Chitral-A Study in Statecraft

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ChitralAStudy in Statecraft( 1 3 2 0 1 9 6 9 )


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The designation of geographical entities in this book and the presentation ofmaterial do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the partof IUCN concerning the legal status of any country, territory or area, or of itsauthorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Published by:IUCN Pakistan, Sarhad Programme.

Copyright: 2004 International Union for the Conservation of Nature and NaturalResources, Pakistan.

Chitral: A Study in Statecraft (13201969) was prepared byIUCN-The World Conservation Union, and supported by the Swiss Agencyfor Development and Cooperation (SDC). The contents of this documentand opinions expressed do not constitute an endorsement by the SDC.

Citation is encouraged. Reproduction and/or translation of this publicationfor educational or other non-commercial purposes is authorised withoutprior written permission from IUCN Pakistan, provided the source is fullyacknowledged. Reproduction of this publication for resale or othercommercial purposes is prohibited without prior written permission fromIUCN Pakistan.

Citation:IUCN Pakistan (2004). Chitral: A Study in Statecraft (13201969).IUCN Pakistan, Karachi, Pakistan. x +114 pp.

Resource Person:Professor Rehmat Karim Baig

Editor:Firuza Pastakia

ISBN:969-8141-69-3

Cover and layout design:Creative Unit (Pvt.) Ltd.

Printed by:Hamdard Press (Pvt.) Limited.

Available from:IUCN-The World Conservation Union

IUCN PakistanSarhad Programme Office109, Street-2, Sarhad Office RoadDefence Officers ColonyKhyber Road, PeshawarTel: 091-5271728 / 5276032Fax: 091-5275093

IUCN-CCS Support UnitJudicial Council BuildingChitralTel & Fax: 0943-412079Website: www.ccs.iucnp.org


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ontentsCMap of Northern Pakistan including Chitral iv

Mehtars of Chital vi

Acknowledgements ix

Introduction 1

Finance 9

Social Structure 19

Land Tenure 27

Royal Household 35

Civil Administration 47

Defence 57

Public Works and Social Services 69

Law and Justice 77

Religious Affairs 85

Conclusion 91

Annex 1: Glossary 96

Annex 2: Rulers of the Chitral Area 103

Annex 3: Chronology of Events 104

Annex 4: Bibliography 112


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C hitral:A Study in Statecraft (13201969)

Map of Chitral and Northern Pakistan


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Map of the Chitral Area


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132041 Shah Nadir Raees

134156 Jan Raees

13561420 Khan Raees

142058 Shah Karam Raees

145891 Shah Nizam Raees

14911520 Shah Akbar Raees

152031 Shah Tahir Raees

153174 Shah Nasir Raees

157490 Shah Mahmood Raees

15901630 Muhtaram Shah, Katoor I

163060 Shah Mahmood Raees (regains power)

166096 Shah Sangeen Ali

169697 Mohammad Ghulam

169798 Shah Abdul Qadir Raees

16981701 Shah Alam

170117 Shah Muhammad Shafi

171724 Shah Faramard (Khushwakhte)

172454 Shah Afzal I

175460 Shah Fazil

176061 Shah Nawaz Khan

176186 Shah Khairullah (Khushwakhte)

Mehtars of Chitral (13201969)


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Mehtars of Chitral (13201969)

178688 Shah Nawaz Khan (regains power)

17881838 Shah Muhtaram Shah, Katoor II

183854 Shah Afzal II

185456 Muhtaram Shah III

185692 Amanul Mulk

1892 Afzalul Mulk (2 months 9 days in power)

1892 Sher Afzal (27 days in power)

189295 Nizamul Mulk

1895 Amirul Mulk (2 1/2 months in power)

18951936 Shujaul Mulk

193643 Mohammad Nasirul Mulk

194349 Mohammad Muzzafarul Mulk

194954 Saifur Rehman

195469 Saiful Mulk

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The mountainous region of Chitral is renowned for its ruggedlandscape and unique culture. What is perhaps less well known is

that the area possesses a rich tradition of customary law andindigenous statecraft. This heritage, spanning a period of more than700 years, encompasses a wide range of subjects from defenceand civil administration to land tenure systems and natural resourcemanagement.

Documents concerning traditional statecraft in Chitral are located inthe provincial Department of Archives and Libraries as well as theprovincial Home Departments Tribal Research Cell. These files andrecords, many of which corroborate folk knowledge handed downfrom generation to generation, are difficult to access and navigate.

This makes it all the more important to study traditionalmechanisms of governance in the area, not only to preserve thisknowledge for posterity but also to serve as a vital resource forfuture scholars. By helping to create a better understanding of thehistory of the Chitral region, moreover, such research should proveuseful to development agencies, conservation organisations andknowledge-based institutions working in the district.

In taking on this challenge, I benefited from the support of manyfriends including Professor Israruddin, Chairman, Geography

Department, University of Peshawar; and Professor Dr. WolfgangHolseworth, Reader, History Department, University of Bonn,Germany. The Government College Chitral and the former DistrictAdministration Chitral also provided invaluable assistance. I amindebted as well to IUCN-The World Conservation Union for theirkeen interest in the subject of Chitrals traditional statecraft. Shujaur Rahman, Manager Sarhad Provincial Conservation Strategy,Peshawar, deserves a special vote of thanks for initiating thisproject and enriching it with his meticulous observations, whichhelped me to achieve coherence in the arrangement of the data. Iam grateful to Dr. Inayatullah Faizi, Project Manager, Chitral

Conservation Strategy (CCS), Chitral, for his guidance and toSarfaraz Shah, Secretary-cum-Accountant, CCS Support Unit,Chitral, for his diligence, interest and cheerful disposition throughoutthe tedious process of compiling my complicated draft.

Rehmat Karim Baig

cknowledgementsA

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Introductionhe mountain state of Chitral

covered a greater area than

the modern district, located in

Pakistans North-West Frontier

Province, which goes by the same

name today. During the ten centuries

for which written accounts of the

region are available, the borders of

Chitral state reached as far as

Badakhshan and Bashgal in the

north-west and the Kunar valley in

the south, all the way to Bailam and

Chaghansarai.

T

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These areas are now part of Afghanistan.1

On its north-eastern front, meanwhile, thestate extended up to Sherqilla, whichtoday lies in the Gilgit region of Pakistan.2

These borders were seldom stable,however, and fluctuated with the fortunesof Chitrals rulers, the Mehtars.

Nothing definitive is recorded about theareas first settlers. In the 3rd centuryAD, Kanishka, the Buddhist ruler of the

Kushan empire, occupied Chitral. Butthis was a difficult land to govern forlong stretches of time. The princes ofChitral were forever embroiled in borderskirmishesand the occasional full-blown battlewith the tribes of Gilgitand Kashmir as well as warlords fromneighbouring Afghanistan.

In the 4th century AD, the Chineseoverran the Chitral valley, imposing

upon the area a rigid system ofadministration. To wield control overthe local population, it is said that theChinese would capture a few hundredlocal people and deploy them asforced labour. According to folklore,these prisoners would be releasedafter a few years, when a fresh batchof locals was taken.

Over the next 300 years, various parts ofChitral were ruled by local chiefs whooffered tributes either to the shahs ofPersia, the Kushan rajas or the emperorsof the Tang dynasty in China. In the 7thcentury, the Chinese once again invadedChitral. By this time, the Kushan andTang dynasties controlled different partsof Chitral, each aiming to expand its ownhold in the area. This struggle continued

for some decades, with the Chinesepushing in from the north andGandharans moving up from the south.3

By the beginning of the 8th century,Chinas hold over the area began toweaken, allowing local chieftains to riseto power. By the 10th century, Kalashtribes had established their ownprincipalities in lower Chitral while upperChitral was ruled by a legendary figure,

Bahman-e-Kohistani (lucky man fromthe mountains), who is remembered forhis heroism. Bahman-e-Kohistaniestablished a stable and prosperousstate. His seat of government wassituated at Muzhgol, in a strong fortsupplied with water by means of aunique distribution system constructedfrom interconnected ibex horns. Underhis rule, which lasted some 50 years, awater channel was dug from Banggol in

the Yarkhun valley all the way to theKaghlasht plateau (Ghufran 1962: 26).

In the year 980, after conquering vastswathes of Central Asia, the Arabsmarched on upper Chitral. The invadersdid not remain long in the area andreturned to Khurasan, their base ofoperations in the east, appointingBahman-e-Kohistani as their agent.4

Although the Arabs preferred to ruleindirectly, their invasion led to the arrivalof Muslim missionaries who brought theteachings of Islam to upper Chitral. Inthe lower valleys, the Kalash princescontinued to rule largely uninterrupteduntil 1320.

Somewhere between the years 1005and 1010, Sumalek, originally from

1 Badakhshan is a province in north-eastern Afghanistan. Bashgal is a region in Afghanistans Kunar province, situated to the south-west ofChitral. In 1896, Bashgal was renamed Nuristan by the Afghan Amir, Abdur Rehman Khan. Today, it lies within the borders of Afghanistan

and continues to be known as Nuristan. The town of Bailam is now known as Narai. It is situated some 20 kilometres south of the present-day town of Arandu and lies within the Kunar province of Afghanistan. The modern name for Chaghansarai is Asadabad.

2 The Gilgit region, which includes Astore, Baltistan, Chilas, Ghizar, Hunza and Yasin, is today part of Pakistans federally administeredNorthern Areas.

3 Gandhara, the name of a region that now covers parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, lay at the heart of the Kushan empire. The Gandhara

civilisation flourished is what is today the Peshawar valley in Pakistans North-West Frontier Province.4 Khurasan was part of Persia (present-day Iran).


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Introduction

Charkh, became the supreme ruler ofupper Chitral as well as Chilas, Ghizar,Gilgit, Hunza and Skardu.5 According tofolklore, Sumaleks pagan beliefs weresimilar to those of the Kalash. His reignis said to have brought progress andprosperity to the valley. Instead ofestablishing and consolidating acentralised state, Sumalek divided theterritory between his sons, whosucceeded their father as independent

rulers. The rule of the Sumaleki princesended in the early 14th century,following the emergence of anotheradventurer, Shah Nadir Raees(13201341).

The Raees Period(13201590)

The Raees family subjugated theKalash tribes and the Sumaleki rulers ofChitral, establishing a larger unifiedstate in the area. Shah Nadir, whofounded the Raees dynasty, wasoriginally from eastern Turkistan.6 In1320 he invaded Chitral and proceededto occupy a handful of villages in thelower Chitral river basin near Booni.The Sumalekis managed to hold on to

the Mulkhow and Torkhow regions for ashort while thereafter, putting up stiffresistance.

Less than a year after Shah Nadirs firstpush into the area, the Sumaleki princeYari Baig was murdered during afriendly polo match. Yari Baigs deathallowed Shah Nadir to occupy the wholeof upper Chitral. Contributing to hissuccess was the fact that a large section

of the local population, which wasMuslim, supported the Muslimconqueror. After strengthening his hold

over these parts, Shah Nadir invadedsouthern Chitral. Following a series ofbattles with local princes, Shah Nadiremerged victorious and occupiedChitrals main valley, killing Bulasing, theKalash ruler of lower Chitral.

While Islam had already beenintroduced to the region following theArab invasion in the 10th century, thereligion spread far and wide under

Raees rule. In the wake of Shah Nadirsmilitary successes, some two thirds ofthe Kalash population converted toIslam. The remainder fled to Kalashvalleys further south, settling in areassuch as Birir, Bomboret and Rumbur(Ghufran 1962: 37).

Raees rule over Chitral began in 1320and came to an end in 1590. During thisperiod, nine Raees Mehtars occupied

the throne. Most pursued a policy ofexpansionism, pushing the Kalash tribesfurther south and taking over more andmore territory.

Chitrals population during Raees rulewas by no means homogenous. Theareas inhabitants belonged to a numberof different ethnic groups and tribes,each of which was expected to serve

the state by performing specific dutiessuch as farming, hunting or militaryservice (Ghufran 1962: 44). Soon afterannexing the main valley, Shah NadirRaees called a meeting of tribal chiefsto discuss administrative measures forthe new state. The chiefs volunteered toprovide for the upkeep of the Mehtar byintroducing a system of taxation thatwould be binding on all tribes. Thisarrangement proved so successful that it

continued to operate, albeit with minoralterations, well into the Katoor period(15901969).

5 Charkh is a town situated in the north of the Farghana valley, now part of Uzbekistan. Skardu is today part of Pakistans federally

administered Northern Areas.6 Eastern Turkistan, also called Chinese Turkistan, is today known as the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China.


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The Chitral valley lies in the heart of the majestic Hindukush mountains.

It was during Raees rule that Islamicjurisprudence was introduced to the

region. The Raees Mehtars establishedIslamic courts which were presided overby Islamic judges and jurists. A systemof land endowment was graduallyintroduced along with Islamic inheritancelaw, a system of land revenue, andtaxes on shops, professions andherding. The Kalash tribes, who hadsuffered religious persecution in theearly days of Shah Nadirs rule, were inlater years allowed to live in peace.

With a system of revenue collection inplace, as well as a complex hierarchy ofstate servants, the Raees managed toretain the loyalty of their subjects forclose to 300 years. At the end of the 16th

century, however, dissension within theruling family arose over the issue of

succession. In 1531 Shah Tahir Raees(15201531) died, leaving as hissuccessor Shah Nasir Raees(15311574) who was less than 10 yearsold at the time. Towards the closing yearsof the 16th century, a bitter powerstruggle was under way within the rulingfamily, creating the perfect opportunity forinsurgents to challenge Raees authority.

The Katoor Period(15901969)

Baba Ayub, the patriarch of the Katoorfamily, hailed from Herat in Afghanistan


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Introduction

and settled in Chitral in 1520. As theRaees princes fought amongstthemselves, Baba Ayubs son andgrandsons mounted an attack on theruling family. After a series of battles, in1590 the insurgents entered the capitalvictorious and assumed control of thestate. Backed by a number of prominentlocal tribes, the Katoors did not hesitateto crush their opponents (Ghufran 1962:4445).

In 1590, Baba Ayubs grandsonMuhtaram Shah (15901630), laterknown as Katoor I, ascended the seat ofpower in Chitral after ousting the Raeesfamily and its supporters. In thisstruggle, Muhtaram Shah had beenjoined by his brothers, Khush Ahmad,Khushwakht, Mohammad Baig andMohammad Raza, who took part in thefighting, sustained injuries and were

even subjected to torture at the hands ofRaees forces. In recognition of theirsacrifices, and to pre-empt dissent,Muhtaram Shah divided the statebetween his brothers. In an arrangementarrived at through mutual consultation,Muhtaram Shah held the main valley ofChitral while his brothers were handedcharge of Drosh in the south, Innjigan inthe west, Mastuj in the north-east and

Mulkhow in the north. Over the years, allbut two of the brothers lost control oftheir respective areas; Muhtaram Shahcontinued to hold Chitral whileKhushwakht remained in power in Yasin.Their heirs were to become rivals in thebattle for the Chitral throne over the next400 years.

In the early days of Katoor rule theRaees princes twice managed to regain

power. The first challenge came in 1629and saw Shah Mahmood Raees(16301660) regain the throne thefollowing year. Shah Mahmood ruled forthe next 30 years before Chitral revertedto the Katoor family. Between 1660 and

1697, the Katoors once again heldChitral.

The second successful Raees challengecame in 1697. The rule of Shah AbdulQadir Raees (16971698), however,was short lived and the Katoors retookChitral the following year. From 1698,the Katoors retained their hold on thearea. Although the Katoors were in turnousted twice by their traditional rivals,

the Khushwakhte family, they regainedpower on both occasions and eventuallyruled Chitral well into the 20th century.During their rule, the structure of thestate machinerycivil, military, judicialand financialfollowed more or less thesame pattern as that which had existedunder the Raees.

Resources

Chitral lies in the heart of the majesticHindukush mountains which stand some6,000 metres high. From the highestpeaks (7,690 metres), vast glaciers feedthe Chitral river and its tributaries,providing abundant water for irrigation.The valleys below are rich in wildlife,and served as state game reservesduring both Raees and Katoor rule.

These reserves were granted asjagirs(estates) to various tribes andindividuals.

For several months each year theChitral valley was cut off from the restof the worlda situation that persiststo this day. The mountain passesleading into the areaBoroghil in thenorth, Durah in the west, Lowari in thesouth and Shandur in the eastwere

blocked in the winter, owing to heavysnowfall. Meanwhile the Kunar valleyroute through Afghanistan, whichprovided the only all-weather access tothe area, could not be relied uponbecause Chitrals relations with the


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kingdom of Kabul were seldom cordial.As a result, communication with otherparts of the region became next toimpossible in the winter, when tradeand commerce activities were alsocurtailed.

While the climate may at times beinhospitable, nature has endowed thevalley with fertile soil capable of bearinghigh-quality fruit and vegetables. Since

the area receives no monsoon rains,however, agriculture can only besustained by means of irrigation.Sowing a double crop, though, is onlypossible in lower Chitral where barley,corn, rice and wheat are favoured.Under the Mehtars, the state economydepended almost entirely on agriculture,even though farming was practisedlargely at a subsistence level.Traditionally, the farmers of Chitral grew

enough to meet domestic needs andlittle or no trade in food items wasnecessary.

Although the import and export ofagricultural produce was rare, goodsintended for everyday use, such ascloth, salt, shoes and rugs, as well ashorses, were traded by caravanstravelling to the region from

neighbouring states in the summer.

The Chitral area was also rich in minerals,while the hills of lower Chitral supporteddense deodar (cedar, Cedrus deodara)and oak forests. The mineral wealth of thestate was first exploited in the Raeesperiod, when orpiment was discovered inupper Chitral and iron ore found in thesouth. In the late 19th century, Chitralstimber was exported by river to

Afghanistan. Also around this time, tradecaravans from neighbouring areas beganpurchasing orpiment from Chitral.

With the increase in population,pressure on natural resources grew.

Over the generations, land and waterbecame highly valued assets, serving atthe same time as markers of socialstatus. Competition between individuals,clans and tribes, all scrambling toincrease their landholdings, intensifiedduring early Katoor rule. In the 18th and19th centuries, bids for the excavationand use of natural resources led tovicious rivalries within both the civiladministration and the general

population, becoming an integral part ofcourt politics.

Statecraft in Chitral revolved aroundthe ownership, allocation and use ofland and other natural resources, all ofwhich were controlled by the Mehtar.He used this power to secure theloyalty of tribal chiefs, bestowing landon his favourites and punishinginsurgents by confiscating their

property. But land endowments carrieda price. The larger the tribal or indivi-dual share in resources, the moreonerous the obligations they wereexpected to shoulder in service of thestate.

Customary Law

In stamping their authority on theregion, the Raees and Katoor Mehtarsdid not rescind customary laws thathad evolved over centuries of Persian,Gandhara, Chinese and Arab rule.These laws continued to govern socialrelations within Chitrali society wellinto the reign of the Raees and KatoorMehtars, who recognised theirpractical value and relevance. At thesame time, Islamic law was introduced

to govern matters not covered bycustomary law.

One unique aspect of customary lawwas the concept of collectiveaccountability. If a crime was committed


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Introduction

and the offender remained at large, theentire village was held responsible andfined or required to pay compensation.This system of joint responsibility andpunishment kept crime to a minimumand helped ensure public security (Mulk1971: 58).

Matters related to natural resource useand sharing were for the most partgoverned by customary law. Committees

of notables decided civil disputesbetween individuals and communities or

clans, and in most cases their decisionwas final and binding on all parties. Inmore serious cases, such as thoseinvolving high-value property or capitalcrimes, an appeal before higherauthorities was permitted. Misuse ofnatural resources was not condonedand violators were fined by the tribe orvillage where the offence had occurred.Matters involving resources held incommon, such as pasture, forests and

water channels, were decided by theelders of the community.


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efore Shah Nadir Raees

conquered Chitral, the area was

home to a number of small

principalities. As such, Shah Nadir did not

enjoy the benefit of inheriting a well-knit

administration. Nor, for that matter, was

an organised mechanism in place for the

collection of revenue. To raise funds to

sustain the royal household and finance

the operations of the new state, Shah

Nadir would have to introduce a system

of taxation. In 13201321 the chiefs of the

major tribes agreed to the introduction of

a system of land revenue known as

thangi (Mulk 1971: 49).

B

Finance

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Each tribe also gave up part of itslandholdings. In this way, the Mehtargained control of vast tracts of cultivatableland which was then parcelled out totenant farmers for sharecropping. Thisarrangement served as the main sourceof food grain for the ruling family.

With the requirements of the royalhousehold taken care of, the Mehtarwas free to attend to more important

matters of state. Meanwhile, bysurrendering property and agreeing tothe thangi tax, the tribal chiefs earnedthe right to participate in the business ofgovernment (Ghufran 1962: 4445).They formed an assembly of elders toadvise Shah Nadir who, as a native ofeastern Turkistan, was not wellacquainted with local custom andtradition.

In addition to the thangitax, the Mehtarreceived gifts during his visits tovarious parts of the state. Valuables

offered included horses, bulls, sheepand goats. By the early 15th century,this practice was formalised in theshape of a tax which was due even ifstate visits were not undertaken forseveral years (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:63). It was also at this stage that other

formal taxes were introduced. Initially,duties were levied only on land andrevenue was collected in kind (Barth1956: 81). Small units weaving woollencloth, carpets and rugs, and othercottage industries were exempted from

the payment of tax (Government ofIndia [GoI] 1928: 50).

The system of taxation introduced atthe beginning of Raees rule was basedon the amount of land held by eachtribe or clan as well as the class towhich an individual belonged. Thelarger an individuals holdings, thegreater his burden of tax (Ghufran1962: 149). In addition to taxes, all

citizens were obliged to perform stateservice. Members of the elite wereexpected to participate in the defence ofthe state, while common citizens wererequired to work on the construction ofwater channels, forts, roads andbridges.

Currency

Until the late 19th century, currency wasnot used in Chitral and the economyfunctioned instead on the basis of

barter. Officials, publicservants and those whoperformed labour for thestate were paid in theform of land endowmentsand grain while ordinarypeople traded livestock

(Biddulph 1977 [1880]:68; Mulk 1971: 24).Taxes too were levied inkind. Dues such as

ashimatand thangiwere collected inthe form of livestock, grain, cloth andcooked food.

The year that Amanul Mulk (18561892)gained power, the Afghan kabuli cameinto use in Chitral and remained the sole

currency of the state for nearly threedecades. In 1885, when the British firststationed troops in Chitral, the Indianrupee went into circulation. Thereafter,for more than 30 years, both currencieswere used.

By surrendering property and

agreeing to the thangi tax, the

tribal chiefs earned the right to

participate in the business ofgovernment.


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1Finance

The year 1919 marked the third Anglo-Afghan war. Chitral, by this time a Britishprotectorate, broke off ties with Kabul.After 1919, the Indian rupee became thesole currency of Chitral and remained sountil 1947, when the British quit India,dividing the country into two new states,Pakistan and India. Followingindependence, Chitral acceded toPakistan and switched to the Pakistanirupee.

Organisation

Under the Raees Mehtars, a formalsystem of revenue collection graduallytook shape. Matters related to finance,trade and taxation were handled by aduwanbegior revenue officer (Ghufran1962: 146). District taxes were collectedby lower-level officials in the civil

administration, who kept an oral recordof revenues from their respective areas,while a written record of payments wasmaintained centrally. This system wasnot entirely free of corruption (Ghufran1962: 217).

In 1898, during the rule of Shujaul Mulk(18951936), the states financemachinery was reorganised under the

command of British colonial officers. Acomprehensive register was compiled,listing the names of all landowners, theirarea of residence and the fixed amountof revenue they were liable to pay. Thisprocedure allowed more accuraterecords to be maintained and updated,reducing the incidence of tax evasion(Ghufran 1962: 217). In 1903, a separatedepartment of trade and commerce wasestablished (Ghufran 1962: 218).

A number of taxes were introduced overthe course of Raees rule in Chitral, from1320 to 1590. These were lateraugmented by the Katoors whocontrolled the state until 1969.

Early Taxes and Sourcesof Income

Land

State land was allotted to tenantfarmers for sharecropping. Agriculturalproduce from this land was the earliest

source of income for the ruling family.The Mehtars share of the harvest wascarried to the capital, Chitral town, bythe tenant (Scott 1937: 18). Statelands in the vicinity of the Chitral fortwere under the direct control of theMehtar.

Thangi

Thangiwas one of the earliest taxes tobe levied in Chitral and served as thelargest source of income for the state.Introduced at the beginning of Raeesrule to provide for the ruling family andfinance the day-to-day operations ofthe state, it was collected from lower-status tribes with smaller landholdingswho were exempt from performingstate duties such as shadariand boli

(Ghufran 1962: 148). Under the thangisystem, the less prominent tribes wererequired to provide grain, meat,clothing and other goods to the royalhousehold by way of a land tax (Mulk1971: 49). The value of the taxincreased over time. Initially,chickens were counted as items ofthangi. Later, higher-value goods suchas sheep were added to the list,which grew to include woollen

overcoats, blankets, woollen fabric,cotton cloth, and wooden bowls andplates. These items were collectedannually by various state officialsincluding the charvelu, baramushandchharbu.


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Ashimat

This tax, generally regarded as moreburdensome than thangi, actuallycontributed nothing directly to the state(Mulk 1971: 35). Instead, it was paid inthe form of meals served by the middleclass to the visiting Mehtar or othermembers of the ruling family. In mostparts of Chitral, royal visits occurred more

than once a year, giving the state ampleopportunity to collect ashimat(Ghufran1962: 35). But such visits were lessfrequent in remote areas where anoccasion to offer ashimatmight not arisefor years at a time (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:63). This fact did not go unnoticed andashimat-payers in such areas wererequired to pay their dues annually in theform of sheep (GoI 1928: 135). The taxwas collected by the chharbu, who

maintained an oral account of alltransactions (Mulk 1971: 35).

Ashimat-payers inhabiting moreaccessible parts of the state continuedto serve food to visiting royals. Theywere required to provide not only forthe Mehtar but also his officialentourage and other travellingcompanions. If only one such visit

occurred during the year, ashimat-payers of the area would share theburden of catering to the Mehtar andhis party. When multiple visits weremade throughout the year, ashimat-payers took turns at fulfilling theirobligations (Mulk 1971: 35).

Minerals

The exploitation of Chitrals mineralwealth had begun in the time of theRaees, with the mining of orpiment inthe Terich valley (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:

62). Other minerals extracted locallyincluded silver, crystallised quartz, lead,potassium nitrate and antimony (Din1987: 1920). Iron ore and copperdeposits were also discovered (Biddulph1977 [1880]: 62). Before currency cameinto use, payments for minerals weremade in kind, using slaves as well ashorses, bulls and yaks. In the 20thcentury, orpiment was exported to Chinaand turned a tidy profit for the state (GoI

1928: 49; Curzon 1926: 134). By 1914,the annual income from orpimentaveraged 20,000 kabulis, although thisamount fell in later years (TribalResearch Cell [TRC] 18: 7).

Shujaul Mulk took a keen interest inexploiting the mineral wealth of the state(Ghufran 1962: 183). During his reign,entire families were employed to pan theChitral river for gold dust, generating

cash for the state coffers (GoI 1928: 49).

Octroi

In the summer, a variety of goods wasbrought to Chitral from Badakhshan andthe Pathan-dominated areas of Dir,Nowshera and Peshawar, over the Durahand Lowari passes (GoI 1928: 50; Din

1987: 21).7

Traders carting merchandiseinto and out of the Chitral market, as wellas those in transit, were required to payoctroi. Initially, the tax was calculated noton the quantity of goods beingtransported but rather on the number ofanimals carrying the load (Ghufran 1962:143). Octroi charged in 1876 amountedto two kabulis per horse, one kabuli permule and one kabuli for every threedonkeys (Lockhart ca. 1896: 4). In later

years, octroi was collected in cash. In1919, total earnings from octroi stood at4,000 rupees (Din 1987: 39). This incomeincreased manifold in subsequent years.

7 The Durah pass in western Chitral lies on the ChitralAfghan border.


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1Finance

Between 1932 and 1936, for instance,the average annual income from octroistood at 19,680 rupees (TRC 18: 7).

In the Raees and the early Katoorperiods, octroi was levied in a variety oflocations. Katoor princes across thestate imposed a tax on traders andpocketed the amount that was collected(Ghufran 1962: 218). In the later Katoorperiod, this system was reviewed and

improved. Tolls were collected at Drosh,from traders travelling over the Lowaripass, and at Chitral, from traders arrivingfrom Badakhshan over the Durah pass.Printed receipts were issued in anattempt to curb corruption. This newsystem served to increase the statesannual income from 4,000 rupees in1919 to nearly 20,000 rupees by 1936.

SlaveryAs in many other parts of Central Asia,the slave trade flourished in Chitral.Slaves from Chitral and other areaswere taken to the main regional slavemarket in Badakhshan, and from thereto Kabul (Shahrani ca. 1979: 29).

In the Raees and early Katoor periods, an

individual could be sold into slavery forany number of reasons. Those haplessenough to incur the displeasure of theMehtar were consigned to the duwanbegi,whose agents were forever on the lookoutfor individuals whose conduct mightfurnish a pretext for being captured andsold. When additional slaves wererequired, the numbers were made up byforcible seizure (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 67;Mulk 1971: 50; Ghufran 1962: 83, 150).

Before currency came into use, slaveswere paid for in kind, with items such ascarpets, copper utensils, swords, shields,

saddles and reins. After the introductionof currency, the slave trade wasconducted in cash. The price of slavesvaried according to the age and beauty ofthe individual. In the late 19th century,young, attractive men and women weresold for 290 and 300 kabulis,respectively, while children fetchedanything from 100 to 300 kabulis,depending on their appearance (Lockhartca. 1896: 4). This practice declined in the

1880s, during the reign of Afghan AmirAbdur Rehman Khan (18781901), whenslavery was banned and the slave marketin Kabul was closed (Lockhart ca. 1896:4; Curzon 1926: 154). In India itself, theslave trade continued until 1895 before itwas banned by the British colonialadministration (Curzon 1926: 134; Din1987: 39).

TributesAs a show of allegiance to the ruler ofChitral, every year the people ofBashgal made a generous offering tothe Mehtar. Items offered as tributeincluded butter, honey, cattle andwoollen blankets, as well as children toserve as slaves (Lockhart ca. 1896: 4;Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 132133). The

Mehtar also received an annual tribute,including horses, blankets and goats,from the people of Bashqar in the Kalamvalley.8

Fines

Fines were collected primarily as ameans to facilitate the payment ofcompensation to the aggrieved party in

a dispute. During his rule, though,Shujaul Mulk decreed that a certainportion of the fines collected would go tothe exchequer (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:

8 The Kalam valley is now part of upper Swat.


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218). Chitral under the Mehtars was byand large a law-abiding society, with theresult that crime was low and theincome derived from fines was generallymeagre.

Later Taxes and Sourcesof Income

The year 1885 saw a pact of friendshipforged between Mehtar Amanul Mulkand the British colonial administration ofIndia. Thereafter, a small contingent ofBritish troops was stationed in Chitral,ostensibly to bolster the Mehtars power.Chitral was to serve as a rampart in theBritish empires bid to counter the

ambitions of Russia to the north andAfghanistan to the west. To sweeten thedeal, the colonial authorities providedChitral with subsidies and plied theMehtar with gifts.

Subsidies

Following an exchange of emissaries,and tours of inspection carried out byBritish officers such as Lockhart andBiddulph, the colonial government ofIndia in 1876 introduced a subsidy forthe Mehtar. Known as the Kashmir

Subsidy, this payment served as a tokenof friendship between the ruler ofChitral and the colonial administration,brought into contact through theMaharaja of Kashmir, Ranbir Singh(18571885). This subsidy initiallyamounted to 98,000 rupees annually butwas doubled in 1881, with additionalallowances paid to the sons of theMehtar (Curzon 1926: 4).

The 1885 treaty between ChitralsMehtar and the British colonialgovernment of India was also brokeredby Maharaja Ranbir Singh. Followingthis agreement, a second subsidy wasintroduced. Known as the BritishSubsidy, this annual payment of 6,000rupees was first received by Amanul

Mulk in 1889. Two yearslater, the amount wasraised to 12,000 rupees

(Scott 1937: 4;GoI 1928: 1).

By 1895, the twosubsidies jointlyamounted to 30,000rupees annually (TRC13: 65). After 1895, theKashmir Subsidy wascut to 3,000 rupees but

the British Subsidy stoodunchanged at 12,000rupees (TRC 8: 266). In the years thatfollowed, the British Subsidy wasraised three times. In April 1928, tofund the State Bodyguards, thepayment was increased by 30,000rupees, totalling 42,000 rupees (TRC120). Later, the sum was raised byanother 65,000 rupees, amounting to107,000 rupees annually (Ghufran

1962: 235). Following his successionto the throne, Mohammad Nasirul Mulk(19361943) negotiated a furtherincrease, after which the BritishSubsidy stood at 130,000 rupees(Ghufran 1962: 235).

The Kashmir Subsidy served asa token of friendship between

the ruler of Chitral and the

British colonial administration,

brought into contact through

the Maharaja of Kashmir.


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1Finance

Ushr

The system of ushr(tithe) wasintroduced to Chitral relatively late. Inthe Raees and early Katoor period,tithes in the form of wheat and barleywere only collected from villageswhere the land was fertile enough tosupport two crops a year (Ghufran1962: 218). This tax was paid in

addition to other levies thatlandholders were required to fork out.

It was Shujaul Mulk who firstcontemplated the state-wideintroduction of ushrafter consultingwith court theologians. Taking his cuefrom their religious sanction, the Mehtardecided to impose ushron a widerange of agricultural produce acrossthe state. Introduced in 1910, the move

encountered stiff resistance in thedistricts of Lotkuh and Mastuj (Ghufran1962: 218). Nevertheless, it wasforcibly imposed throughout Chitral in1918.

Between 1914 and 1926, before thesystem of ushrcollection and utilisationwas formalised, the grain collected wasnot used by the state but instead went

directly to the qazisof the villagesconcerned (Ghufran 1962: 55). After1926, however, ushrgrains were usedby the state to make payments to noblesand princes, who received no otherremuneration for their services.

From 1926 to 1969, some 3,676 maunds(1 maund is equivalent to 40 kilograms) ofgrain from the state ushrstock washanded over each year to five governors

while another 3,676 maunds wasdistributed to 11 nobles, including princes,their relatives and other favourites (Scott

1937: 1417). State officials, includingbodyguards and carpenters, also receivedgrains from the ushrstock.

Grain collected as ushrwas stored instate granaries. Detailed accounts werekept in the malia(revenue) office,recording the amount collected and thetotal held in each granary (A. Khan1998). According to records for the year1928, the combined stock in state

granaries stood at 6,610 maunds.

Contracts

British Indian troops were first stationedin Chitral in 1885, when the friendshippact came into effect. Ten years later, asChitral became a protectorate of theBritish crown, this military presence wasformalised. Rather than continuing to

bear the exorbitant cost of sendingprovisions over the Lowari pass, theBritish authorities eventually awardedthe Mehtar a contract to supply thetroops (Scott 1937: 8). The first suchcontract was signed in 1902. Over theyears, this arrangement allowed thestate to earn a substantial incomewhich, between 1932 and 1936,averaged 218,800 rupees annually

(TRC 18: 7).

Charas and Opium

Until the early 20th century, traffic innarcotics was not regulated by the state.This changed in 1902 when the Britishdecided to capitalise on the informaltrade, establishing a bonded warehouseat Boroghil.9 Soon thereafter, Chitral

received its first official consignmentcontaining 70 maunds of charas(cannabis) from Yarkand in China.10 State

9 Boroghil is a border post located in northern Chitral.10 Yarkand is a town situated in Chinas Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.


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revenue officials at the time estimatedthat only 20 maunds of this shipment wasconsumed in Chitral itself while theremainder was sold in markets as farafield as Bombay, Kabul, Lahore andPeshawar (TRC 106: 1, 2). The Britishoversaw operations of the warehouseuntil 1926 when, under the CharasAgreement, a sum of 15,000 rupees waspaid to the Mehtar to manage thewarehouse. In 1928, this fee was raised

to 30,000 rupees (TRC 18: 225).

Gradually, cannabis began to becultivated in Chitral and became widelyavailable in the local market. Opiumfrom Afghanistan was also brought intoChitral. The flourishing business innarcotics led to the imposition of octroiin 1938 when printed forms for revenuecollection were introduced. This provedto be a handsome source of income for

the state.

Timber

The Chitral river, a natural asset sharedwith neighbouring Afghanistan,provided a channel for the commercialtransport of timber which was sold totraders from Afghanistan and Peshawar

(Ghufran 1962: 143). Since the Mehtarenjoyed de facto rights over all forestsin Chitral, revenue from the sale oftimber accrued to the treasury. Themen employed to cut and float timberwere paid no wages, while labourcharges were included in the cost,thereby maximising the states earnings(GoI 1928: 50).

This trade, which started after

currency came into use, did notgenerate a regular income for thestate. Sales peaked during the reign ofAmanul Mulk, amounting to 40,000kabulis annually, but the averageincome from timber was generally

lower (Lockhart ca. 1896: 3; Din 1987:39; Ghufran 1962: 134). In whatamounted to a partial barter system,two thirds of the payment from Afghanand Peshawar traders was taken incash and the rest in kind (Lockhart ca.1896: 3).

Trade with Afghanistan came to agrinding halt in the wake of the Anglo-Afghan war of 1919, when the river

transport route was closed.Subsequently, income from the sale oftimber plummeted, averaging a mere500 rupees annually (TRC 18: 7). Thissituation persisted for close to twodecades, until a trade delegation fromChitral was sent to the court of KingZahir Shah. The emissaries arrived inKabul in 1937 and engaged in talks toreopen the river route throughAfghanistan. As a consequence, the

Afghan government lifted the embargoon Chitrals timber for the first time since1919 (Ghufran 1962: 225).

Besides trade with neighbouring states,timber was also used locally forinfrastructure projects initiated by theBritish colonial administration. In 1904,when the British installed telegraph linesbetween Chitral and Gilgit, trees were

felled and a royalty amounting to half arupee per pole was paid to the Mehtar(TRC 77: 28). To manage this valuableresource, the British established aforestry department in 1908,implementing measures to control theuse of timber by local communities. Atax was imposed on the felling of treesand on the sale of firewood (Ghufran1962: 219).

Market and Shop Rent

In the summer, Chitral bazaar becamethe hub of business activity in theregion. To meet the growing needs of


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1Finance

the commercial sector, Shujaul Mulkordered new shops to be built along witha caravanserai for travelling traders. Anofficer was appointed to control thesupply of goods and regulate prices(Ghufran 1962: 223). Rent from shops inChitral and Garam Chashma bazaarswas paid into the state treasury, whilerent from Drosh bazaar went to thegovernor of Drosh (Scott 1937: 15).From 1901 to 1946, shop rents stood at

270 rupees a year, sarai fees were 400rupees per annum and supply tax waslevied at the rate of 2,200 rupeesannually (TRC 18: 7).

Antimony

The 1938 discovery of antimony in Klinjcreated a new source of income for the

state.11 Under Mohammad Nasirul Mulk,mines were contracted out to Chitralibusinessmen as well as entrepreneursfrom other parts of India and thetreasury collected a royalty (Ghufran1962: 235).

Grazing Tax

From 1857, a grazing tax known as

qalangwas imposed on nomadicpastoral tribes (Ghufran 1962: 148).Paid in the form of goats and butter, thistax remained in force until as recentlyas 1969.

11 Klinj is a village that lies to the west of Chitral town, on the main road to Garam Chashma.


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ince at least as far back as 500

BC, Chitral has witnessed wave

upon wave of foreign invasion. As

a result, the population of the area

consists of a heterogeneous mix of

ethnic groups. During the rule of the

Mehtars, some of these tribes were more

united and influential than others. All

held pieces of land, whether it was

cultivated or barren.

The Mehtar selected competent men from

the principal tribes and assigned to them

duties in the state administration (Mulk

1971: 44; Staley 1969: 231).

S

SocialSTRUCTURE

1 9


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Military commanders, regionaladministrators and revenue collectors, toname but a few such officials, wereappointed in this manner. Before the useof currency was introduced in the late19th century, payment for all stateservice was made in the form of landendowments (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 68;Mulk 1971: 24).

Since the Mehtar relied heavily on the

support of the major tribes to beat backenemy invasion and bolster his ownpower, members of these tribesenjoyed an honoured position in Chitralisociety. Notables belonging to theprincipal tribes were addressed as Lal(literally, ruby) and received royalfavours. They were among theprivileged few who attended theMahraka, the daily assembly oraudience with the Mehtar, which served

as an opportunity for the ruler to meethis courtiers and discuss with themmatters of state.

Eventually, a class of Lals emerged fromamong the principal tribes. These men

were closely linked to the ruling familyand came to be regarded as membersof the nobility (Lockhart ca. 1896: 12).As more individuals and tribes becamepart of the nobility by virtue of theirinfluence in the corridors of power, the

term Lal came to encompass entiretribes. This class of aristocrats heldimportant positions in the administrationand accompanied the Mehtar on histours of inspection. The Lals were alsoentitled to keep serfs.

Class distinctions dominated Chitralisociety under the Mehtars but thesesocial divisions were not necessarilyfixed. Rather, prestige could be gained

or lost depending on an individuals luckand circumstances. By demonstratingunshakeable loyalty to the ruler, forinstance, a man belonging to a minortribe could improve his status andbecome a nobleman, though notnecessarily a Lal. Indeed, all membersof the major tribes were not aristocratsand all aristocrats were not Lals.Similarly, following a war of succession,a family, clan or entire tribe owing

allegiance to an unsuccessful claimantto the throne would decline in socialstatus (Lockhart ca. 1896: 1).

Branches of the rulingfamily and many of theprincipal tribes wereknown collectively as theAdam Zada. This upperclass included the Lals,

as well as other elitesdescended from theMehtars such as theShahzadas (princes) andMehtarzhaos (sons ofthe Mehtar). The secondrung of tribes was knownas the Arbab Zada orYuft (Ghufran 1962:

148). This group formed what may bedescribed as the middle class.

Compared to the minor tribes, theAdam Zadas and Arbab Zadaspossessed larger landholdings andwere entrusted with the task ofperforming state service (Scott 1937:1214). The lowest class in Chitrali

Class distinctions dominated

Chitrali society under the Mehtars

but these social divisions were

not necessarily fixed. Rather,prestige could be gained or lost

depending on an individuals luck

and circumstances.


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2 1

Social Structure 2

The people celebrated their relationship with nature through a variety of dances, among them thedaniand souz.

society was known as the FaqirMiskeen, and consisted of a number ofdifferent ethnic groups and smallertribes. These men were expected toperform menial state duties.

This segmentation of the populationaccording to social status was not basedon racial or other such distinctions.

Rather, the system served as a form ofdivision of labour. Each group played aspecific role in the state administrationdepending on the groups size, wealthand influence.

Adam Zada

The principal tribes of the pre-Katoorperiod and the descendants of BabaAyub were members of this privilegedclass. They occupied large tracts offertile land with ample water resourcesand controlled game reserves in different

parts of the state. The Adam Zadasattended the Mahraka and participated indecision making. They occupied seniorcivil and military positions in theadministration. Their primary duty wasthe defence of the state.


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The Adam Zadas were the aristocrats ofChitrali society. They enjoyed highstatus regardless of their materialcircumstances: An Adam Zada remainsan Adam Zada to the end of the chapter.He is born, not made and cannotdescend in social scale. If he growspoor, he is called a poor Adam Zada(GoI 1928: 127).

Arbab ZadaAlso known as Yuft, this class was themost populous, making up close to 80per cent of the population. Arbab Zadamen served in the upper echelons of thebureaucracy, judiciary and military. Tribalchiefs belonging to this class formed alarge segment of Mahraka participants.

The Arbab Zadas provided a substantial

part of the Mehtars fighting force. Theypaid ashimatto visiting state officialsand members of the ruling family. Menfrom this class were also required toperform shadari(personal service forthe Mehtar). In exchange, they receivedland and gifts such as clothes, horsesand falcons (Ghufran 1962: 149; Scott1937: 13; Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 66).

Faqir MiskeenIn the writings of British colonial officersin the late 19th century, the lowerclasses in Chitral are referred to as theFaqir Miskeen, or meek beggars. Thisterm, however, is something of amisnomer since beggars did not exist inChitrali society at the time. In fact, theterm referred to all members of the

lower classes, and covered a variety ofethnic groups and smaller clansscattered across the state.

The Faqir Miskeen did not participate inthe business of government or benefit

from the Mehtars munificence. Theylacked the wherewithal to contribute tothe defence of the state and could notsupport a claimant to the throne becauseof their smaller numbers. Although by nomeans influential, the Faqir Miskeenwere an important part of the fabric ofChitrali society. They worked for thestate, carrying out menial duties such assweeping and domestic labour, tillingland, fetching wood and grazing animals.

Some fostered the Mehtars children.Most held small pieces of land, inexchange for which they paid no tax butwere instead expected to work for theMehtar (Mulk 1971: 3435).

Under the Mehtars of Chitral, militaryservice was considered an honour. TheFaqir Miskeen were not called upon toperform military service, with oneexception. The Kalash of Urtsun had

assisted a warlord in the early Katoorperiod (Scott 1937: 14). In recognition oftheir service to the ruling family, theycontinued to be summoned for militaryservice by later Mehtars.

Those belonging to the Faqir Miskeenclass were poor, with only meagresources of income and no share in thebenefits of state administration (OBrien

1895: vii). But, as with the otherclasses, exceptions were possible andindividuals from this class are known tohave risen in social status: If a FaqirMiskeen grows wealthy and influential,he becomes an Arbab Zada (GoI1928: 127).

The lower classes were subdivided intovarious categories, depending on theirrole and status.

Rayat

The Rayat were tenant farmers andbelonged to various clans and tribes.


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2Social Structure

They either owned land themselves orworked on land belonging to the Mehtarand nobles. Smallholders whoexperienced difficulty eking out a livingwould opt to become Rayat in order tohave access to additional land. The termRayat was also applied to the Kalashtribes and to groups of professionals suchas musicians, falconers, blacksmiths,miners, potters and animal keepers.

Shirmuzh

Another section of the lower classeswas known as Shirmuzh, literallymeaning from ones ownmilk. The term was usedto describe two differentarrangements, one ofwhich served to raise thestatus of a family or tribe

while the other was aform of slavery. Whatwas common betweenthem, as the literalmeaning of the termsuggests, was the factthat the Shirmuzh wereconsidered members of the familyalbeit far less privileged members.

It was not uncommon for the Mehtar toentrust one or more his children to thecare of a foster family outside thecapital. An infant would be sent to livewith such a family until he or she was atoddler, at which time the child wouldreturn to the royal household in theChitral fort. This arrangement allowedthe Mehtar to forge crucial allianceswith various families or entire tribes.Such foster families, known as

Shirmuzh, received land in exchangefor raising the child.

Following the Mehtars lead, aristocratsbegan to send their children to fosterfamilies. Eventually, the system of

shirmuzhibecame an integral part ofupper-class society. Besides its politicalimplications, this arrangement alsocreated within the social structure adegree of mobility. As a result ofshirmuzhi, families or clans gainedprestige and were elevated to a higherposition on the social ladder, as was thecase with the Bushae and Zondraetribes. In the case of slaves or serfs whofostered a landlords child, such an

improvement in social standing was notguaranteed. If such families performedno other state service, they would notrise above their lowly status.

Not all forms of shirmuzhiserved toraise the status of a family or tribe, forthe term was also used to describe a

system in which individuals were virtualslaves in the service of an Adam Zada.Such Shirmuzh were peasants ortenants, attached to the household of anaristocrat. They were allotted a pieceland to cultivate and were not requiredto perform any other state service.

There were a number of circumstancesunder which an individual and his familymight find themselves drawn into this

type of shirmuzhi. For example, anAdam Zada might request the Mehtarfor agricultural labourers. Such workers,serfs who cultivated their own land,would be given as slaves to the AdamZada. On occasion, these men were

It was not uncommon for theMehtar to entrust one or more

his children to the care of afoster family outside the capital.This arrangement allowed theruler to forge crucial alliances.


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2 4


permitted to quit the service of the AdamZada, surrendering their land as apenalty. For the most part, however,they remained attached to the AdamZada and eventually became Shirmuzh.

All citizens were required to performstate service of one kind or another. Thelower-class tribes were expected to workon state construction projects.Occasionally, men performing this type

of labour might approach an influentialnoble, requesting employment. Subjectto the Mehtars permission, which wasgenerally given, such men would thenfind themselves tilling land andperforming domestic chores in thehousehold of the aristocrat. In additionto the land they already held, these menreceived land from their new masters.Having reneged on their responsibility toperform state service, however, they lost

their status as free men and becameShirmuzh.

Besides working on constructionprojects, men belonging to the lowerclasses also served as members of thebodyguard force. To supplement theirincome or increase their landholdings,some took on additional work on thefarms of nearby landlords. Gradually,

such men became Shirmuzh. Evenindependent tenant farmers who hadabandoned state service becameShirmuzh and came to be regarded asserfs (Mulk 1971: 4142).

Slavery was a common practice inChitrali society, with men, women andchildren also sold to foreign traders. Aman seeking to protect himself frombeing enslaved might seek a noblemans

protection, volunteering to foster a child.He too became a Shirmuzh (A. A. Khan1992; S. Hussain 1989).

The final twist in this complex system isthat shirmuzhicould be employed as a

form of punishment meted out to lower-class tribes for incurring the displeasureof the Mehtar. Such men were enslavedand given to one of the Mehtarsfavourites, losing not only their libertybut their property as well. Eventually,such men and their families becameknown as Khana Zad (Mulk 1971: 41).

Khana Zad

The Khana Zad owned no property anddid not belong to any clan or tribe. Theywere serfs on the estates of upper classnobles, and entirely dependent on theirmasters for food, shelter, clothing andhealth care. Masters often arranged themarriages of their Khana Zad and futuregenerations would assist in farm workon the estate.

An individual could become a KhanaZad in a number of ways. A mans landmight be destroyed in a natural disastersuch as a flood or landslide, or hisholdings might be confiscated by theMehtar for some infraction. Onedeprived of his livelihood in this mannermight approach a landlord for assistanceand receive a piece of land or beprovided with the means of subsistence,

such as food and grain. Such a manwould then become a serf, or KhanaZad. The Khana Zad would cultivate theland and live off the produce. Inaddition, he was expected to perform anumber of services for the landlord,tilling the land, harvesting and threshingcrops, and carrying out householdchores. Since the Khana Zad no longerowned land, he was not required to paythe landlord a tithe. Nor was he bound

to pay tax or perform state service. Hecould vacate the land and seek thepatronage of another landlord.

A prisoner of war might also become aKhana Zad, enslaved to the Mehtar and


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1Social Structure

his family. Such men were treated asproperty and gifted to members of thearistocracy. Sons of the aristocracyreceived slaves as part of their

inheritance (Mulk 1971: 4142).Illegitimate children were also includedin the Khana Zad category.


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he economy of Chitral state was

based largely on subsistence

agriculture. The mode of

production prevalent during the rule of

the Mehtars was similar to the feudal

system found elsewhere in the Indian

subcontinent. Compared to the vast

jagirs (estates) held by feudal lords in

British India, Chitrals landowners

possessed modest holdings. Typically,

individual landholdings in Chitral were

relatively small, ranging from 6 to 15

kanals (one kanal is equivalent to 1,660

square meters).

T

LandTENURE

2 7


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2 8


Land was the backbone of the economyand also served as a tactical weapon instatecraft (Mulk 1971: 34). The authorityof the Mehtar, the loyalty of tribal chiefsand the services rendered by the minortribes were all linked to land.

The state administration depended forits income on cultivable land, pasture,water resources, forests, game reservesand wildlife. The Mehtar himself

controlled these resources and relied onthem to ensure his own survival.Ownership and use of natural resourceswere used as tools to manipulate tribalchiefs, notables, religious leaders,members of the ruling family andloyalists.

The system worked in part because landwas coveted alike by all the Mehtarssubjects, who in many cases

demonstrated total servility in order toreceive a grant of land or retain theirholdings. Land was also used to pay forthe services of men employed in theadministration. Such endowments were

not made on a permanent basis andcould be withdrawn by the Mehtar. If alandowner fell from grace, perhaps owingto the victory of a rival prince, he lost hisland. Many such clans would go into exile

along with the deposed prince they hadsupported, while the new Mehtarawarded their land to his own favourites.

In Chitral under the Mehtars, all menwere required to perform services for the

state. The services expected of theAdam Zadas, Arbab Zadas and lowerclasses were linked to the land they held(Staley 1969: 232; Mulk 1971: 34). Sincethe Mehtar enjoyed de facto control overall land in the state, he was entitled toconfiscate such holdings at will. Menrendered landless in this way were at thesame time freed from the responsibilityof performing state service.

This was, in effect, a unique version offeudalism with the Mehtar acting asfeudal lord by virtue of his rights over allnatural resources. This rendered him thesupreme power in the land, a cut abovea traditional feudal lord who owned awell-demarcated estate (Barth 1956: 81).

State Land

Under the Raees and Katoor Mehtars,estates were carved out for the benefitof the ruling class. At the same time,some land remained under the directcontrol of the Mehtar. Such holdings

were either inherited frompredecessors, wrestedfrom deposed rivals oracquired by means ofconfiscation.

The state held landsurrounding the capitalfort in Chitral and thedistrict headquarters forts.Land around the district

forts provided for the subsistence of thecheq mehtars(subordinate mehtars),who had use of these lands but no otherrights over them (Scott 1937: 1418).Land in the vicinity of the summer

residences of the Mehtar and cheqmehtarswas also held by the state.

Some state land was granted toministers such as the ataleghwho wasin charge of military affairs or the asaqal

The authority of the Mehtar, the

loyalty of tribal chiefs and the

services rendered by the minortribes were all linked to land.


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3Land Tenure

The protected area known today as the Chitral Gol National Park was formerly a wildlife sanctuaryunder the direct control of the Mehtar.

who managed state lands and the royalhousehold. In addition, state land wasawarded to various influential members

of the ruling family (Scott 1937: 1617).Besides these endowments, during hisreign Shujaul Mulk gave reclaimedwasteland and tracts of state land to hisyounger sons, to establish them invarious parts of the state.

Rayat Duri

The oldest state lands were those

surrendered by the principal tribes in theearly days of Raees rule to provide forthe ruling family. This land was allottedto the Rayat for subsistence farming butwas not in their possession. Such land,known as rayat duri, was scattered

across the state and enjoyed a goodwater supply. Tenancy was decided bythe central asaqal, a senior official in the

court of the Mehtar. The Rayat wereallowed to retain a part of the annualproduce and carried the states share tothe capital, Chitral town. Rayat could beevicted at any time for mismanagement.The asaqalmaintained an oral record ofall rayat duri(Ghufran 1962: 149150).

Private Land

Human settlement and agriculturalactivity in the region that is now Chitralbegan as far back as 1000 BC. Theearliest habitations sprang up close towater sources such as streams andtorrents. As the population grew and


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settlements expanded, various methodsof irrigation were put to use.

By the time the Raees Mehtars came torule the area, barani(rain-fed) cultivationwas carried out only in some parts oflower Chitral. Such land, considered tobe of low value, was not taxed. Mostcultivated land, however, was irrigatedand its holders were liable to pay tax tothe state.

Many of these lands were handed downfrom generation to generation, leading tothe fragmentation of holdings over theyears. But the right to inheritance, or toretain land indefinitely, was notguaranteed. The Mehtar was

empowered to confiscate any piece ofland for any reason. Occasions whenestates were taken in this way wererare, however, and the Mehtarssubjects were by and large able to thinkof landholdings as their property.

Ashimat Duri

In exchange for the land they held, theArbab Zadas were required to providefor the Mehtar and members of theruling family during state visits. Thistribute, offered in the form of cooked

food, was known as ashimat. The landfor which ashimatwas paid was calledashimat duri. A record of all such landand its occupants was maintained bythe local chharbu.

Thangi Duri

Tax on certain types of land wascollected in the form of livestock,

agricultural produce or items ofeveryday use. This tax was known asthangiand the land on which it waslevied was called thangi duri. Thangiwas collected by the local chharbuwhokept an oral record of such transactions(Mulk 1971: 3738). A register of thangi

duriwas also maintainedat the centre in the statemalia(revenue) office.The terms of payment

were fixed even if theland itself changedhands, as was often thecase.

Holders of thangi duriwere also expected toserve the state.Throughout Raees ruleand during much of the

Katoor period, theyparticipated in thedefence of the realm. Upon the death ofMuhtaram Shah II (17881838),however, his successor Shah Afzal(18381854) decreed that thangi duriowners were to serve in the stateconstruction service. When thetransformation of the bolisystem beganin 1895, following British occupation,thangi duriowners were required to

work as boldoyo.

The amount of land classified as thangiduriwas not fixed. From time to time,the state brought tracts of wastelandunder irrigation, rendering them fit for

Most cultivated land was

handed down from generationto generation but the right to

inheritance was not guaranteed.

The Mehtar was empowered to

confiscate land for any number

of reasons.


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Land Tenure

cultivation. As such, new thangi duricould be created. This land was thenoffered to various groups or individualsin exchange for the payment of thangiand the performance of boli(Mulk

1971: 39).

Meherbani Zameen

In the Khowar language, the wordmeherbanidenotes a gift from a ruler oran elder. Meherbani zameenwas landthat the Mehtar gifted to his subjects forany number of reasons: as a reward forvalour in battle, as compensation for

losses suffered as the result of a naturaldisaster or in recognition of long-standing shadariservice (Mulk 1971:41). The gift was carved out of stateland or holdings that had previouslybeen confiscated by the Mehtar.

Recipients of meherbani zameenwerenot required to pay ashimator thangibutwere expected to perform shadariif theyhad not already done so.

Shirmuzh Galu

The Shirmuzh were families whofostered children of the Mehtar andaristocrats. The term was also used todescribe individuals who were virtualslaves in the service of an Adam Zada.The land held by a Shirmuzh was knownas shirmuzh galu.

Khana Zad Galu

The Khana Zad were serfs on theestates of upper-class nobles. Khanazad galuwas land given to them for the

3

Human settlement and agricultural activity in the region that is now Chitral began as far back as 1000 BC.


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1Land Tenure

administration. After 1954, women werelegally entitled to inherit a share of theirfathers land but in practice the oldsystem prevailed. What did change,however, was the system of inheritancein cases where a man died withoutleaving behind a male heir. Wherepreviously such land would beconfiscated by the Mehtar as hindalbashu, after 1954 daughters werepermitted to inherit a portion of the land.

The womens share was determined bya judge in accordance with the Shariah.

Khodai Zameen

In other Muslim states across theregion, land was donated for theconstruction of a mosque or madrassa.Land in excess of requirements washeld in trust, known as waqf, and used

to generate income for the upkeep ofthe mosque or madrassa. No suchsystem existed in Chitral (Mulk 1971:46). Instead, the Mehtar and aristocratsgifted land to reputed theologians. Thisland, known as khodai zameen(theword khodaimeans charity), was insome cases awarded permanently. Inother instances, it was given on the

condition that the recipient performcertain religious duties such as leadingthe prayer or teaching the Quran tochildren of the nobility. In the latter case,the grant would be revoked if thetheologian in question reneged on hisresponsibilities.

Banta

In the Arandu area, a unique set ofobligations was attached to theinheritance of land. According to thissystem, known as banta(distribution), afamilys landholdings were divided intotwo equal parts. Sons who performedstate service received one half of theland, while those who inherited the otherhalf were freed from the responsibility ofserving the Mehtar. The men exemptedfrom state duty were known as banta

lashta(Mulk 1971: 43). In a societywhere all men were expected to servethe state in some capacity, the bantasystem, which was sanctioned by theMehtar, effectively allowed some men tobe excused from state service. If afamily produced a single male heir, hecould not seek an exemption from stateduty under the bantasystem.


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RoYalhe Mehtars of Chitral held sway

over a land that was cut off from

the rest of the world for many

months each year. Despite this

inconvenience, they managed to cultivate

cordial relations with some of their

neighbours. When contact with foreigners

proved to be hostile, the Mehtars relied

on the principal tribes to step up in

defence of the state. Closer to home,

matters of routine governance and

administration also brought the Mehtars

into regular contact with the principal

tribes. Over time, these tribes became an

integral part of the system of statecraft.

T

3 5

HOUSEHOLD

3 5


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From the Chitral fort, which housed theextended royal family, the Mehtarpresided over an elaborateadministrative hierarchy (Staley 1969:231). Inside the fort, the Mehtarconducted state business, entertainedguests, and played host to a multitude ofcourtiers and state officials.

Mehtar

The operational details of statecraftunder the Raees and Katoor rulingfamilies evolved over several centuries.The person of the Mehtar was the pivotof all political, economic and socialactivity in the state. Intimacy with orloyalty to the ruling prince was a mark ofprestige and a preoccupation of sortsamong the Mehtars subjects. For hispart, the ruling prince surrounded

himself with trusted lieutenants, therebyincreasing his own eminence.

In peacetime, a typical day in the life ofa Mehtar might begin by rising early tooffer prayers. This would be followed bybreakfast, to which a few nobles weretraditionally invited, while other guestswere served breakfast in their ownquarters.

Following breakfast, the Mehtar wouldenter the main hall of the fort to dealwith matters of state and attend tocorrespondence. Until the late 19thcentury, state correspondence wascarried out by means of specialmessengers dispatched to Simla andSrinagar.12 The Mehtar might receive aletter or two from a neighbouring ruler ortribal chief, which the secretary would

read out. The Mehtar would dictate aresponse and the secretary wouldprepare a draft which was read out thefollowing morning. The Mehtar might

approve the draft, affixing on it hissignature, or reword it.

Not all letters the Mehtar received werehandled in this manner. In some cases,correspondence would be read out inopen court to elicit the views of notablesand tribal chiefs before a response wasprepared. After 1892, the British beganto improve communications withinChitral and in 1895 a regular postal

service was launched. Thereafter, statecorrespondence became a daily routine.

Following the correspondence hour, timewas set aside for petitioners.Considering his supreme authority overthe people, the Mehtar was for the mostpart surprisingly accessible. Men andwomen from every class, except forslaves, were permitted an audience withtheir ruler. Petitioners queued before the

Mehtar to submit their applications, mostof which were related to land ormatrimonial disputes. Those unable topresent their case in the morningsession could approach the Mehtar laterin the day, while he was on his way tojoin the congregation at the mosque, orat a later date, perhaps during one ofhis state visits to their areas (Mulk 1971:7576).

Petitioners were also permitted to pleadtheir case in the Mahraka. Here,decisions were made in consultationwith the nobles present, or an inquirywould be ordered (Mulk 1971: 55). After1909, when Shujaul Mulk establishedthe Kausal (judicial council) of notables,this body also heard petitions (Mulk1971: 55; Din 1987: 37).

During his reign, Shujaul Mulkintroduced a new routine into his dailyactivities. He spent most of his earlyevenings on the telephone, speaking to

12 Simla is a hill station in India. Srinagar, once part of the state of Kashmir, is now located in Indian-held Kashmir.


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Royal Household

various administrative centres in thestate, to keep abreast of localdevelopments, after which he wouldattend the Mahraka. It is said that hewould only retire after he had received adetailed briefing of events across theland (S. Khan 1995).

Mahraka

The Mehtar took his afternoon andevening meals in the company of hisnobles. Both lunch and dinnersessions, called the Mahraka, werealso a time to discuss matters of state.For visitors to the fort, an invitation tothe Mahraka was highly coveted, for itwas a sign of prestige. Dignitariespresent in the capital were invited tothe Mahraka and at least 60 men ofnoble birth attended each session.

Given the gravity and dignity of thegathering, young men were not allowedto participate.

The Mehtar presided over the gatheringfrom a raised platform, surrounded bytribal chiefs and notables who wereseated according to their prominence.State officials stood in the background,ready to serve the guests or carry out

the instructions of the Mehtar (Mulk1971: 52).

Meals in the Mahraka were ceremoniousevents where the yasawul(superintendent of the royal kitchens)personally served a few of the Mehtarsfavourites. The recipient of this honour,known as isphen(gift of food), wouldrise from his seat to thank the Mehtar(OBrien 1895: 8).

Once the meal was completed, it wastime to discuss matters such asdefence, external relations, law andjustice. Participants deliberated on statepolicies and decided what action should

be taken. Lord Curzon, viceroy of BritishIndia from 1897 to 1902, visited Chitralin 1890 while he was a member of theBritish Parliament. He witnessed theproceedings of the Mahraka andrecorded the occasion in his diary:Chitral, in fact, had its parliament anddemocratic constitution. For just as theBritish House of Commons is anassembly so in Chitral, the Mehtar,seated on a platform, and hedged about

with a certain dignity, dispensed justiceor law in sight of some hundreds of hissubjects, who heard the arguments,watched the process of debate, and bytheir attitude in the main decided theissue. Such durbars [sic] were held onmost days of the week in Chitral, veryoften twice in the day, in the morningand again at night. Justice compels meto add that the speeches [in theMahraka] were less long and the

general demeanour more decorous thanin some western assemblies (Curzon1926: 133).

Light-hearted conversation oninteresting events was not excludedfrom the Mahraka. Nor, for that matter,was a discussion on leisure pursuits outof place. An experienced shadarmight,for instance, take the opportunity to

share his knowledge of horse breeding,polo or falconry (S. Khan 1995). Thelunch Mahraka was generally the shortersession, while the evening Mahraka wasfollowed most nights by a musicalperformance that continued into theearly hours.

Shadari

Notables and tribal chiefs from acrossthe state thronged to Chitral to pay theirrespects to the Mehtar. Guestsremained in the court for up to sixmonths at a time, boarding and lodgingin the fort, and participating in the

4


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Mahraka. Their presence was regardedas one of their state duties andabsences from the court did not gounnoticed. This pre-Raees tradition,known as shadari(service), grew tobecome an integral part of statecraftunder the Raees and Katoor Mehtars.

The evolution of the shadarisystemreflects the unique circumstances inwhich the game of Chitrali politics was

played. The nature of Chitrali politicswas mercurial, with the Mehtarsfrequently embroiled in warfare to fendoff foreign invasion. Closer to home,the Mehtars power was under threatfrom local rivals. And when a Mehtardied, the state was often thrown intochaos as a battle for succession waswaged.

Given the ever-present danger of a

challenge to their authority, the Mehtarskept a close eye on all influentialindividuals in the state. Shadariwas oneway to keep the nobles close so that theMehtar might monitor their activities. Itwas at the same time in the interest ofnobles and influential tribal leaders to bein attendance at the court whenimportant decisions were made, for itwas here that plots were hatched and

the transfer of power from one Mehtar toanother took place. The politicalmanoeuvring of the cheq mehtars, whowere perfectly capable of mounting achallenge to the throne, made the tribalchiefs and notables wary both forreasons of personal and nationalsecurity.

Besides the political advantage ofremaining in close contact with the seat

of power, the shadarisystem alsoyielded material benefits. In return forthe services they rendered to theMehtar, nobles and tribal chiefs receivedproperty. A particularly dutiful and faithfulshadar(one who performs shadari)

would be granted vast estates by theMehtar (Mulk 1971: 41).

A protocol was observed to mark thearrival and departure of each shadar. Inthe case of a Lal, his presence in thefort would be brought to the Mehtarsattention by the yasawul, who wouldthen be instructed to issue rations forthe upkeep of the aristocrat, hisservants and their horses. Upon his

departure, the Lal received gifts as atoken of the Mehtars appreciation. In astatus-conscious society such as this,shadarsalso commanded the respect ofthe populace for their cultured manners.

Fort Officials andDomestic Arrangements

In addition to the sheep and goatscollected by way of taxes, the royalkitchens served meat from animals killedin the Mehtars game reserves. Supplyingfirewood for the kitchens and fireplaces ofthe royal household was the state duty ofthe Kalash tribes, who carried dry woodfrom the hillsides to the fort. Each manwas required to carry one load a day.

Managing the domestic arrangements ofthe extended ruling family required anarmy of efficient and well-organisedstaff. These officials oversaw the day-to-day operations of the Mehtars court andattended to the needs of the multituderesiding in the fort. Some of the officescreated to administer the Mehtarshousehold also existed in the districtforts which accommodated the cheqmehtarsand their families.

Thuak Ganak

A band of trusted men, hand-picked bythe Mehtar, formed a special company


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of bodyguards known as the thuakganak(literally, gun-bearer). This eliteforce was headed by a subedar, ajunior army officer. Although the size ofthe force varied from time to time, itusually consisted of 40 men (S. N.Khan 1992).

To serve as a thuak ganakwas highlycoveted work that went mostly to menfrom the tribe that had fostered the

Mehtar as an infant. Since theirfortunes were closely tied with those oftheir ruler, such men were consideredto be the most loyal. To protect theMehtars person, the thuak ganakmoved about fully armed at all times.

Although not technicallypart of the royalhousehold, the thuakganakreceived rations

from the fort stores. Inaddition, they were paidthe salary of a sipahi(soldier). They performedtheir duties in rotation,serving at the fort for sixto nine months beforereturning to their homesuntil their next round of duty (F. Q. Khan1991; S. N. Khan 1992; A. Hamza

1997).

The thuak ganakserved only the Mehtarin the capital fort. The force did not existin district forts headed by the cheqmehtars.

Mirza

Khowar (Indo-European-Indo-Aryan-

Dardic) was the language spoken inthe Mehtars court, while officialcorrespondence was carried out inPersian. It is not known for certainwhether the early Mehtars kept writtenrecords of the day-to-day functioning

of the state. A few files from Raeestimes have survived, containing ordersfor ushrgrain and letters ofappointment issued to village qazis.Similar records maintained by MehtarMuhammad Shafi (17011717) havealso withstood the ravages of time(Ghufran 1962: 44, 56). But for themost part, little or no writteninformation is available about theroutine business of government. It is

possible that most records from theRaees and early Katoor period haveperished. A more likely explanation,however, is that matters of importancewere document but records were notkept systematically.

During his reign, Amanul Mulkintroduced a system of record keeping

and appointed a mirza(secretary) todocument state correspondence, officialorders and legal decisions. So usefuldid the mirzaprove in subsequent yearsthat his responsibilities were increased.He held the royal seal and his presenceby the Mehtars side at all timesbecame imperative (Ghufran 1962: 122,146).

From then on, all Mehtars appointed a

mirza. The post did not exist in thedistricts until 1895, when the Britishcame to control Chitral. Under thecolonial administration, cheq mehtarswere redesignated as governors andprovided with secretaries.

4

The nature of Chitrali politics wasmercurial, with the Mehtars

frequently embroiled in warfare tofend off foreign invasion. Closerto home, the Mehtars power wasunder threat from local rivals.


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Besides the secretary, the title of mirzawas also awarded to hundreds of stateemployees performing clerical jobs invarious capacities. Among them was amirzawho looked after the ambaranuorstate stores of food, grain andprovisions. Similarly, the mirzaof thetoshakhana(the store of food andprovisions within the Mehtars fort)issued rations, kept registers andpreserved issue chits for audit (Mulk

1971: 63).

Asaqal

Occasionally written as aqsaqal, thisword is of Turkic origin and meanswhite-bearded man (Curzon 1926:132). Asaqalwas the title of theminister for food, who managed thetoshakhana. In addition, he was

responsible for state land acrossChitral. The title was also awarded to afew village elders, including thosebelonging to the Kalash tribes, whoprovided local administrative support tothe Mehtar. In the districts, cheqmehtarsappointed asaqalsto managethe food stores in their own forts.

Sarkar

The sarkar(literally, tiller) served assecond-in-command to the asaqal. Hemanaged land attached to the fort andwas in charge of the crop until it washarvested. Besides the capital fort inChitral, sarkarsalso served in thedistrict forts of the cheq mehtars.

YasawulThe yasawulserved as superintendentof the royal kitchens, overseeingarrangements for guests and courtiers.He received provisions from the

toshakhanaand supervised foodpreparation. It was his responsibility tomarshal notables in the Mahraka andseat them according to their status. Theyasawulalso organised the eveningsentertainment. In addition to the Chitralfort, each district fort employed ayasawul.

Mahram

Besides visiting notables and domesticstaff, a number of men who were notperforming state duty resided in theChitral fort. They came to the capital toadvance personal causes or seekprotection from their rivals. Theyreceived grain, clothing and otherfavours from the Me

Chitral-A Study in Statecraft

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