opinion poll conducted by the PrimeMinister’s Office in 1980 showed that only 3per cent said that Japan should acceptIndochinese refugees as settlers,113 but theJapanese government started the admission ofIndochinese refugees in 1978 and, between1978 and 2005, 11,319 Indochinese refugeessettled in Japan. The Japanese government alsoadopted the 1951 Refugee convention in 1981.In addition, low public support cannot explainwhy the Japanese government decided toaccept Syrian students but not refugees. Weneed to focus on other factors to explain theJapanese responses.

As noted above, based on the analysis ofJapanese discourse, rationales that promote theadmission of refugees can be classified asfollows.

The desire for a good reputation ininternational societyThe desire to fulfil Japan’s responsibilityas a developed countryThe desire not to fall behind otherdeveloped countries

I consider that the rationales that promote theadmission of refugees can best be explained bystate identity. As explained above, Japan’s stateidentity is defined as an “identity as adeveloped country of the internationalcommuni ty , w i th ob l igat ions to ac taccordingly”. As we saw in media texts andproceedings of the Diet and its committees,there is a shared idea that Japan is a developedcountry, so Japan needs to act accordingly. Thisidea has led to the desire to be valued highly byother countries and not to fall behind otherdeveloped countries. Especially in proceedingsof the Diet and its committees, politicians oftenmention “international society” (kokusai

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shakai). These remarks in the discussion on theadmission of Syrian refugees show how muchJapanese politicians care about how Japan isvalued by other countries.

Regarding the rationales preventing theadmission of refugees, we note these rationalesfrom newspaper and Diet proceedings.

It is difficult for refugees to adapt toJapanese society due to languagebarriers or cultural differencesJapan does not know how to acceptforeign people because of its historical orgeographical backgroundThe way to utilize Japanese strength is byoffering financial assistance (rather thanaccepting refugees)Japan cannot afford to accept refugees(because there are many Japanesesuffering hardships)The admission of refugees underminessecurity

I consider that all of these rationales except forthe concern for security are connected withJapan’s national identity. For this purpose,Japan’s national identity is defined as an“identity as a homogeneous island nation whichcontains no aliens”. As mentioned above, thisidentity is not based on reality. As Yoshinostates, there is no ethnic group of the Japanese‘race’ in the objective sense and Japanesepeople have been formed through a long periodof mixture.114 Moreover, in contemporaryJapanese society, the ethnicity of Japanesecitizens is being further diversified. Accordingto a survey by the Health, Labour and WelfareMinistry and Kyodo news, one in 29 babiesborn in Japan in 2014 had at least one non-Japanese parent.115 However, we can see theinfluence of discourses of Japan’s nationalidentity in rationales which prevent theadmission of refugees.

For example, the rationale that Japan does notknow how to accept foreign people because ofits historical or geographical background is

based on the idea that Japan is a homogeneousnation which has not accepted foreigners. Inaddition, Japanese people believe that Japanhas not accepted a large number of peoplefrom other countries, and they also think thatthe Japanese strength lies in offering financialassistance. The idea that Japan cannot afford toaccept refugees is also related to nationalidentity since the financial argument isdebateable. Japan pledged a huge amount offinancial assistance to countries that acceptedrefugees. If Japan accepted more refugeesinstead of offering a large amount of financialassistance, the argument for acceptingrefugees goes, more money could be spent ondomestic issues such as support for poorpeople. In addition, in the long term, refugeesresettled in Japan may pay more in tax than thefinancial support they receive. The nationalidentity of “a homogeneous island nation whichcontains no aliens”, however, could makepeople overestimate the financial burdencaused by the admission of refugees.

Regarding the difficulty of adaptation forforeigners, it may have a certain legitimacy.Japan accepted more than 10,000 Indochineserefugees in the early 1980s, but some of themfaced difficulties adapting to Japanese societye s p e c i a l l y i n t e r m s o f f i n d i n gemployment.116 However, according to thesurvey by Shingaki and Asano, manyVietnamese refugees perceive their biculturalcharacteristics positively.117 Some of them havetaken positions in Japanese companiesexpanding into Vietnam. They consider thatthey can make use of their Vietnameseproficiency and living experiences in Japan toboost their career.118 I assume that the focus onJapan’s national identity heightens people’sconcern over linguistic and cultural differences.

Given the points mentioned above, I considerthat the Japanese response to the Syrianrefugee crisis can be explained in terms of theinteraction between Japan’s state identity,which promotes the admission of refugees, and

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Japan’s national identity, which hinders theadmission of refugees. To be more precise, it isthe result of the Japanese government pursuingdesires congruent with its state identitywithout damaging its national identity.

To maintain Japan’s state identity as “adeveloped country of the internationalcommuni ty , w i th ob l igat ions to ac taccordingly”, the Japanese government hasallocated large amounts of financial assistance.The fact that the plan for this financialassistance was announced at an importantinternational venue like the United NationsGeneral Assembly and the UN Summit forRefugees and Migrants shows the Japanesegovernment’s desire for legitimacy as adeveloped country.

The Japanese government’s decision to acceptSyrian people as students can be explained bythe interaction of state identity and nationalidentity. The Japanese government wants tofulfil its obligations as a developed country tomaintain its state identity, but it tried to do thiswithout damaging its exclusionary nationalidentity. Thus, the government chose to acceptSyrian people as students and not refugees.They are allowed to enter Japan on studentvisas, so the Japanese government acceptsthem as temporary residents. Some Syrianstudents may stay in Japan after finishing theirstudies but, at least, the impact of this policy onJapan’s national identity would be limitedbecause they are defined as “students” not“refugees”.

The same explanation can be applied toresidential permissions for Syrian people basedon humanitarian considerations. The Japanesegovernment cons iders tha t i t has aresponsibility as a developed country to protectSyrians who submit refugee applications inJapan, but, at the same time, it does not wantto ease conditions for refugee acceptance, forfear that it would cause a further flow ofrefugees. As a result, they allow Syrian people

to stay in Japan based on humanitarianconsiderations but without awarding refugeestatus. The number of Syrian people who havebeen granted refugee status is only seven but,except for people who left Japan aftersubmitting a refugee application, all otherS y r i a n a s y l u m s e e k e r s r e m a i n i nJapan.1 1 9 Because of this, the Japanesegovernment can claim that it is protectingSyrian refugees without easing the conditionsfor refugee recognition.

The strategy of fulfilling these purposeswithout damaging national identity can be seenin Japanese immigration policy as well. In 1990,the Japanese government enforced theamended Immigration Control and RefugeeRecognition Act and created a new category ofvisa, “long-term resident (teijūsha)”. This newvisa category allowed people who have aJapanese grandparent to stay and work inJapan.120 The creation of the new visa broughtan influx of descendants of Japanese emigrantscalled Nikkeijin from South Americancountries. Regarding this policy, Miyajimapoints out that the admission of Nikkeijin wasviewed by Japanese policy makers as aneffective way to deal with the labour shortagewi thout damag ing Japanese e thn ichomogeneity.121 As this policy also shows, it isquite important for the Japanese government tomaintain its conception of national identity.122

Future prospects

Before concluding this article, I would like todiscuss future prospects of Japanese responsesto the Syrian refugee crisis. Given the Japanesegovernment’s resistance to administeringpolicies affecting its national identity, it isunlikely that the Japanese government willaccept a large number of refugees in the nearfuture. There is, however, a new movement forSyrian refugees initiated by civil society. InFebruary 2017, the Japan Association for

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Refugees (JAR) announced that it would start arefugee admissions program in cooperationwith Japanese language schools.123 As the firststep, they accepted six Syrian refugees asstudents in two Japanese language schools inthe Tokyo metropolitan area and the Kansairegion.124 JAR, as the second round of theiradmission program, plans to accept another sixSyrian students in language schools in theTokyo metropolitan area and Okinawaprefecture.125 In addition, in June 2017,International Christian University (ICU) andthe Japan ICU Foundation (JICUF) announcedthey would launch the Syrian ScholarshipInitiative, which is a full scholarship to supportSyrian students throughout their entireundergraduate education at ICU includingtuition fees, living expenses and travel costs.This is an eight-year program from 2017 to2025 and they are planning to accept sixstudents in total for four years each.126 Bycontrast, in Canada, more than 275,000refugees have been settled since 1979 byprivately-sponsored refugee admissionprograms.127 Privately-sponsored refugeeadmission programs are still in the initialstages in Japan, but there is a possibility thatthey will expand. In addition, there is a supportprogram for refugees initiated by a Japaneseprivate company. Fast Retailing, which ownsthe casual fashion brand UNIQLO, entered intoa global partnership with UNHCR in 2011. Aspart of the partnership, Fast Retailing launchedan employment program at UNIQLO stores inJapan for those granted refugee status andresidency by the Japanese government andtheir families.128 Such programs may helpSyrian people who are accepted to earn theirlivelihood in Japan in the future. Actors in civilsociety, however, do not have the authority tochange the institutional framework of refugeeprotection itself. They have to act under theexisting framework, so drastic changes in thenumber of refugees cannot be anticipated.

Conclusion

To summarise, Japanese responses to theSyrian refugee crisis can be explained by thetwo conflicting identities: state identity andnational identity. While the Japanesegovernment desires to maintain its stateidentity as a developed nation, it does not wantto impa i r i t s na t i ona l i den t i t y as ahomogeneous island nation. As a result of theinteraction of these two goals, the Japanesegovernment has announced a large amount offinancial assistance to support Syrian refugeesoutside of Japan but has been reluctant toaccept refugees. In the same way, some peopleare allowed to stay in Japan, but almost allresidential permissions are based on studentvisas or humanitarian considerations, whichmeans they are “temporary” residents, so thattheir admission does not contradict Japan’snational identity. There is a new movementinitiated by civil society to admit morerefugees, but actors in civil society can act onlyunder the framework formed by the Japanesegovernment. Thus, at least under existingconditions, it would be difficult to expectdrastic changes in Japanese responses to theSyrian refugee crisis or future refugee crises.

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Atsushi Yamagata recently completed a Master of International Studies at the University ofWollongong. He previously completed a Master of Human Sciences at Waseda University.

Notes1 OCHA, 'Syrian Arab Republic', (2017), , accessed 6 August 2017.2 UNHCR, 'Syria Regional Refugee Response(http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/regional.php)', (2017), accessed 6 August 2017.3 Oxfam, 'Where There’s a Will, There’s a Way: Safe havens needed for refugees from Syria(https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/oxfam/bitstream/10546/620166/4/bp-where-theres-a-will-syria-refugees-161216-en.pdf)' (2016), 2, accessed 6 August 2017.4 UNHCR, Syria Regional Refugee Response.5 Oxfam, Where There’s a Will, There’s a Way: Safe havens needed for refugees from Syria,27. Oxfam defines “rich countries” as “members of the OECD DAC (the Organisation forEconomic Co-operation and Development's [OECD] Development Assistance Committee[DAC]) which have signed the 1951 Refugee Convention”. In addition to them, Russia is alsoincluded in “rich countries”. Russia is not a member of OECD DAC but a signatory of theconvention. In addition, it has been involved in the Crisis in Syria.6 Ibid. 2-9.7 UNHCR, '1 in 10 Syrian refugees will need resettling(http://www.unhcr.org/news/latest/2016/3/56fa71f39/unhcr-1-10-syrian-refugees-need-resettling.html)', (2016), accessed 9 August 2017.8 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 'Kokunai ni okeru nanmin no ukeire(http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/nanmin/main3.html)' [Admission of refugees in Japan],(2016), accessed 9 August 2017.9 Ministry of Justice, 'Heisei 28 nen ni okeru nanmin ninteishasū nado ni tsuite(http://www.moj.go.jp/nyuukokukanri/kouhou/nyuukokukanri03_00122.html)' [Informationabout the number of refugee status granted in Heisei 28 (2016)], (2017), accessed 9 August2017.10 Asahi Shimbun, 'Nanmin shinseisha no taihan wa Ajia shūrō mokuteki ka' [Most ofapplicants for refugee status are from Asia: There may be applications with the aim to work],Asahi Shimbun, 11 February 2017.11 Asahi Shimbun, 'Shiria nanmin 300nin ukeire e' [Admission of 300 Syrian refugees], AsahiShimbun, 3 February 2016.12 Oxfam, Where There’s a Will, There’s a Way: Safe havens needed for refugees from Syria, 9.13 Akashi Junichi, 'Challenging Japan's Refugee Policies', Asian & Pacific Migration Journal,15/2 (2006), 219-238; Arakaki Osamu, Refugee law and practice in Japan (Hants, England:Ashgate Pub Aldershot, 2008); Arima Miki, 'Asylum in Japan: An overview of governmentcommitments and asylum statistics', CDR (Center for Documentation of Refugees andMigrants) Quarterly, 5 (2012), 74–83; Petrice R. Flowers, 'Failure to Protect Refugees?Domestic Institutions, International Organizations, and Civil Society in Japan'/2 (2008),333-361; Andrew Wolman, 'Japan and international refugee protection norms: Explaining non-compliance', Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 24/4 (2015), 409-431.

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14 Petrice R. Flowers, Refugees, women, and weapons international norm adoption andcompliance in Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009); Koizumi Koichi, 'Refugeepolicy formation in Japan: Developments and implications', Journal of refugee studies, 5/2(1992), 123-135; Mukae Ryuji, Japan's refugee policy: to be of the world (Fucecchio:European Press Academic Publishing, 2001); Michael Strausz, 'International Pressure andDomestic Precedent: Japan's Resettlement of Indochinese Refugees', Asian Journal of PoliticalScience, 20/3 (2012), 244-266.15 Graeme Turner, 'Media texts and messages' in Stuart Cunningham & Graeme Turner (eds.),The media in Australia: Industries, texts, audiences (2nd edn., St Leonards, N.S.W: Allen &Unwin, 1997), 326.16 Petrice R. Flowers, Refugees, women, and weapons international norm adoption andcompliance in Japan, 11.17 Mukae Ryuji, Japan's refugee policy: to be of the world.18 Ibid. 102.19 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Kokunai ni okeru nanmin no ukeire. In the initialannouncement, the number of refugees was supposed to be five hundred, but the quota wasgradually expanded. In addition, the subject of the resettlement was only Vietnamese at first,but Cambodians and Laotians also came to be included.20 Ibid.21 Ministry of Justice, 'Wagakuni ni okeru nanmin higo no jōkyō(http://www.moj.go.jp/content/001221347.pdf)' [Protection of refugees in Japan] (2017),accessed 19 August 2017.22 Ibid.23 Japan Association for Refugees, 'Shiria nanmin wa ima(https://www.refugee.or.jp/jar/report/2015/09/01-0000.shtml)' [Syrian refugees now], (2017),accessed 28 August 2017.24 Ministry of Justice, 'Kokuseki hō (http://law.e-gov.go.jp/htmldata/S25/S25HO147.html)'[Nationality law], (2017), accessed 28 August 2017. English translation is available, Ministryof Justice, 'The Nationality Law (http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/information/tnl-01.html)',(n.d.), accessed 1 October 2017.25 Ministry of Justice, Kokuseki hō.26 Ibid. See also, Ministry of Justice, 'Kokuseki Q&A(http://www.moj.go.jp/MINJI/minji78.html)' [Nationality Q&A], (n.d.), accessed 3 October2017.27 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Kokunai ni okeru nanmin no ukeire.28 Petrice R. Flowers, Refugees, women, and weapons international norm adoption andcompliance in Japan, 37.29 Ibid.30 Ibid. 37-38.31 Ibid. 37.32 Ibid.33 Ibid.34 Guardian, 'China overtakes Japan as world's second-largest economy(https://www.theguardian.com/business/2011/feb/14/china-second-largest-economy)', (2011),

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accessed 15 August 2017.35 Aurel Croissant et al., Democratization and civilian control in Asia (New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2013).36 University of Toronto, 'G7 Information Centre', (2016), , accessed 18 August 2017.37 Yoshino Kosaku, 'Culturalism, racialism, and internationalism in the discourse on Japaneseidentity' in Dru C. Gladney (ed.), Making Majorities: Constituting the Nation in Japan, Korea,China, Malaysia, Fiji, Turkey, and the United States (Stanford Stanford University Press,1998).38 John Lie, Multiethnic Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001), 84.39 Oguma Eiji, A genealogy of "Japanese" self-images Japanese society series (Melbourne:Trans Pacific Press, 2002), 209-216.40 Ibid. 298-320.41 Yoshino Kosaku, Culturalism, racialism, and internationalism in the discourse on Japaneseidentity, 15-17.42 John Lie, Multiethnic Japan, 2.43 Sugimoto Yoshio, 'Japanese society: Inside out and outside in', International sociology, 29/3(2014), 191-208, 194-195.44 Asahi Shimbun, 'Shiria nanmin taisaku 300 man doru Nihonseifu ga shien' [Three milliondollars of assistance for Syrian refugees: The Japanese government anounced], AsahiShimbun, 25 February 2012.45 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 'Address by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at theSeventieth Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations(http://www.mofa.go.jp/fp/unp_a/page4e_000321.html)', (2015), accessed 20 August 2017.46 Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet, 'Statement by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at theUnited Nations Summit for Refugees and Migrants(http://japan.kantei.go.jp/97_abe/statement/201609/1219187_11015.html)', (2016), accessed20 August 2017.47 Asahi Shimbun, Nanmin shinseisha no taihan wa Ajia shūrō mokuteki ka.48 Asahi Shimbun, 'Nanmin kyūzō Nihon mo kyōryoku o kokuren ga ukeire yōsei Shiria 400man nin ' [Rapid increase of refugees: The UN requested Japanese cooperation – four millionrefugees in Syria], Asahi Shimbun, 19 June 2015. Michael Lindenbauer, the UNHCRrepresentative in Japan, was quoted in this article as asking Japan to accept more refugeesconsidering the number of refugees in the world.49 Asahi Shimbun, 'Nanmin ukeire seishiki kettei' [Official decision to accept refugees hasbeen made], Asahi Shimbun, 20 May 2016.50 Asahi Shimbun, Shiria nanmin 300nin ukeire e.51 Asahi Shimbun, '(Dēta o yomu yoron chōsa kara) Nanmin no ukeire kawaranai shōkyōkushisei' [(Interpretation of data from the opinion poll) Reluctance to accept refugees has notchanged], Asahi Shimbun, 30 January 2016.52 Mainichi Shimbun, 'Mainichi Shimbun yoron chōsa Taitō kōshō dekinu 67% nichibei keizaitaiwa de (http://mainichi.jp/articles/20170220/ddm/001/010/161000c)' [Opinion poll byMainichi Shimbun: 67% do not expect equal status in the Japan-US Economic Dialogue],(2017), accessed 20 August 2017.53 Yahoo Japan, 'Nihon no nanmin ukeire o dō kangaeru

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(https://news.yahoo.co.jp/polls/domestic/21642/result)' [How do you think about the admissionof refugees], (2016), accessed 20 August 2017.54 Yomiuri Shimbun, 'The Yomiuri Shimbun Media Data(http://adv.yomiuri.co.jp/m-data/english/download/ymd_2016-2017.pdf)' (2016), accessed 20August 2017.55 Takekawa Shunichi, 'Forging Nationalism from Pacifism and Internationalism: A Study ofAsahi and Yomiuri's New Year's Day Editorials, 1953–2005', Social Science Japan Journal,10/1 (2007), 59-80, 59.56 Tokuyama Yoshio, Abe kantei to shimbun "nikyokuka suru hōdō" no kiki [Abe cabinet andnewspapers: The crisis of “bipolarization of new reports”] (Tokyo: Shūeisha, 2014).57 Yomiuri Shimbun, 'Myanmā nanmin tōi sokoku minshukago mo nokoru fushinkan'[Myanmar refugees: Homeland far away and remaining distrust after the democratization],Yomiuri Shimbun, 19 May 2014; Yomiuri Shimbun, '(Zūmu appu) Kurudo nanmin nihon nimo'[(Zoom up) Kurdish refugees in Japan], Yomiuri Shimbun, 18 May 2015.58 Yomiuri Shimbun, 'Nanmin to tomo ni' [Together with refugees], Yomiuri Shimbun, 26 Apr -2 May 2016.59 Shibata Naoji, '(Za koramu) Shiria Nanmin tadoritsuita Nihon wa sakoku' [(The column)Syrian refugees to Japan: Japan is a closed country], Asahi Shimbun, 8 November 2014.60 Asahi Shimbun, '(Fōramu) Nanmin to Nihon' [(Forum) Refugee and Japan], Asahi Shimbun,23 November 2015.61 Asahi Shimbun, '(Shasetsu) Tero to Nihon jindō shien de koso rentai o' [(Editorial)Terrorism and Japan: Cooperation in humanitarian assistances], Asahi Shimbun, 23 November2015.62 Asai Shimbun, '(Shasetsu) Nanmin to sekai motto shien ni honkoshi o' [(Editorial) Refugeeand the world: More proactive assistance is needed], Asahi shimbun, 23 September 2016.63 Asahi Shimbun, '(Koe) Nanmin kyūsai koso sekkyoku teki heiwa shugi' [(Voice) Assistancefor refugees is indeed Japan’s Proactive Contribution to Peace], Asahi Shimbun, 17September 2015.64 Asahi Shimbun, '(Koe) Nanmin ukeire koso Nihon no kōken' [(Voice) Admission of refugeesis the very contribution Japan can make], Asahi Shimbun, 4 October 2015.65 Asahi Shimbun, '(Shasetsu) Nanmin ukeire kakudai koso kokusai kōken no michi'[(Editorial) Admission of refugees is the path for contributions to international society], AsahiSimbun, 7 April 2015.66 Asahi Shimbun, '(Shasetsu) Shushō kokuren enzetsu ikani kunio hiraku ka' [(Editorial) ThePrime Minister’s speech at the UN: How we can open our country], Asahi Shimbun, 10October 2015.67 Asahi Shimbun, '(Koe) Shiria nanmin no ukeire wa sekimu' [(Voice) Admission of refugees isour obligation], Asahi Shimbun, 25 March 2016.68 Asahi Shimbun, (Fōramu) Nanmin to Nihon.69 Ono Hiroto, 'Rentai naki sekkyokuteki heiwa shugi' [Japan’s Proactive Contribution to Peacewithout cooperation], Asahi Shimbun, 3 May 2015.70 Asahi Shimbun, '(Shasetsu) Nanmin ukeire te o sashinoberu shisei o' [(Editorial) Admissionof refugees: Offering a helping hand], Asahi Shimbun, 13 August 2015.71 Asahi Shimbun, '(Koe) Nanmin shien, towareru Nihon no ketsui' [(Voice) Assistance for

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refugees: Japan’s dedication is at stake], Asahi Shimbun, 6 September 2015.72 Asahi Shimbun, '(Koe) Nanmin ukeire, ashimoto mitsume yō' [(Voice) Admission of refugees:Look at your own feet], Asahi Shimbun, 13 February 2015.73 Asahi Shimbun, (Fōramu) Nanmin to Nihon.74 Ibid.75 Ibid.76 Ibid.77 Yamaguchi Kaoru, 'Sekkyoku teki heiwa shugi no mujun' [Contradiction in Japan’s ProactiveContribution to Peace], Sekai, 878 (2016), 132-137. 78 Ministry of Justice, 'Basic Plan for Immigration Control (5th Edition)(http://www.immi-moj.go.jp/seisaku/2015_kihonkeikaku_honbun_pamphlet_english.pdf)'(2015), accessed 1 October 2017.79 Yamaguchi Kaoru, Sekkyoku teki heiwa shugi no mujun, 136.80 Sono Ayako, 'Nanmin ukeire wa jiki sōshō da' [Admission of refugees is premature],Bungeishunjū, 93/14 (2015), 178-185, 179.81 Ibid. 181.82 Before this article was published, Sono Ayako published a column about the admission ofimmigrants to Japan in the conservative daily Sankei Shimbun on 11 February 2015. In thecolumn, she argues for the difficulty of living together with foreigners, saying “since learningabout the situation in South Africa 20 or 30 years ago, I’ve come to think that whites, Asians,and blacks should live separately”. Regarding this column, public outrage was seeninternationally. See, Japan Times, 'Author Sono calls for racial segregation in op-ed piece(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/02/12/national/author-sono-calls-racial-segregation-op-ed-piece/#.WdMmxGi0PIU)', (2015), accessed 2 October 2017; Japan Times, 'Outragegrows over Sono ‘apartheid’ column(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/02/20/national/outrage-grows-sono-apartheid-column/#.WdMi9mi0PIV)', (2015), accessed 2 October 2017.83 House of Representatives, 'Committe on Foreign Affairs', 27 November 2013.84 Your Party was founded in 2009 and once considered an alternative for voters fed up withthe established parties, but it decided in 2014 to disband due to declining public support anda split between members. Japan Times, 'Abe’s snap election claims first victim as Your Partydisbands(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2014/11/19/national/politics-diplomacy/abes-snap-election-claims-first-victim-party-disbands#.WaUMlz6g-Uk)', (2014), accessed 29 August 2017.85 House of Representatives, Committe on Foreign Affairs.86 The LDP was established in 1955 and has been Japan’s ruling party during the most of thepost-war period. Jeffrey P Richter, 'Japan's Reinterpretation of Article 9: A Pyrrhic Victory forAmerican Foreign Policy', Iowa Law Review, 101 (2015), 1223-1262.87 House of Representatives, 'Committe on Foreign Affaris', 14 May 2014.88 The New Komeito Party is the junior partner of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in theruling coalition.89 House of Representatives, 'Committe on Foreign Affairs', 23 March 2016.90 House of Councillors, 'Committee on Budget', 2 Feburary 2015.91 House of Representatives, Committe on Foreign Affairs.

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92 CNN, 'A timeline of President Trump's travel bans(http://edition.cnn.com/2017/02/10/us/trump-travel-ban-timeline/index.html)', (2017),accessed 29 August 2017.93 House of Representatives, 'Committee on Budget', 1 February 2017.94 Guardian, 'Japan says it must look after its own before allowing in Syrian refugees(https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/30/japan-says-it-must-look-after-its-own-before-allowing-syrian-refugees-in)', (2015), accessed 4 November 2017.95 Ibid.96 House of Councillors, 'Committee on Audit', 6 February 2015.97 House of Representatives, 'Committee on Budget third session', 25 February 2016.98 Enes Bayrakli and Farid Hafez, 'The State of Islamphobia in Europe(http://setav.org/en/assets/uploads/2017/05/EIR_2016.pdf)' in Enes Bayrakli & Farid Hafez(eds.), European Islamphobia Report 2016 (SETA, 2017), accessed 4 November 2017, 5-6.99 Japan Times, '‘Racist’ illustration of refugee girl sparks ire among Japan’s netizens(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/10/02/national/social-issues/racist-illustration-refugee-girl-sparks-ire-among-japans-netizens/#.Wf7FbGi0PIU)', (2015), accessed 4 November2017.100 Japan Times, 'Manga artist removes illustration mocking Syrian refugee(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/10/08/national/social-issues/manga-artist-removes-illustration-mocking-syrian-refugee/#.Wf7GA2i0PIU)', (2015), accessed 4 November 2017.101 Hasumi Toshiko, Sōda Nanmin Shiyō – Hasumi Toshiko no sekai [Why don’t I become arefugee? – The world of Hasumi Toshiko] (Tokyo: Seirindō, 2015).102 Japan Times, 'Manga artist Hasumi stirs outrage again with new book slammed as racist(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/12/22/national/social-issues/manga-artist-hasumi-stirs-outrage-new-book-slammed-racist/#.Wf7GTmi0PIU)', (2015), accessed 4 November 2017.103 'Sōda Nanmin Shiyō – Hasumi Toshiko no sekai(https://www.amazon.com/dp/4792605377/?tag=theasipacjo0b-20)' [Why don’t I become arefugee? – The world of Hasumi Toshiko], (2017), accessed 5 November 2017.104 Japan Times, 'Shadow of surveillance looms over Japan’s Muslims(https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2016/07/13/issues/shadow-surveillance-looms-japans-muslims/#.Wf8OA2i0PIU)', (2016), accessed 4 November 2017.105 Sato Kenei, Nihon no naka de Isuramu kyō o shinjiru [Believe in Islam in Japan] (Tokyo:Bungeishunjū, 2015), 228.106 Ibid. 222-225.107 Tanada Hirofumi, 'Nihon ni okeru Musurimu imin/nanmin no genjō to kadai' [MuslimMigrants and Refugees in Contemporary Japan], Chūtōkenkyū, 2016/3 (2016), 3-15, 5.108 Ibid.109 Ibid. 5-6.110 Yamaguchi Tomomi, 'Xenophobia in Action Ultranationalism, Hate Speech, and the Internetin Japan', Radical History Review, 2013/117 (2013), 98-118; Shibuichi Daiki, 'Zaitokukai andthe Problem with Hate Groups in Japan', Asian Survey, 55/4 (2015), 715-738.111 Yamaguchi Tomomi, Xenophobia in Action Ultranationalism, Hate Speech, and the Internetin Japan, 98.112 Hasumi Toshiko, Sōda Nanmin Shiyō – Hasumi Toshiko no sekai.

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113 Takeda Isami, 'Japan's Responses to Refugees and Political Asylum Seekers' in TadashiHanami & Myron Weiner (eds.), Temporary Workers or Future Citizens?: Japanese and USMigration Policies (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 445.114 Yoshino Kosaku, Culturalism, racialism, and internationalism in the discourse on Japaneseidentity, 18.115 Japan Times, 'One in 29 babies in 2014 had at least one non-Japanese parent(http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/03/05/national/one-29-babies-2014-least-one-foreign-parent/#.WTdGDOuGOUk)', (2016), accessed 21 August 2017.116 Kawakami Ikuo, 'The Vietnamese Diaspora in Japan and Their Dilemmas in the Context ofTransnational Dynamism', Senri Ethnological Reports, 77 (2008), 79–88, 85.117 Shingaki Masami and Asano Shinichi, 'The lifestyles and ethnic identity of Vietnameseyouth residing in Japan' in Roger Goodman et al. (eds.), Global Japan: The Experience ofJapan's New Immigrant and Overseas Communities (New York: Routledge, 2003).118 Ibid. 170.119 Asahi Shimbun, Nanmin shinseisha no taihan wa Ajia shūrō mokuteki ka.120 Tsuda Takeyuki, Strangers in the ethnic homeland : Japanese Brazilian return migration intransnational perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 93.121 Miyajima Takashi, Gaikokujin rōdōsha to Nihon shakai [Foreign workers and Japanesesociety] (Tokyo: Akashi Shoten, 1993), 59. A perception of ethnic homogeneity was therationale, but in fact there were huge differences of language and culture. See also, TsudaTakeyuki, Strangers in the ethnic homeland : Japanese Brazilian return migration intransnational perspective.122 Petrice R. Flowers, Refugees, women, and weapons international norm adoption andcompliance in Japan, 40-41.123 Japan Association for Refugees, 'Nihon hatsu minkan shudō ni yoru nanmin ukeire(https://www.refugee.or.jp/jar/release/2017/02/09-0000.shtml)' [Japan's firs private sponsoredrefugee program], (2017), accessed 4 November 2017.124 Japan Association for Refugees, 'Shiria nanmin ryūgakusei ukeirejigyō(https://www.refugee.or.jp/jar/release/2017/11/06-0000.shtml)' [Admission program for Syrianstudents], (2017), accessed 29 November 2017.125 Ibid.126 Japan ICU Foundation, 'Syrian Scholarship Initiative (https://www.jicuf.org/ssi/)', (2017),accessed 5 November 2017.127 Canadian Council for refugees, 'Private Sponsorship of Refugees(http://ccrweb.ca/en/private-sponsorship-refugees)', (2017), accessed 21 August 2017.128 Fast Retailing, 'Support for Refugees(http://www.fastretailing.com/eng/sustainability/community/refugeesupport.html)', (2017),accessed 29 November 2017.