24

CHAPTER – II

1857 IN ASSAM AND THE DREAMS OF

MANIRAM DEWAN

25

1857 IN ASSAM AND THE DREAMS OF MANIRAM DEWAN

The Revolt of 1857 which had engulfed a large area of the Company‟s territory in India did not

leave Assam undisturbed. Indeed, this region in the North Eastern Frontier of British India was

no less turbulent in those days of sky-rending and earth-shaking events. After the first spark at

Meerut on 10 May, 1857, the event spread to Delhi (May 11), Lucknow (30/31st May), Kanpur

(June 4), Jhansi (June 6), Ruhelkhand and Jagadishpur, Bihar (July 25). By this time, Maniram

Dutta Barbhandar Barua Dewan (Maniram Dewan), a powerful noble of the Ahom monarchy

and also a prominent luminary of modern Assam, was staying at Chitpur Road, Calcutta, striving

for the restoration of Ahom monarchy up to the level of the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, Sir

John Campbell. When his petition was rejected, the success stories of 1857 Revolt in North India

infected him, and ultimately, he imported the smouldering fire of the revolt into the heart of

Assam. The impact of Maniram Dewan‟s role in 1857 made Assam extremely excited as it was

recorded in one of the Special Narratives of the Govt. of Bengal that- “ The plan of revolt, as far

as it could be ascertained, was of the now familiar stereotyped character, commencing with the

cold blooded massacre of all Christians, and ending in pillage and rapine. The time selected was

the approaching Doorgah Poojah.”1 Accordingly, Raja Kandarpeswar Singha who was followed

by various sections of Assamese made preparations for a revolt against the British. Owing to the

loopholes in their organization, the Assamese failed to light the smouldering fire and its ring

leaders Maniram Dewan and Piyali Barua were arrested and later executed. In one of the

Abstract Proceedings of Bengal Mutiny in respect of Maniram Dewan‟s judicial procedure, it

was reported “to institute proceedings against Dewan Muneeram Dutt and to bring him to

punishment for the seditious and treasonable practices in which he was engaged.”2 Therefore,

Assam in 1857 was highly turbulent and it compelled the British Government to take up so many

suppressive and oppressive measures.

2.1 Historical background of the Ahoms

The kingdom of Ahoms lies on the east of Goalpara with the river Manas as their boundary. The

Ahom territory roughly covered what is now known as the Brahamaputra Valley. This valley is a

26

large alluvial plain having about 450 miles in length and 50 miles in breadth. Except on the west,

this valley is surrounded by hills. On the north, it is bounded

Map of Assam – 1858

Courtesy:- H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the days of the Company.

by mountains inhabited by the Khamtis, the Singphos and the Nagas. On the south-east, there lies

the Manipur state. The Patkai Ranges and the Nagas Hills separate the Ahom kingdom from the

Burmese kingdom in the east. On the south, the Brahamaputra Valley is bounded by Assam

Range of which the Garo Hills form the western extremity and the Barail Range, merging into

the Burmese mountain system, form the eastern extremity. On this valley the Ahoms under

Sukapha established their control in the thirteenth century and remained in possession of it till

the Burmese conquest in the second decade of the nineteenth century. They are a branch of the

Great Tai or Thai race, which scattered throughout South East Asia and founded their kingdom

in Assam in 1228 A.D. They gradually adopted the language, religion and customs of the

conquered and became one with them. Here, the Tungkhungia Buranji (chronicle of Assam)

expresses, “The language and religion of the Ahoms were distinct from those of the conquered

races, but gradually the Ahom rulers accepted the Assamese language and the Hindu religion and

the change was perceptible from the reign of Pratap Singha, 1603-1641.”3 The early Ahoms

27

successfully fought repeated invasions of the Turks and the Mughals and became Masters of the

Brahamaputra Valley from Sadia to the river Manas in the west.

Sukapha‟s followers hardly came up to a thousand and they had left behind their women

folk. By the way, the Ahoms were compelled to increase their strength by incorporating non-

Ahoms into their fold accompanied by intermarriage with original settlers of the land. Owing to

the nature of the establishment of the Ahom kingdom by joint conquest, the enjoyment of the soil

was vested in the leader Sukapha and his commanders and camp-followers who had shared with

him the fatigues of the adventurous march. Therefore, the Ahom government was a monarchical

oligarchy. The king or Swargadeo was the supreme head of the state and all honors, titles, office

decisions and war measures emanated from him. Here the monarch, by tradition, had to act

according to the advice of the three hereditary councilors of state, the Buragohain (the Chief

Minister), the Bargohain (the second Minister) and the Barpatragohain (one of the three

Ministers). The duty of selecting a king from among the members of the existing princely

families was vested in these three nobles, and if united they could dethrone or execute a

monarch.4 Only the descendents of Sukapha‟s Buragohain and Bargohain could be appointed to

these respective posts; and the Barbarua (head of executive and judiciary) and the Barphukan

(Ahom Viceroy at Gauhati) must always be selected from the four leading families who had

accompanied Sukapha viz., Lahan, Duara, Dhinga and Sandikai. A powerful sovereign could

override the decisions of the three Gohains and similarly an astute Gohain could impose his will

upon his two colleagues and the vast body of Phukans and Baruas (officers under Ahoms). The

Barbarua could not act independently of the three Gohains. Any matter placed before the king by

the Barbarua would be considered in the presence of the three Gohains and if it was one of great

moments, then the Phukans and Baruas would also be summoned to express their opinion.

A specific character of Ahom Government is the presence of a council of ministers called

Patramantris consisting of those three Gohains, the Barbarua (the chief executive) and the

Barphukan (the governor of lower Assam). The Patramantris and the military Phukans were

always from the members of the Ahom families who accompanied Sukapha from the ancestral

home. They were called Satgharia Ahoms. The Barphukan lived at Gauhati as the king‟s deputy

and administered the territory from Kalibar to the frontier of Mughal India. He conducted the

diplomatic negotiations with Bengal and Bhutan and the chieftains on the Assam frontier. The

princes and their relatives of the reigning king were appointed as Governors of certain areas with

28

the title „Raja‟. Of these, the heir-apparent was usually made the Charing Raja or Governor of an

area called Charing. The vassal states like the province of Darrang, Rani, Beltola, Luki, Dimarua,

Neli, Gobha etc., enjoyed complete autonomy in its internal administration. The frontiers of the

kingdom were protected from the inroads of the hill people by several wardens, the Sadiya-

khowa Gohain, the Maragi-khowa Gohain, the Solal Gohain, the Jagiyalia Gohain and the

Kajalimukhiya Gohain, and they were always selected from the families of the three Gohains at

the metropolis.5

Till the sixteenth century, the Ahoms were busy in consolidating their newly acquired

territories. Throughout this period they were adjusting their relationship with the neighboring

principalities like Kamata (now Coach Behar), Cachar, Jayantia, Darrang, Chutia and Kamrup.

Kamrup was contiguous to the Mughal territories, and thus, it was a bone of contention between

the forces of the Mughals and the Ahoms. In 1662, a Mughal general Mir Jumla entered Assam

and marched through the entire length of the country and occupied the Ahom capital Gargaon.

By the Treaty of Ghilajari, January 1663, between Ahom king Jayadhwaj Singha and the Mughal

general Mir Jumla, Kamrup was transferred to the Mughals, and besides, a heavy war-indemnity

was imposed upon the Ahoms. Later, the Tungkhungia Buranji writes, “Kamrup was wrested

back from the Moguls in August 1667. The Assamese general was Lachet Barphukan, son of

Momai-Moguli Barbarua, who was the leading figure in the Assam-Mogul conflicts of the first

half of the century.”6 Aurangzeb dispatched a fresh army under Raja Ram Singha of Amber. In

order to resist the Mughal menace, the Ahoms concentrated all their resources at Gauhati, the

capital of Kamrup. In the battle of Saraighat, fought in the vicinity of Gauhati in March 1671, a

crushing defeat was inflicted on the Mughal army led by Ram Singha. Thereafter, the best

generals and nobles of Assam were deputed to Guahati to remain in vigilant preparedness.

Consequently, the Ahom capital Gargaon was manned by inferior talents who took advantage of

the absence of the able leaders and exploited the opportunity for self-aggrandizement.

Machinations and intrigues became the order of the day. Kings became mere puppets; they were

appointed, dismissed and killed as suited the convenience of the king-making ministers. Chaos

and anarchy ruled the land and some of the Saraighat veterans even were tainted by the wide-

spread demoralization. The Moguls were in occupation of Gauhati; discordance and rivalry were

rampant in the Ahom camp; and the next inevitable consequence would be the reduction of the

entire kingdom to the vassalage of the Moguls.7 It was because of the traitors of the Ahom

29

Government who had brought their country to the verge of destruction. Later, the patriots

assembled at Kaliabar and selected an able prince Godapani who had already gained reputation

for his vigilance and adroitness.

Later, Gadadhar Singha, the founder of the Tungkhungia period, ruled the country from

1681 to 1696 A.D. With an iron hand, he put an end to the intrigues and machinations of the

preceding period. Western Assam was wrested back from the Mughals in 1682, and thus, the

boundaries of Assam were restored to their original limit. Rudra Singha (1696-1714) succeeded

his father Gadadhar Singha. The son was more statesmanlike than his father. He formulated a

definite policy of his administration and aimed at elevating his kingdom to the rank of a first rate

power in India. Rudra Singha even dreamt about to unfurl the flag of victory in the neighboring

Mughal territories, and if possible to seize the throne of Delhi. He mobilized at Gauhati an army

of 4, 00,000 and planned to enter into Mughal territories in November 1714. But, all of a sudden,

the Raja died at Gauhati in September 1714, and the Ahoms started to decline. Here, A.C.

Banerjee writes, “Under his successors- Sib Singh (1714-1744), Pramatta Singh (1744-1751) and

Rajeswar Singh (1751-1769) the warlike spirits of the Ahoms gradually evaporated; religion and

luxury took the place of military ardor.”8 It was during the reign of Gaurinath Singha (1780-

1794) that the British Government for the first time interfered into the affairs of the Ahom

Kingdom.

The Ahom administrative organizations rested on the Paik system. Every Paik (male

population between the ages 16 to 50) was bound to serve the king either as a private or a public

servant for one third of the year or to supply a certain quantity of his produce in lieu thereof.

Initially 4 Paiks and later 3 constituted a unit called „Got‟. A member from every Got had always

to be available for service as a laborer in times of peace and as a soldier during the time of war.

In return for his service to the state, a Paik received 2 Puras (1 Pura = 1. 21 acres) of the best

cultivable land free of rent. It was with the help of these Paiks that the members of the nobility

and gentry cultivated their lands and opened new areas of cultivation. Paiks were arranged into

Khels (units of Paiks) which were either territorial or functional. Important Khels were placed

under the supervision of an officer called Phukan who commanded 6000 Paikhs; below him was

a Rajkhowa commanding 3000 Paiks and under him there were junior officers like Hajarika,

Saikia and Bora commanding 1000,100 and 20 Paiks respectively. The Khels organized and

controlled land, labor and social life of the people within their jurisdiction. Professional Khels,

30

such as the Sonowals (gold washers) or Tiruwals had to deposit with the State a sizable share of

their production. Besides, the Sonowals had to pay Rs. 5 per head as poll tax to the king and

allowances to the officials from top to bottom. Over and above it, there was a class of civil and

military officers called Baruas who commanded usually 300 to 3000 Paiks. Important among the

Baruas were Mazindar Barua (who prepared the royal orders and announced the King‟s

appointed orders), Barbhandar Barua (chief superintendent of the great store-houses called

Barbhandar of the king), Choladhara Barua (in charge of royal dress), Dulakasaria Barua (in

charge of Khel escorting the king on left and right side of the palanquin), Dulasaria Barua (in

charge of Court guards near the palanquin stall and other strategic points). Scribes were called

Kakotis.

Those high officials in Ahom administration including the members of the nobility were

paid in terms of land and servitors. The three Gohains, earlier, commanded 1, 00,000 Paiks each

which was later reduced to 84,000. Other officers like Barphukan and the Barbarua had under

their control 14,000 Paiks of which, 700 could be employed for their personal service. With the

help of the paiks the members of the nobility and gentry cultivated their lands and opened new

areas for cultivation.9 There was the presence slavery and any man of affluence and power could

maintain slaves. Therefore, under the Ahom regime, the middle and the lower class Assamese

who were engaged as Paiks and slaves were not contented. Although the paiks in general, were

not happy with the system, the upper classes found it advantageous to them, as by employing the

free service of the paiks they were maintaining their livelihood and also their power and

position.10

2.2 Socio-religious and economic life under the Ahoms

The Assamese society had an inherent martial zeal as S.K. Bhuyan writes, “Shihabuddin Talish

pays high tribute to the martial spirit of the king and the people of Assam. No invader on former

times was successful in his enterprise in Assam.”11

Under the Ahoms, the society was divided

into Hindu and non-Hindu tribes. The Brahamins, the caste Hindus and converted royal families

and others belonged to the first category and the rest were non-Hindu tribes. Sukapha and his

leading followers who assisted him in laying foundation of the Ahom Kingdom in Assam, in

course of time, got divided in Seven Phoids (clans) popularly known as Satgharia Ahoms. These

superior exogamous Ahoms were further divided into two main divisions-the Gohains and the

Gogois.12

The Chaodangs (public executioners) and the Lickchows (paiks engaged in private

31

service) were considered inferior, and thus, the Ahoms did not intermarry with them. The

Brahmins enjoyed important position in society and royal court. The non-Brahmin castes were

classified together as Sudirs. Of the Sudirs, the Kyasthas and the Kalitas who usually worked as

scribes, accountants, administrative office bearers and traders who were affluent, played

important role in the society. Those vocations like Goldsmith, blacksmith and bell metal works

were the monopoly of the Kalitas. But these Kalitas, in course of time, were divided into Bar-

Kalitas (superior and well-off) and Saru Kalitas (inferior ones). Shihabuddin Talish divided the

people of Assam into two categories, the Assamese and the Kalitas. In his opinion the Kalitas

were superior to the Assamese to all things; “but in performing difficult tasks and making a firm

stand in battle, the opposite is the case”, said Shihabuddin.13

It was the Bar-Kalitas who could

establish themselves as Bhuyans or landlords and also as Sodagars or merchants and later even

as head of certain Satras (Vaisnavite monastery). There was intermarriage between the Kayathas

and the Bar-Kalitas and both referred to as Kalitas in Upper Assam. Although Maniram belonged

to the Kayastha caste, people called him for his power and affluence, the Kalita Raja. The

professional communities were the Banias (traders), the Sonowals (gold-washers), the Telis

(oilmen), the Tantis (weavers), the Haris (scavengers & sweepers), the Hiras (potters who did not

use wheel), the Kumars (potters), the Kamars (blacksmiths) etc.

The Ahom aristocracy consisted of the members of the royal family, the Patramantris, the

tributary Rajas, the frontier Governors and the priestly classes. The princes of these families

were appointed as Governors called Rajas in certain areas. Ladies of the royal family were

granted Mels (estates) with free service of the Paiks. The Chamuas who enjoys military offices

of Phukans, Rajkhowars, Baruas, Hajarikas, Saikias etc., and the caste Hindus who usually

enjoyed the offices of civil Phukans, Rajkans, Kakalis, Baruas and also those subjugated Chutia

nobility constituted the gentry.

Those ordinary Paiks (peasants and artisans) known as Kanri could be promoted to the

Chamua rank by exhibiting gallantry in the battle field or skill in his craft. There was also wide

extent of slavery and any man of rank used to keep slaves to help him in manual work. However,

the slaves had the liberty to be free by paying a price. Distinction was maintained between the

classes and between the castes. The mass people generally were not allowed to wear gold

ornaments and fine silk which were the luxury of the upper classes.14

Some of the low caste

peoples were forbidden to wear long hair; the Doms (Fishermen) and the Haris (Sweeper) had to

32

distinguish themselves from the other castes by tattooing fish and broom respectively on their

foreheads.

Originally, the Ahoms were not mere animist of the type ordinarily found among the

aboriginal tribes; they had a regular pantheon of which the leading members were in course of

time identified with Hindu Gods and Goddesses. As the religion of the Ahoms was distinct from

those of the conquered races they adopted a definite policy of non-interference and tolerance.

Not being aware of the full implications of the Hindu faith they looked askance at any innovation

in that faith fearing that such an innovation might be followed by a commotion in the land.

Muslim priests and preachers were given due honor, and land were bestowed on them to enable

them to carry on their devotional functions in ease and comfort. It was in the seventeenth century

that the old tribal religion seemed to have been almost completely submerged in the tide of

Brahmanical influence. But it is the Sakta form of Hinduism which enjoyed the patronage of the

Ahom Kings, and the Saktas were not required to „abandon the free use of meat and strong

drinks”15

Vaishnavism was preached in Assam in the sixteenth century by Sankar Deb, a Kayastha

of Batadroba in Nowgong. Persecution compelled him to leave the Ahom kingdom, but the Koch

King Nar Narayan welcomed him. After his death, the Vaishnavas of Assam formed different

sects under different leaders or Gosains. Some of these Gosains were Brahmins and came to be

known as Bamunia Gosains. The non-Brahmin Vaishnavas followed the leadership of Sankar

Deb‟s favorite disciple, Madhab Deb, who was a Kayastha like his Guru. Madhab Deb‟s

followers were known as Mahapurushias. A third sect, known as the Maomaria Sect, was

founded by a Sudra of Upper Assam, Anirodh by name, who had quarreled with Sankar Deb

before his own emergence as an independent religious leader. The Maomarias were mainly

persons of low social rank such as Doms, Morans, Kacharies, Haris and Chutiyas who had a

serious aversion to the supremacy of the Brahmins as well as the orthodox Hindu hierarchy. This

sectarian animosity was a deadly ulcer of Ahom Kingdom. Here, S.L. Baruah writes:

“The real threat came from Vaishnavism, the religion of the majority of the people in

Assam, who were being mobilized against the king by the landlords-the heads of the

satras and the rulers of limited territories, such as the principalities. It was under such

circumstances that Vaishnavism appeared a source of danger and became a target to

attack.”16

33

Persecution of the Vaishnavas was administered by many Ahom Kings. Trouble came when an

Ahom queen in her Zeal for Saktaism offended a very powerful Vaisnava pontiff who had a

numerous and united body of disciples.17

It caused a political revolution which had weakened the

Ahoms, and ultimately, it led to the interference of the British in Assam in 1792.

The economy under the Ahoms was based on agriculture. The Brahmaputra Valley was

rich in mineral resources and agricultural products. Here, Shihabuddin Talish made this account:

“Houses and orchards met the Mogul‟s eye as they travelled from Kaliabar to Gargaon.

Bamboo groves and cultivated fields stretched all the way from the homesteads to the

foot of the hills. The chief crop is rice, but the thin and long variety is rare. Salt is very

dear and difficult to procure.”18

Gold washing and manufacturing of jewelry were important occupations. Each Sonowal Paik

(gold washer) had to pay the state 1 tola (1 tola = 11.66 gms) of gold per annum besides a

surcharge depending on the quality of gold collected. Maniram Dewan expresses:

„In the time of Raja RAJESWUR SING (1751-69), the Sonwals of Upper Assam alone

used to give 6 or 7000 tolas of gold in addition to the moheea or tax that was levied on

them,‟ and owing to the Maomariya disturbances, during the „GOUREENATH SING‟s

time the Sonowals of Upper Assam used to give 4000 tolahs of gold (only) every year to

the royal exchequer.19

The Ahoms extracted Iron ores to make different tools and weapons. Indigenous salt of Assam

could be procured from brine springs and salt mines found chiefly at Sadiya and Barhat.

Production of silk and silk cloth was also a popular occupation. Both internal and external trade

also flourished. Assamese traders bartered their products like gold, aloe-wood, musk, pepper,

spikenard and silk cloth, for salt, saltpeter and sulphur. Salt found an important place in external

trade with Bengal. Before the Maomariaya rebellion Assam imported 1, 20,000 mounds of

Bengal salt. Talish again accounted on the Paik system under the Ahoms, “An Assamese ryot

enjoys his portion of land tax free by rendering personal services to the state. The ryots are

grouped into squads of three men, and one man in each squad has to serve the king in turn.20

2.3 Maniram Dewan and the Company (1824-27)

In the second half of the 18th

century Assam, a great turmoil, because of the Maomariya up-

rising, had paralyzed the Ahom Government. Here, J.B. Bhattacharjee writes:

34

“The Moamaria rebellions threw the state into a total lawless situation in which the

Ahom monarch Gaurinath Singha, was expelled from one place to another, and many

self-styled Kings emerged in the scene, some of them were enthroned and dethroned at

regular intervals. Gaurinath appealed to the Govt. of Bengal for military help.”21

From motives of humanity and from a wish to be better informed of the interior state of Assam,

its commerce etc., the Governor General resolved to dispatch a detachment to Assam. Hence,

under Captain Welsh, six companies of sepoys arrived at Goalpara towards the close of 1792.

Soon, Kamrup was cleared and the resistance of the Maomarias almost collapsed in Upper

Assam. Welsh reinstated Gaurinath on the throne and also took the opportunity to wrest from the

Raja a commercial treaty (28 February, 1793), establishing reciprocity and liberty of trade

between the peoples of Bengal and Assam.22

Hence, the Company, anticipating the profitable

Assam trade, established its firm economic relation. Regarding political matters, the Company

followed its policy of un-interference and seclusion in the affairs of the North East region. But, it

was in 1824 when the Burmese attacked the eastern frontiers of the Company‟s territory that, on

5th

March of the same year war was declared. Burma, being defeated in the First Anglo-Burmese

War, had to renounce its claim on Assam. In this way, Assam became under the Company‟s

control.

Maniram belonged to a respectable Assamese Kayastha family. His father Ramdutta was

the Dulakasariya Barua under King kamaleswar Singha (1795- 1810) and Purandar Singha

(1833-1838). By 1826, Maniram was about 20 years old. Earlier Ramadutta had to leave for

Chilmari in Bengal due to the Burmese aggression. After some years, Ramadutta‟s family left

Chilmari for Goalpara where they stayed for several years. Goalpara at the time was the

important centre of trade for European merchants. Through the influence of his father, Maniram

soon came to the good book of the British Officers like David Scott, Lt-Col. Arthur Richard and

Robert Bruce, a retired military officer. Maniram‟s manifold qualities, particularly, his sound

knowledge of the history and geography of his country had impressed them all. He had given

maximum assistance to the British in expelling the Burmese from the soil of Assam. In April

1824, Maniram accompanied David Scott and Captain Horshburgh, the commander of the three

companies of the 23rd

Native Infantry, in their march to Gauhati across Sylhet and Nowgong to

fight the Burmese invaders.23

After the British occupation of Gauhati, Maniram assisted Scott

and gave a clear picture of revenue administration then prevailing in Western Assam. By January

35

1825, British forces cleared the Burmese from Rahachaki to Maramukh. Here, Maniram had all

along been with the British force supplying them with necessary information regarding the

topography, geography and administrative organization of the country. Besides, when the

Singphos, the Mataks, and the Khamtis were brought to book Maniram Dewan assisted the

Company to his maximum capacity. For the Singphos, Khamtis and Mataks, the Agent made

agreements “in the interest of border security and allowing them to enjoy their autonomy,

secured their assurance of not allying themselves with the invaders on the other side of the hills

against the British.”24

However, no negotiation was made with any member of the Ahom royal family as the

Company wanted to annex the whole or a part of its kingdom at any opportune moment to

establish a strategic foot-hold against the Burmese. Since Upper Assam was a greater victim of

internal disturbances and the Burmese depredations and was more prone to the raids of the

neighboring hill tribes like the Dafla, the Singphos and the Khamti, the annexation of this part of

the country right then was not considered to be so profitable to the British. David Scott,

therefore, suggested the annexation of Lower Assam only, which yielded a revenue of more than

three Lakh rupees and the restoration of Upper Assam from Bishwanath to the Burhi Dihing to

an Ahom Prince.25

Arguing that none of the aspirants did afford the British any aid during the

last war, which would establish the slightest claim to a remuneration of any part of their right by

conquest, it directed the Agent to go on governing on the basis of the Non-Regulated system,

then prevalent in the neighboring districts of Rangpur. Under this system, territories were to be

governed by an executive composed partly of civilians and partly of soldiers in a mixed system

into which the spirit of the regulation is infused in such a way as to cause all that is good in the

spirit of the native institutions. Accordingly, the Agent was to administrator the civil and

criminal justice, to supervise the collection of revenue and the superintendence of police and all

other branches of Government by the principle and spirit of the existing regulations. He was also

authorized to conduct British relations with the hill tribes.

By the way, Assam was partitioned into two divisions: Lower Assam and Eastern Assam

with Biswanath as a boundary in the north bank. Each of the divisions was to be under a

Commissioner. David Scott was placed in charge of Lower Assam with headquarters at Guahati

and was declared the Senior Commissioner. Colonel Richards was placed in charge of Upper

Assam with headquarters at Rangpur and was declared the Junior Commissioner. By 1828, when

36

the danger of imminent hostilities with Burma seemed to be over, the regular troops were

withdrawn from Assam. Assam was then entrusted to the Rangpur Corps, which, augmented by

two companies from the Shylhet Local Corps consisting of Gurkhas and Hindustanies, later,

became the Assam Light Infantry with a numerical strength of 1,000. Biswanath became the

permanent cantonment of this regiment.

The British Government took steps for land surveys in Lower and Upper Assam. Both

Maniram and his father Ramdutta immensely helped the Government in getting a survey in

Upper Assam.26

In 1827, Maniram assisted Mr. Brigg in the making of the road from Gauhati to

Jaintia. But, after working for one and a half years, Maniram had to leave the job and join the

new assignment of revenue Shirastadar cum Tahsildar under captain Neufville in 1828. Under

Maniram‟s management the revenue increased from Rs. 38,836 in 1827-28 to Rs. 78,453 in

1828-29 and Rs. 1,00,000 in 1829-30.27

For judicial administration too, some Charachari Panchayats were also set up to decide

cases of minor importance. Here also, Maniram assisted Neufville, the Political Agent of Upper

Assam in discharging judicial responsibilities like final decisions in the Panchayat. He brought

changes here by instituting three Panchayats called Bar Panchayat, Saru Panchayat and

Charachari Panchayat. Maniram became the Sardar or the chief member of all these three

Panchayats.

2.4 Early Anti-British Movements and Maniram Dewan

After the British occupation of Assam, many Ahom nobles became dissatisfied as they lost all

their previous privileges. The common Assamese, too, had been facing great hardships. Under

the erstwhile Government Barter system was in vogue. Besides, the Assamese were not

accustomed to pay land revenue and whatever other tax they were required to pay, they did it in

kind. On the other hand, the new Government demanded every payment in cash. Scott rightly

observed, „Unaccustomed as the Assamese have been to the payment of taxes, the lower order

would probably look upon any considerable increase to the revenue as the greatest of all

evils……‟28

Under such circumstances, Gomdhar Kanwar, a descendant of the great Ahom King

Suhummung revolted in 1828. He was supported by many discontented nobles like Dhanjoy

Bargohain, Piyali Pukhan, Daha Phukan, Jairam Khargharia Phukan and Madharam Bargohain.

With no tax campaign the rebels started their anti-Government activities. Gomdhar was formally

37

enthroned near Jorhat according to Ahom rites and arms and men were recruited from the

neighboring areas by use of both diplomacy and force.29

By that time, at the instance of Capt.

Neufville, Lt. Rutherford suddenly appeared and the rebels had to surrender. Gomdhar made his

escape to the Naga Hills. Later he and his associates were arrested. They were tried in the

Panchayat, in which Maniram was the most prominent member, and being convicted of treason,

passed death sentences to them. But Scott, considering Gomdhar‟s young age, ignorance, poverty

and the fact that he became a tool in the hands of others and that no serious injury was done to

the Government, deemed the prince only to be imprisoned in banishment from Assam without

labor for seven years. Dhanjoy who was sentenced to death, made a heroic escape from the jail.

He took shelter in the Naga Hills and later in the Matak kingdom.30

In 1829, the Ahom nobles made the second attempt to drive away the British under

another prince named Gadadhar. In order to win over the Indian sepoys to his side, Gadadhar, in

the guise of a Khamti priest, contacted Zalim Singh, a Subedar of the Assam Light Infantry at

Sadia, and later on confided to him the whole plan of rebellion against the British. He

immediately arrested Gadadhar and sent him to Gauhati for trial. What happened to the

pretender, thereafter, is not known. Though Maniram‟s part in suppressing the revolt is not

exactly known, it is obvious that his advice was sought and he supplied the authority with all

necessary information against the „pretender‟.35

Dhanjoy Bargohain, after the unsuccessful first uprising, took refuge in the Matak

country. Having conceived that a solitary attempt would suffer the same fate as the earlier ones,

he along with Piyali Barphukan resolved to seek support of the neighboring people. Dhanjoy

addressed letters to the chiefs of the Khamtis, Maomarias, Nagas and Garows calling upon them

to join against the white foreigners. His trusted lieutenants were his sons Harkanta and Harnath

and son in-law Jiuram. The Nagas of Gabharu Hills also joined the rebels responding to the call

of Dhanjoy Bargohain. The rebels planned that after their success they would place Rupchand on

the throne. Religious rites were performed by the rebel leaders. No sooner did they prepare for

operations than Haranath who was carrying two letters from Dhanjoy to the Sadia-khoa Gohain,

was arrested on 20 February, 1830. Not demoralized by this event, Jiuram Dulia Barua then set

fire on the magazine of Rangpur on 25th

March, 1830. Without losing even a moment Capt.

Neufville rushed to Rangpur with the sepoys of the Assam Light Infantry and fired upon the

rebels. The latter failing to offer any resistance took to flight. The British army, it is said, slain

38

Daha Konwar, Dhenudhar and Lahari, Piyali Phukan was captured at Jaisagar. Zalim Singh,

Pragdutt Subedar, Jayananda Singh and other Hindustani sepoys arrested Jiuram Dulia Barua,

Deoram Dihingia Deka, Rupchand Konwar and Bom Singpho. Dhanjoy and Harakanta escaped

to the Naga hills. Piyali, being presented before Neufville, was asked as to why he rose in

rebellion. He replied: “It is a fact that I wanted to liberate my country. No one wants to live in

subordination to foreigners.”32

The Sadar Panchayat took up the case of the convicts on the bank

of the Jaisagar Tank, its prominent member being Maniram. It found Haranath, Jiuram,

Rupchand, Deoram Dihingia Phukan, Bom Singpho guilty of high treason deserving capital

punishment. Capt. Neufville, as the head of the Panchayat, asked the jurors about the type of

punishment to be inflicted on one who rises in rebellion against a lawful sovereign. Maniram,

citing precedence replied, „He is hanged to death after being subjected to various tortures.‟

The criminal court of Cherrapunji reviewed the proceedings of the Sadar Panchayat

under the presidency of Mr. Scott and confirmed the death sentence passed on the Bar

Phukan and Jayram, but in respect of the sentence of Rupchand and the rest, they

commuted it to the banishment for fourteen years and ordered all the property to be

confiscated.33

Accordingly, Piyali Phukan and Jiuram Dulia Barua were hanged to death on the north-eastern

corner of the Sibsagar Tank. Here, Dr. Lahiri writes, “So enthusiastic was Maniram on taking

actions on the rebel leaders that he did not hesitate even to insult Piyali Phukan with some

taunting remarks when the rebel leader was about to be put into the gallows.”34

In this way, the various attempts made by the erstwhile nobility to overthrow the British

rule met with miserable failure. Really, their movements in Assam were confined to the members

of the old Ahom nobility and mostly to that section, as has been stated, who were deprived of the

benefit of the British rule like pension or share in the administration. Even amongst them there

was no unity. The common masses of Assam did not take part in these uprisings. Here, H.K.

Barpujari writes, “He (common man) had lost all faith in a monarchy and its supporters that had

discredited themselves by mismanagement, oppression and betrayal at the hour of worst peril.”35

2.5 Maniram Dewan and subsequent political developments of Assam

(1833-57)

Although the Company had established its successful administration in Lower Assam, yet the

condition in the Upper Assam was not congenial at all. With Maniram‟s assistance, no doubt,

39

revenue used to be collected regularly, but this was at the cost of miseries of the poor ryots. „The

country had been retrograding, its inhabitants were emigrating the villages decaying‟, admitted

the Court of Directors.36

Besides, there had been repeated uprisings of those removed Ahom

aristocracy. Under these circumstances, Lord William Bentinck, the then Governor General,

came to the final conclusion that the native Government may be established aided by the support

and advice of the British Officers. Accordingly, on March 2, 1833, an agreement was made with

Purandar Singha, by which he bound himself inter alia to pay an annual tribute of Rs. 50,

000.00, to obey the orders of the Political Agent and to administer justice on the principles

prevailing in Company‟s territory.37

Another important provision of the agreement was that if the

Raja departed from loyalty to the British Government, the right was reserved to the Company

either to transfer the said country to another ruler or take it into its own immediate occupation.

Purandar was to govern the territory lying between the Dhansiri and the Dihing on the south

bank and Biswanath and Sadiya on the north bank. It was known to the Company‟s officials that

“the tribute imposed on Purandar Singha was too high to be realized from a miserable and

impoverished country, which was yet to be set on order and which proved the hot bed of

rebellion and conspiracies.”38

Yet they struck to their business. Consequently, Purandar Singha

was formally installed as the ruler of Upper Assam in April1833, with his capital at Jorhat. By

this time, the report submitted by Jenkins and Pemberton revealed, “Upper Assam was „worth

having‟ and supported Scott‟s view that the Sadiya frontier could not be safely abandoned in

view of the doubtful fidelity of the neighboring chiefs to the Company‟s interest.”39

Besides, the

report also pointed out the suitability of land for tea cultivation in the territories of Purandar and

the Matak Barsenapati. Hence, with a view to strengthening British control indirectly by

reducing further the status of Purandar it was decided to take from him an Ekrarnama

(Agreement) and to recognize him by a Sanad as the ruler of the Jorhat region. On 27 June, 1833,

the treaty was recast in the form of an agreement and Purandar was practically reduced to the

status of a Jagirdar.

Purandar revived the old institution of Council of Ministers. Maniram‟s father Ramdutta

was appointed Dulakasaria Barua, while Maniram became the Barbhandar Barua or the head of

the royal treasury and the Changkakati or the head accountant. Besides, he was to look after the

Raja‟s force of 500 sepoys. Hence Maniram soon became the right-hand man of the new Raja.

Purandar initiated certain reforms under which each Paik had to pay a capitation tax of Rs. 3 per

40

head in return for two Puras of arable land. The Kheldars were entitled to the service of Paiks

and a commission on the total collections. Settlements were made with them for a period of four

years and no Kheldar was ordinarily allowed any remission in the event of his Paiks running

away. The Kheldar was to issue receipts for all payments which meant that knowledge of three

R‟s was indispensable to hold any appointment in revenue department. The Kheldars were vested

with some amount of judicial power over criminal and civil courts. The Supreme Court was at

the top of the judicial hierarchy. Here the Raja, being the President, was assisted by three judges.

Maniram invariably was the chief judicial officer advising the Raja in all matters. Knowledge of

three R‟s which had now become requisite qualification for a Kheldar, disqualified members of

the high order for such jobs, as most of them could hardly read and write. The surplus land or

Katani Mati was now so accurately assessed that interested persons could not enjoy them free of

rent as they did it before. Besides, the Mouzadari settlement of revenue that Purandar had

gradually introduced at the instance of the Political Agent made hundreds of former officials

unemployed. Hence, the restoration of Ahom monarchy under Purandar apparently made worse

the lot of many of the men of rank who naturally felt they had backed the wrong horse. But the

most serious problem for Purandar was the payment of the tribute of Rs. 50,000 per annum by

extracting money from the helpless Ryots. There was no other source of revenue which the Raja

could tap. The revenue officers, being greedy, extracted as much amount they could from those

helpless Ryots rendering the latter to flee to the neighboring territories of the Mataks.

Maniram‟s concern as the in-charge of the royal treasury as well as the head of accounts

was regular payment of the tribute disregardful of miseries of the poor peasants and restoration

of the rights and privileges for the aristocracy. He remained indifferent to the large-scale

extortion made on the peasants and paid no heed to the complaints made by the people, although

he was the virtual ruler of the country. Maniram‟s involvement in malpractices, are alleged by

the people in the folk songs of the day:

“Jyato Maniram Siyato Maniram

Manitame ki kam kare,

Firingi Bangalak bheti sadhi sadhi

Rajati habaloi pauge.

Ruparu echaru sunaru echaru

Udhan jen sunare laru,

41

Maniramar barcharat dekhi oi ahicho

Setelit sunare garu.

(It is Maniram here and everywhere,

How does he get things done?

He bribes the British imperialists

To work his way to the throne.

A potful of silver, a potful of gold.‟

A huge ball of solid gold,

They say, they have seen in Manoram‟s house

And in the bed room, a pillow made of gold).”40

In order to keep up the treaty obligations Purandar with the help of Maniram paid the first year‟s

tribute. Besides, in order to earn full confidence of the Company, Maniram got both Dhanjoy and

Harakanta, whose heads had carried a reward of Rs. 500 each, arrested and then surrendered

them to the Government. But the Government under the changed circumstances released them.

As tea is grown suitably in the territories of Purandar and the Matak Barsenapati, the

Company no longer wanted to delay the annexation of Purandar‟s territory. Besides, occupation

of Upper Assam, according to Francis Jenkins, was viewed in the same light as the occupation of

Gibraltor, Malta and Cape of Good Hope. Therefore, the Commissioner and the Agent to the

Governor General, Mr. Jenkins started causing harassments to Purandar Singha. In order to

default the payment of tribute, Purandar‟s territory of Naduar in Darrang, yielding an annual

income of Rs.10,000/ was transferred to Lower Assam. Besides the civil and military

establishments at Jorhat were shifted to Sadiya which had encouraged the neighboring hill tribes

to create troubles in the Raja‟s territory. In the mean time, the officials of Purandar also became

undependable. They could not compromise with the Raja who in his bid to meet the demand of

the Company‟s Government in Bengal, left his own officers unpaid and ignored their interest,

traditional rights and immunities. Now, those short-sighted and ambitious nobles, thinking that

the removal of Purandar would put an end to their difficulties, began to lodge complaints after

complaints to Major Jenkins, the Commissioner, against their own king. Thus, “the British got

the much sought-for opportunity to annex Upper Assam with its vast potentialities of tea, coal

and petroleum to the British Indian Empire.”41

42

The Commissioner, Francis Jenkins visited Upper Assam in the beginning of the year

1838 and submitted a report to the Calcutta Government alleging that there was misgovernment

in Purandar‟s territory and recommended its immediate resumption. Consequently, on 16

September, 1838, Upper Assam was permanently annexed to the territories of the East India

Company and Purandar was offered a pension of Rs.1000, which he refused to accept. Although

Maniram had resigned from the service of Purandar some months before the Company‟s

resumption, yet the resumption was a great cause of frustration not merely for the Raja but also

for Maniram. In fact, Maniram was more aggrieved than Purandar. It reduced Maniram to the

status of a commoner with which he could not compromise. Up to this time, Maniram was not

aware of the real design of the British on Upper Assam. He thought that the British might allow

him to govern Assam if he agreed to pay them higher rates of taxes. Ultimately, by the end of

1838, Maniram paid visit to Robertson, the then Deputy Governor of Bengal and pleaded for the

throne of Assam for himself. He told Robertson that he was ready to pay in advance Rs.1,50,000

as tribute for three years if the Government had any doubt regarding regular payment.46

Robertson regretted his inability, but assured him to offer a post soon befitting his status and

dignity. Later, Maniram was appointed in the Assam Company (Tea Company) at Nazira as its

Dewan or Chief executive on an initial salary of Rs. 600/ per month on 1st June, 1839. So

enthusiastic was Maniram in extending his help to the Company in starting plantation in Assam

that he even connived at the demolition of the ancient monuments of old Ahom metropolis at

Garhgaon for erecting the post and building of the Nazira tea factory at the great resentment of

the Assamese. He also proved his efficiency by opening several new gardens or raising the

profits of the Company and also increased intercourse with the people thereby enhancing its

prestige in the eye of the contemporaries. In the mean time, Maniram also took the responsibility

of supplying coal to the steamers at Gauhati. However, the Dewan was infuriated by the

overbearing attitude of the small-minded Sahibs subordinate to him and retired from his office in

1845. He now put into practice what he learnt from the British by managing the affairs of the Tea

Company. He started two gardens (Cinnamara and chamlou) of his own at Jorhat and achieved

remarkable success. But all his hopes to vie with British capitalism were shattered when he was

deprived of the benefit of getting waste-land at concessional rates like the European planters.43

To throw him to the street, Charles Holroyd, who succeeded Brodie as the Principal Assistant in

1851, took away from him the Mouzas, which his family had been enjoying for more than a

43

generation and gave them to a person, who was hitherto subordinate to him. Thus, within a few

years Maniram lost everything- his offices under the restored Ahom monarchy, his

Mouzadarship and Shirastadarship under the British Government, his Dewanship under the

Assam Company, his business in coal and finally even the Mouzas which were held by him as

private possession. Disposed of everything, Maniram was overwhelmed with difficulties in

maintaining a large household of 185 members. Whatever the Company had done against

Maniram was done simply to protect their monopoly in tea industry in Assam. On the colonial

design of the Company, J.B. Bhattacharjee rightly expressed, “They exercised an absolute

control over the resources and inducted a new economy in which their commercial interest was

fully protected”44

Maniram now realized that there would be no future for him under the colonial rule. He,

therefore, threw his lot with Kandarpeswar Singha, the Charing Raja, who also, like him, had

been facing utmost difficulties in maintaining the royal family that was on the verge of penury.

Maniram now became the Charing Raja‟s friend, philosopher and guide and inspired him to

action by arousing “sanguinary hopes of getting the country back to his management.”45

Thus,

Maniram changed his relationship with the Company from being a staunch supporter to a great

conspirator. The following paragraphs highlight how the people of Assam reacted to the event of

1857.

Jenkins resumed Upper Assam with great enthusiasm of its becoming the most valuable

appendage to the British dominion. But the path to that goal was strewn with too many

difficulties as Mr. Brodie, the newly-appointed Principal Assistant, faced many unexpected

problems like the demands of those removed nobility and the pressure of the cultivators against

land surveys and land tax. He, first of all, abolished the irritating service of the Paiks and also

“abolished the capitation tax and introduced a land tax varying from annas eight to a rupee per

pura, which in 1843-44 was raised to rupee one and annas four on the rupit land and to annas

twelve on non-rupit.”46

Brodie then removed forthwith the odious duties on the hats (periodical

markets), ghats (landing places on river banks) and markets excepting a few in the Naga frontier.

The Khats, which were under erstwhile nobles and revenue free, were now under assessment.

For speedy and efficient collection of revenue, Brodie divided the districts into a number of

fiscal units, each under the control of a Phukan, Rajkhowa and Barua. They were assisted in

44

collection by such junior officers as the Hazarikas, Saikias and Baras, who received a discount of

14% of the gross collection. However, he subsequently abolished the fiscal units and divided the

districts into a number of Mouzas each under the control of a Mouzadar who must be a man of

respectability and character but not necessarily a member of the old aristocracy. Brodie‟s motive

behind this new policy was to eradicate gradually the official hierarchy so that the members of

the old aristocracy would be leveled with the common people.47

Maniram expressed:

“Those whose ancestors never lived by digging, ploughing or carrying burdens, are now

nearly reduced to such degrading employment; while those even who are Mouzadars or

employed by Government or received pensions, are reduced to such deep distress that

they will be soon compelled to follow the above occupations……”48

The abolition of slavery, in 1843, made the condition of men of rank worst. In the mean time,

Maniram was also reduced to penury. The only source of income from two tea gardens was also

chopped off under the company‟s economic policy which favored only the Europeans. Here,

Amalendu Guha writes:

“No grant for agricultural purpose could be made for less than 100 acres at a time and to

one who did not possess capital or stock worth at least Rs. 3 per acre. Under these

conditions….one-fourth of a grant was to be held revenue free in perpetuity. The

remaining portion of the grant too, was to remain revenue free for the initial 5 to 20

years…”49

Under such policy, without rank, without honor, without the very means of livelihood, Maniram

had to face acute hardships. Owing to this pathetic situation in Assam, Maniram arrived at this

stand-point:

“Unless the old Government was re-established there would be no end of miseries of his

countrymen. He found that not to speak of the heyday of the Ahom power, even during

the time of Purnananda Burhagohain, when the country was facing the Moamaria

disturbances, things had not been so miserable.”54

Ultimately, the Dewan, with sanguine hopes of taking the country under his management,

became the adviser of Kandarpeswar Singha, the Charing Raja, a boy of eleven. When A.J.

Moffatt Mills, the Judge of the Sadar Dewani Adawlat, was deputed for the enquiry of the local

state of administration in Upper Assam in 1853, Kandarpeswar Singh waited upon Mills and

urged him in a petition his right to hold the division of Upper Assam on a tributary basis, under

45

the East-India Company. He was given a patient hearing, but seeing the futility of his pretensions

Mills discouraged the young prince from entertaining any hope of restoration. Mills was

overwhelmed with petitions wherever he went from the hard-pressed gentry of Upper Assam.

The two memorials submitted in this connection by Maniram deserve special mention. In one,

Maniram prayed for some favor from the Government in recognition of his past services to it,

and in the other, the most significant one, he pleaded for the restoration of the Ahom monarchy

in the person of Ghanakanta Singha, son of Chandrakanta Singha. In these petitions Maniram

cleverly praised the Government and at the same time criticized it. Here, to quote it:

“By the stoppage of such cruel practices as extracting the eye, cutting off noses and ears,

and the forcible abduction of virgins from their homes and by the removal of all wayside

transit duties…the British Government has (earned) itself inestimable praise and renown

but by introduction into the province of new customs, numerous courts, an unjust system of

taxation, an objectionable treatment of the hill tribes… neither the British Government nor

their subjects have gained any benefit.”51

On the destruction of the old aristocracy and gentry, Maniram submitted:

“The upper and the middle classes have seen their office abolished, their Lauguas and

Lixos taken away, male and female slaves set free… exemption and presumptive rights

that had lasted for six hundred years removed, the fame and honor of the respectable

people destroyed and by making them pay revenue like other people they have been

reduced to the greatest distress.”52

The Dewan also expressed his discontentment with the British rule on the ground that by

appointing men of Marwar and the Bengalees of Sylhet as Mouzadars several respectable

Assamese were out of employment. Lastly, accusing the Company, he expressed:

“Illustrious Sir! We are just now as it were, in the belly of a tiger; and if our misfortunes

yielded any advantage to the Government, we should be content; but the fact is, there is

neither gain to the people nor the government; and so long as the present state of things

continues, we can see no prospect of improvement in the future.”53

Hence, the impression of the two petitions was a warning that Assam was on the verge of a

volcano. At any moment, the volcano may erupt and the stream of lava bury all.54

After indebt

study of this striking petition, Mills concluded quite summarily that such pleas were but the

cerebration of that clever fox, Maniram Dutt Barbhandar Barua, the Dewan, and that the people

46

as a whole were no party to them. The Government should therefore, turn down his prayer.

Jenkins also attributed Manirams activities to his “bitter enmity to the (British) Government.”55

The petition being rejected, Maniram ultimately decided to go to Calcutta and put the matter on

the table of the Lt. Governor of Bengal.

For the journey to Calcutta, the Charing Raja Kandarpeswar Singha and many other

erstwhile nobles gave him financial assistance. From Gauhati Maniram took boat and arrived at

Calcutta in the early part of 1856. There he managed to get the services of a Bengali Muktiar

(agent) and had a petition written by him to the effect of getting back the throne of Assam to

Kandarpeswar Singha yuvaraj. But, in the absence of proper credentials of being a spokesman of

the yuvaraj, his efforts became futile. Returning back to Assam, Maniram made the wahejnama

(credential) issued in his name by the prince. Thereafter, starting from Gauhati by the end of

1856, Maniram arrived at Calcutta early in 1857. There, the Dewan stayed in the residence of

Latu Babu on the Chitpur Road. With the help of the Bengali Muktiar, Manmiram “submitted his

proposed petition to the Governor-General on 6th

May in 1857 bearing signatures of both

Kandarpeswar Singha and his own.”56

But the Governor General turned a deaf ear. Being thus

tired of making petitions and prayers, Maniram grew desperate and resolved to take direct action.

At this very moment, the sepoys were in revolt and the whole of northern and central

India was surcharged with a revolutionary fervor. Already resolved to restore the old monarchy

in Assam, Maniram calculated the time most opportune to achieve his end. Each night, at

Calcutta, restless men sit in secret corners and read by candle light an Istahar (notification) from

Bahadur Shah, the emperor of Delhi. Sometimes some such Istahars passed into Maniram‟s

hands. These were not words but sparks of fire:

“It is well known to all that, in this age, the people of Hindustan both Hindus and

Muhammedans, are being ruined under the tyranny and oppression of the infidel and

treacherous English. Several of the Hindu and Muhammedan chiefs who have long since

quitted their homes for the preservation of their religion, and have been trying their best

to root out the English in India, have presented themselves to me, and taken part in the

reigning India crusade. Therefore for the information of the public, the present Istahar,

consisting of several sections, is in circulation; it is the imperative duty of all to take it

into their careful consideration and abide by it. Parties anxious to participate in the

common cause, but having no means to provide themselves, shall receive their daily

47

subsistence from me; and be it known to all that the ancient work, both of the Hindus and

Mahammedans, the writing of the miracle workers and the calculation of the astrologers,

Pundits and Rammals, all agree in asserting that the English will no longer have any

footing in India. Therefore, it is incumbent on all to give up the hope of the continuation

of the British sway, side with me, and deserve the consideration of the Badshahi

Government, by their individual exertion in promoting the general good, and thus attain

their respective ends; otherwise if this golden opportunity steps away, they will have to

repent their folly.”57

This appeal of Bahadur Shah became the subject matters of secret deliberation in the inn of the

Nawab of Chitpur on the Chitpur road which was very close to the residence of Latu Babu where

Maniram was then staying. Another Istahar of Bahadur Shah which had really instilled the

political groomings of Maniram was that:

“Hook or by crook, the Feringis must be driven out from Hindusthan. Must they be

cleared out, even, at the cost of your life. All Hindusthan, must regain independence. But

we must have the leader who shall be honest, sincere and have the command over the

disintegrated people. He shall have to be courageous too.”58

Being thus influenced by the changing political and social scenario of North India, Maniram

integrated it with his political mind of Assam. He, then, began to send letters to the Charing Raja

and other nobles- „If we cannot drive out the Firingis from our land we shall rot in the hot hell. It

is a sin to neglect our duties.‟ In another, he wrote- „Here the house is leaning. In our side, keep

ready bricks and mortars to build a new house‟. In one of them Maniram again expressed, “From

one end of Hindustan to the other everyone is preparing to drive out the Firingis. Now, Jalim

Singh and Pragdutt Singh are no more our enemies. Rather, these men of Kunwar Singh‟s place

will help us. No more should we sit light.”59

In these letters Maniram pointed out the changed

situation and reported the success of the rebels in northern India and instructed as to how a revolt

would be organized in Assam.

Maniram sent these letters through the agency of a class of couriers called Bhats, in the

guise of wandering mendicants or fakirs who handed them over to Kandarpeswar Singha

Charing Raja and his lieutenant Mohesh Chandra Gabharu Melia Barua alias Piyali Barua, a

Brahmin of Sibsagar. Piyali was the chief organizer of the proposed revolt. Benudhar Sharma

writes:

48

“All these correspondences as well as the secret deliberations veered around Piyali Barua

who was the rallying point in the network. It was he who took upon himself the secret

duty of distributing the papers and exhorting others to rise up and make the country free.

It was Piyali over and again who engaged himself in the task of collecting the necessary

stores”60

Piyali soon gathered around him several leading persons such as, Ugrasen Marangi-khowa

Gohain, Krishnadutta Khangia Barua, Lakhinath Senchowa Barua, Kamala Charingia Barua,

Nilakantha Choladhra Phukan, Dutiram Barua, the Fauzdari Shirastadar of Sibsagar, Muhidhar

Muktiar, Umakanta Sarma alias Umai Muktiar, Mayaram Nazir, Shaikh Bahadil popularly called

Bahadur Goanburha, Formud Ali and even several Mouzadars. Certain religious heads like

Krishnakanta Goswami of the Kamalabari Satra and Basudev Goswami of the Dakshinpat Satra

had assured their full help and co-operation. Piyali visited the military camps as the deputy of the

Charing Raja and inspired the sepoys to oust the British from the soil of Assam so as to re-

establish the old monarchy under Kandarpeswar Singha. When he visited the platoon at

Golaghat, Mayaram Barbara Nazir of the Bhatia Barbara family of Golaghat, Devidutta Sarma

Mauzadar and his brother Lakhidutta Sarma of Dergaon gave warm response to the Charing

Raja’s call.61

The Raja gave Devidutta two Tolas of gold for organizing the sepoys at Golaghat.

The elite of the Ahoms and Koches, the Brahmins and Kalitas, the Hindus and Muhammadans

used to gather together at night in the palace of Kandarpeswar Singha and initiated discussions

on the means of how the English could be expelled from Assam. Lest these confabulations

should rouse suspicion, the king developed a sudden fancy to hold religious gatherings at

frequent intervals.62

Very soon the number of supporters of the revolution grew larger. The

palace was, thus, converted into a rendezvous of such rebels. Dutiram Barua, an employee at

Sibsagar came home on leave. He met the king and consulted with the king about the revolt.

Besides, sepoys on leave visited the palace to pay their respect to the Charing Raja. The Subedar

of Hindustani sepoys at Dibrugarh was particularly enthusiastic about it and he promised to help

the king by all means. Marangi-khowa Gohain, going back to his station soon, began to raise an

army and arms for the rebel soldiers.

Not only to the Charig Raja and Piyali Barua, Maniram wrote letters to several other

persons who could organize the revolt. Prominent among them were Madhuram Koch, son of

Tholai Koch and a contractor of the Assam Company at Nazira, Mayaram Barbara, Chitrasen

49

Barbara, Ganesh Chandra Barua and Ugrasen Marangi-khowa Gohain of Golaghat and

Krishnakanta Goswami, head of the Kamalabari Satra. Responding to the efforts of Maniram,

Madhuram Koch, the tea garden contractor at Nazira, organized the labors so smoothly that they

served a notice of strike. Their counterparts in some other gardens also, following the advice of

their leaders and contractors, started non-co-operation against the Europeans. In this connection,

the Calcutta Board of Directors of the Assam Company, reported on 2nd

March, 1858:

“…whilst our private servants were cheerfully obedient to our co-operative proceedings

with Government in the maintenance of order, the independent contractors for cultivating

our lands, the indigenous inhabitants of the neighboring villages held off from the

performance of their contracts on the plea that they were not to be paid, believing that the

Europeans „were to be cut up‟; so far from aiding Government in suppressing revolt, they

remained utterly passive, many sympathizing with their conspiring Rajah and the

disaffected sepoys.”63

They thus paralyzed the normal life. Ganesh Chandra Barua kept the Firingis of Nakachari and

Negheriting Tea Estates under Watch, so that they might not meander like serpents. On the

success of the rebels in other parts of India, Maniram conveyed, „Hindustan has become wholly

denuded of British Regiments‟. He further stated:

“Mown are the meadows on this side and the scythe is well up. On our part also let the

scythe be whetted and kept in readiness. The house has collapsed at this end. Let

Swargadeo-His Majesty move on to build his own at the other [end]. Hindustani sepoys

have conquered Hindustan. The capital is about to fall to their hands. The body had fallen

and heaps of coal are now on the head.”64

It was at this juncture that Kunwar Singh of Jagadishpur defected in July 1857, and there was the

mutiny of the Danapur Regiment in Bihar. Here, it was reported to the Court of Directors-

“There is much reason to fear the extension of the revolt to Assam, as another result of the

unfortunate disaffection of the Dinapure Brigade. Many of the men of the first Assam Light

Infantry are from the Arrh district, and closely related to the Mutineer‟s of the 40th

N.I.”65

Supporting this very statement, H.K. Barpujari also expressed, “The defection of Kunwar Singh

of Jagadishpur and the mutiny of the Danapur Regiment in Bihar produced a spirit of restlessness

among the sepoys of the Assam Light Infantry in Upper Assam, particularly those coming from

the district of Arrah”66

Indeed the news of these developments reached the sepoys of Assam also

50

through visitors, fakirs, newspapers and private letters. The infantry in Assam at that time

consisted of heterogeneous elements like the Gurkhas, Rajputs, Manipuris, Rabhas, Garos,

Doaneas and a few Muslims. There were two Regiments: the First Assam Light Infantry

stationed at Dibrugarh under the command of Major Hannay and the Second Light Infantry

stationed at Gauhati under Major Richardson. There were also detachments posted at some Sadar

stations and strategic frontier posts like Sibsagar, Golagat and Saikhowa. These up countrymen

in the First Light Infantry were believed to have been influenced by the current notion that the

British rule which was to last for only one hundred years had actually come to an end and that

the English would soon quit Bengal, and Assam too, only to leave to the sepoys and local chiefs

as it was done at many places of North India.

At this juncture there arrived at the military lines of the detachment of Golaghat in the

district of Sibsagar, Nirmal Hazari and Piyali with the tempting baits: “The Rajah would double

the pay of the sepoys and give the native officers pay like Jongie Palton if all the sepoys would

join and get him the country.”67

The Subedar of the detachment, Shaikh Bhikan, readily agreed

and that the Sahibs should be killed and the Raja would be placed on the throne. Negotiations

were carried on under similar terms with the sepoys at Sibsagar, Dibrugarh and Saikhowa. Thus,

Maniram Dewan, through his faithful assistant Piyali and others, successfully goaded the sepoys

of Assam to get ready for the revolt. Staying in Calcutta for an organized revolt Maniram tried

his level best to procure arms for the revolt. He, therefore, wrote a letter on 23rd

Sraban

(Thursday, 13th

August, 1857) to send whatever money or things collected from his home and

send down to Calcutta. Here the Bengal Government‟s weekly Special Narrative reported, “The

only circumstances in any way connected with the revolt that occurred in the division, was the

discovery by the Magistrate of Dacca, that arms and a large supply of leaden bullets had been

sent by a native in that city to a correspondent at Dibrooghur in Upper Assam.”68

Therefore, it is

a fact that Maniram contacted persons for a great deal of weapons for the revolt.

Charles Holroyd, the Principal Assistant, Sibsagar, is said to have reported:

“On the month of Assar (June/July), Noor Mahomed Jamdr of the 1st Assam Lt. Infy

came down from Deebrooghur to Joorhat on private leave and had interviews with the

Rajah regarding the assistance to be afforded to the sepoys and of the remuneration they

were to receive for placing him on the gadee.”69

51

In the month of Sawan (July/August), Roostum Singh Jamadar and two sepoys went to Jorhat,

where they visited the Charing Raja and intimated to him all about the arrangements at Golaghat.

Again, in the month of Bhadra, Debidutta Surmah Mouzadar (Brother to Luckiedutta) received

gold from the Rajah for the collection of Russud for the troops; for similar purpose gold was also

distributed to the other parties.70

In the mean time, the priest of the temple of Dirgaon received

gold from the Raja for performing a Puja, customary before leading such an expedition, and for

collection of provisions. Numerous meetings were held at the residence of Raja Kandarpeswar at

Jorhat. Ultimately, the rebels fixed the target date in early October, when Maniram was expected

to arrive with arms and ammunitions. Every endeavour was made to enlist the sympathy and

support of the Mussalmans who were supposed to have many muskets in their possession. The

rebels also planned that they would rise simultaneously at several headquarters, seize the

magazine and the treasuries, kill the Europeans, burn their houses, and then would march on

Jorhat and proclaim the Charing Raja as the king of Assam. They also decided:

“that Maniram was to be the Prime Minister…that Mudoo Mullick was to be immediately

under him in rank and position, that he (peali) was to be the Barbhandar Barua,

Lockeenath Hensoa Barua was to be the Nowbaisa Phukan, that Kamala Saringia Barua

was to be made Subedar and Darogah of Jorhat… there would be no Khazana (revenue)

but liksos as in olden times … no revenue on barilands and (only) one Rupee per poorah

on the rupit lands as in former times; that all the Sahibs from Gauhati up to Dibrugarh

were to be (transferred) to Jorhat and made over to the Rajah. That Roostam Singh (and)

Noor Muhammad were to be Subedars…that Budram Subedar was to be made Subedar

Bahadur...”71

Here, A.K. Dutta writes: “Bahadur Gaonburha and Formud Ali utilized their influence to induce

others of their persuasion at Jorhat to unite in aid of the Charing Raja….The service of these two

Muslim leaders was an important factor in the Raja’s bid for independence.”72

It is also stated

that Bahadur Gaonburha kept ready 80 to 100 muskets at his disposal for the service of the

Charing Raja.

The zenith point of the smouldering fire of 1857 in Assam reached when the sepoys of

Golaghat decided to spark the revolt on the night of 29th

August. A meeting was held on that

very night at the residence of Subedar Sheikh Bhikan. The proceedings of the meeting as

narrated by Kermat Ali, a local doctor, reported to be the eye-witness of the event, reveal that the

52

rebels, both Hindus and Muslims, swearing in their respective religious taboos, were organized

to kill all Europeans in Assam, to take possession of the magazine and the treasury at Sibsagar,

Dibrugarh and other places and to restore Kandarpeswar Singh on the throne.73

In this regard,

A.K. Dutta also stated:

“Let us sound the bugle and each man taking five Ghullali with him let us go this night to

Jorhat; first cut Huronath Barooah‟s head off; it is said that Raghoobear Singh Jamadar is

there with 20 sepoys and is loyal to the Government. We can make him join us, if not we

will kill him; we will (then) go and put the Rajah on the throne… … we will go at once to

Sibsagar and first set fire to Holroyd Sahib’s house…… and kill all the Europeans

there…”74

But the meeting failed to take any decisive decision. Bhikan Singh Subedar, who remained silent

throughout, wanted to postpone the march. Probably he thought it unwise to march so hastily

without approval from the Raja who had offered a girl to his son and to whom in return he

promised full support in all the designs.75

The extremely volatile and uncertain state of Assam in1857 instilled a deep fear in the

minds of European planters, missionaries and officials. The planters of Sibsagar left their

factories for Gauhati thinking that the outbreak of the sepoys was likely to occur within no time.

In fact, most of the planters and missionaries took refuse in the Sadar Station of Sibsagar where

the Church had been converted into a fortress, well-stored with provisions. For the overall safety

of the planters, the Assam Company officials wrote letters to the Government to supply arms,

and accordingly, issued 18 stands of arms with ammunitions. Here, an intimation stated,

“Intimates the issue of orders of supplying the secretary of the Assam Company with 18 stands

of arms together with 160 rounds of balled cartridges and 200 percussion corps for each piece.”76

The missionaries also abandoned their churches. By this time, at Sibsagar, the missionary family

was that of Mr. Whiting. The Commissioner advised the Whitings to go on the river and placed a

comfortable boat at their disposal and for several weeks they remained in that boat.77

Even plans

had been made for them to gather at Gauhati, but Gauhati was miles away from Sibsagar and

Nowgong. One Mr. Bronson, out of fear, decided to avail himself of the protection at Gauhati

and under cover of night he, with his family, slipped quietly out of Nowgong in a little canoe,

and on to Gauhati. On arrival at Gauhati, Bronson found Danforth of Gauhati Missionary, in a

soldier‟s uniform, drilling morning and evening, resolved to defend his family and the Mission

53

property, if called upon to do so. Danforth wrote, “For more than six weeks, I have done military

duty daily, and that, too, directly in front of a large company of sepoys many of whom were

known to be mutinous.”78

Such was the panic of the European civilians in Assam in 1857.

Regarding the immediate steps of Col. Hannay, who was undisturbed before, Mr. Carter

noted in his diary, „By the middle of August 1857, however, Lieutenant Colonel Simon Hanny,

Commanding Officer of the Assam Light Infantry, contemplated, “open precautionary measures”

‟79

Hanny told Carter on 17 August that agents from northern India were in Gauhati and trying to

arrange rising amongst our sepoys in connection with the Assam Raja. The mutiny being

centered round the Hindustani sepoys, “precautionary measures were taken to prevent mutiny at

Debroogarh by calling in all from out posts, all Nepalese, Muneepoorees, Rabha and Cacharee

sepoys of the 1st Assam Light Infantry. They were placed as guards over the fortified square, in

which is the treasury of Debrogarh.”80

To prevent subversive acts on the part of the sepoys, the

Gurkhas were mixed up particularly in the artillery wing which was the mainstay of the

Hindustanis. Piquets were posted at all strategic positions. At Nowgong, Mr. Morton, the

Principal Assistant, destroyed the bridges over the rivers Missa and Diju and cut off all

communication with Jorhat to check an anticipated advance of the rebels from that direction. At

Gauhati, Rowlatt, the Principal Assistant Commissioner of Lower Assam, was extremely

disturbed that “he asked Harakanta Barua, Kefayat Ullah Sadaramin and Kalu Munshi to guard

his bungalow with guns in hand during night. He moved incognito in all the thoroughfares and

highways of the town to watch over the conduct of the citizens.”81

Realizing the degree of

seriousness of the situation Major Jenkins urged upon the Government to send a European force

to save the province from revolution. By this time, the Governor General was facing a great

problem of the shortage of the British army, and he even asked his Excellency the Governor of

Mauritius to send any available British soldier stating that:

“The present state of affairs in India renders it urgently necessary that every British

soldier who can be made available in the suppression of the mutiny and rebellion which

have spread over a large portion of the country, carrying in their train, rapine, murder and

unspeakable atrocities, should be brought to Calcutta without delay.”82

As compelled by the grave situation in Assam, the Governor General sent 104 mostly untrained

seamen on 11th

September under Lt. Davies in the steamer „Hurunghatta‟.

2.6 Suppression of 1857 Revolt in Assam

54

Major Hannay, after hearing the proceedings of sepoys at Golaghat on the 29th

September, got

Shaikh Bhikan and other leaders arrested and brought them to Dibrugarh for trial before a court

martial. Raghubir Singh, who was loyal, was made Subedar. The Major, taking disciplinary

measures banned unauthorized gatherings and stopped outsiders from entering into the military

lines. Earlier, a few of Maniram‟s letters to the Charing Raja were intercepted by the Principal

Assistant, Sibsagar, Captain Holroyd. In one of the letters, it was so written:

“At this present (moment) the growl of tiger is everywhere heard; as many as thirteen (to)

fifteen (thousand) Europeans have been destroyed…. At the moment this occurs, you

having kept your ears open, must stand up; and the forces there you must bring over to

your side … by any and every means in your power ….”83

This letter confirmed the complicity of the Charing Raja and Maniram Dewan in the plot against

the British. Holroyd, however, decided not to apprehend the Charing Raja immediately. He

wanted to proceed with tact and caution so as to check its precipitation into a crisis. After

possible precautions had been taken up, on 9th

September, 1857, the Charing Raja was arrested

by the British army from the palace at Jorhat. The army also apprehended Madhu Mallick who

was residing in a rented house of Maniram at the nearby Bazar. Later, the Raja was sent to the

Alipur Jail, Calcutta. Maniram was also arrested in Calcutta sometime in September 1857. Other

important leaders who had been arrested were Peali Barua, the Marangi-khowa Gohain,

Mayaram Nazir, Dutiram Barua, Bahadur Gaonburah, Shaikh Farmud and several others- all

alleged to have been participated directly and indirectly in the plot. Although the Commissioner

of Assam then heaved a sigh of relief, yet in Upper Assam, the tea planters felt their lives still

insecure with the approaching winter, they were apprehensive of a flare-up of the mutiny and the

descent of the predatory tribes from the neighboring hills, and thus, requested to send more

European Troops. In the mean time, the mutiny of the 34th

N.I. Chittagong and that of the 73rd

Dacca Regiment had created much havoc in North-East India. To tide over the crisis in Assam

the Governor-General in Council had to order another party of 100 seamen with three officers on

board the steamer Koladyne.84

In the mean time, at Dibrugarh, Major Hannay effected the arrest of remaining mutinous

sepoys of the Regiment and put them before the Court Martial. Balavant Singh, Ramtahol Singh,

Kripa Ram, Seshwai Singh, Chandra Singh, Aly Khan, Shaikh Oogni (Gani?), Chandar Singh

and Hidayat Ali- all of them were sentenced to transportation for life; some had to suffer long

55

terms of rigorous imprisonment while a large number, including the sepoys of Golaghat, were

discharged from duties.85

At Gauhati a number of sepoys were dismissed from service for their

defection. To prevent their combination in future, the Jaroowas and the Gurkhas who remained

loyal throughout, were drawn to the headquarters and the Hindustanis were scattered over the

outlying detachments. Act No. XIV of 1857 being imposed in Assam, Capt. Holroyd was

empowered to take action on the mutineers. This act was very harsh as it laid down that whoever

intentionally seduce or endeavors to seduce any officer or soldier in the service of the East India

Company from his allegiance to the Government, or endeavors to excite any such officer or

soldier to commit any act of mutiny or sedition; or whoever intentionally causes any other person

to commit any such offence, shall be liable upon conviction to the punishment of death, or to the

punishment of transportation for life, or imprisonment with hard labor for any term not

exceeding fourteen years and the forfeiture of the convict‟s property. Capt. Holroyd accordingly,

tried cases of all those who were accused of treason and complicity in the great rebellion. Two

pavilions were constructed at Jorhat, one under Holroyd and the other under his trusted

lieutenant Haranath Parbatia Barua (Daroga). Any person on whom the Daroga had suspicion

was brought to his court and interrogated. These persons whether guilty or innocent, were treated

as accused. Multitudes of innocent and helpless people were thus treated on the principle- „Better

that the innocent suffer then the guilty escape‟. Regarding this Reign of Terror, Mahendra Bora

writes, „“We‟ll hang you first, try you afterward”- roared Col. Holroyd in his court. Innocent

men were brought before him. Their only crime was that they enjoyed intelligence and influence

better than the average.‟86

Madhuram Koch who was accused for exciting rebellion among the laborers of the

Assam Company at Nazira, was tried on 30 January, 1858 and sentenced to rigorous

imprisonment for seven years. On Tuesday, the 9th

February, 1858, Holroyd in his capacity as

Commissioner disposed off the case of Piyali Barua having convicted him of treason and ordered

that „the convict be hanged by the neck until he is dead‟ and the execution be carried out on or

before 26th

day of the month of February 1858.87

Holroyd also wanted the trial of Maniram to be

held at Jorhat as he stated, “I am of opinion it would have grand moral effect on all the

disaffected…”88

In one of the Special Narratives, it was reported that the civil authorities had

been vested with the „requisite powers under Act XIV of 1857 and that Muniram Dutt, one of the

principal persons inflicted, was being sent up in the steamer “Koladyne” for the purpose of being

56

thus tried.‟89

Consequently, Maniram was brought to Jorhat and in the trial held on a single day

on 23 February, death sentence was passed upon him. The very day appointed for hanging Piyali

Barua, 26 February, 1858, was also chosen as the date for putting Maniram on the gallows. Thus

on Friday, 26 February 1858, at about 10 A.M, two great freedom fighters of Assam- Maniram

Dewan and Piyali Sharma Mouzadar were hanged to death. On March 12, 1858, Narayan

Barbora, Umakanta Sarma and Ganesh Barua were sentenced to three years imprisonment and

were committed to the Sibsagar gaol. Nilakanta Sholadhara Phukan, Mayaram Nazir, Kamala

Charingia Barua and Luki Senchoa Barua were sentenced to transportation for a term of fourteen

years each on Thursday, March 16, 1858, and were deported to the Andaman isle.

Marangikhowa Gohain, Dutiram Barua and Sheik Bahadur Gaonbura received life-long

transportation to the Andaman isle. Kandarpeswar was not brought to trial; he was excused on

the ground of his tender age. The reign of terror in Assam was so horrible that the Assamese

could not utter any word to what was done by the Authorities. In this regard, Benudhar Sharma

writes, “He who could soften the heart of the Daroga or of his pampered menial, Umed Munshi,

might get off scot-free. He who could not would step out of the frying pan only to fall in to the

fire.”90

So inhuman was the suppressive measures taken up by local authorities in Assam that the

Supreme Government was rendered to withdraw the power given to Holroyd by Act XIV of

1857 in August 1858. Hence, the highly uncertain state of Assam in 1857 was suppressed with a

heavy hand. The Sahib‟s control and suppression of 1857 in Assam was apparently made easy

because of some factors stated below.

2.6.1 Systemic problems of the Ahom Regime

Although the Ahom king was the supreme head of the state, yet in principle, he had to act on the

advice of his three councillors which are stated above. Therefore, whenever a quick and decisive

decision was to be made, it failed because of dissenting views and interests. Besides, the Ahoms,

being foreigners in Assam, always resorted to reconciliation formula with the indigenous peoples

of the valley and the surrounding hills. Hence, rigidity and the idea of oneness could not be

easily built up in the mind of Assamese who were under the Ahoms. A.C. Banerjee writes, “The

vitality of the Ahom kingdom was sapped by many factors, political, physical and religious. The

administrative organization of the state was quite incompatible with the stability and strength.”91

Besides, the Paiks who had been suffering in the service of the state as well as the manual work

57

of the nobles and religious Satras felt oppressed and they never liked the restoration of the Ahom

Regime. H.K. Barpujari writes:

“As early as 1830, Neufville found extremely difficult to obtain even the few pykes

required for the service of ex-Raja Chandrakanta Singha….Jenkins reported that the

moment Government resumed possession of the territory of Purandar Singh the pykes

universally deserted their masters.”92

Therefore, when Maniram wanted to wage a united war for the restoration of Ahom monarchy

the response of the Paiks was marginal.

2.6.2 Maniram’s early career and Assamese response

Maniram, thinking the British as the savior from the Burmese atrocities, supported them heart

and soul in the beginning of his career. He, in order to satisfy the interest of the Company,

resorted to many acts which affected the interest of the Assamese. His popularity was in the

lowest ebb when he connived at the demolition of the ancient monuments of Ahom metropolis at

Garhagaon for erecting the building of the Nazira tea factory. Besides, a large section of Ahom

nobility was against him because of his adherence to the British in the suppression and execution

of Piyali Phukan and Jiuram Dulia Barua during the early Anti-British Revolts in Assam. Indeed

when Maniram was asked by Neufville about the sort of punishment to be awarded to those

native Assamese involved in the Anti-British Revolt of 1830, the Dewan answered, “Death.”97

Such events in the early career of Maniram Dewan had a deep impact on his future political life.

Besides, Mahendra Bora writes, “The revolution in Assam was foredoomed to failure…The

revolution of a disintegrating society is just a moonshine.”94

. With the decline of the Ahoms, the

masses of Assam suffered boundless uncertainty from the time of Maomaria rebellion down to

the conclusion of the Treaty of Yandaboo, 1826. It was only after this treaty that Assamese could

heave a sigh of relief after untold atrocities of the Burmese forces. When the Revolt of 1857

became highly volatile in Assam, most of its common people hesitated to side with Maniram. It

is a fact that persons like Maniram & Piyali prefer starvation to humiliation of subordination, the

submerged sections react the opposite way. For the masses of Assam “the problem of living

comes first, the problem of life comes next. For this reason, though the message of revolution

reached the grass-roots, response was incipient.”95

2.6.3 Hierarchic socio-religious conditions and absence of mutiny

58

Although the Ahoms had been absorbed into the religion of the indigenous Hindu population of

Assam, yet the society was hierarchic having the Brahmins, caste Hindus and non-Hindu tribes.

The non-Brahmin castes were classified together as Sudirs. The Sudirs constitute both Kyasthas

and the Kalitas. The Kalitas were later divided into Bar-Kalita and Saru-Kalitas. Above these

social classes, there were Chaodangs, Likchows, Banias, Sonowals, Telis, Tantis, Haris, Hiras

and Kamars. These social divisions made a stumbling block in the making of unity and

integration of the Assamese.

In such a complex society, religion again became a hurdle in the way of integration.

Earlier, the Hindus, the Muslims and the hill tribes constitute the main religious sections.

However, by the 17th

century, with the spread of Vaisnavism, many different sects crept in. The

royal family took the Sacta form of Vaishnavism whereas the people (Low class) of the Matak

country followed another sect called Maomaria. As a result of this diverse character in religion

the Ahoms faced the deadly ulcer of Maomaria rebellions which had enfeebled the strength and

vigor of the Ahoms. This Matak country was annexed by the British in 1839. Since the people of

Matak (Maomaria) were very brave fighters, they also started anti-British riots in 1857. In a

communiqué sent by Capt. Hannay to Jenkins, it was stated, “At this station (Dibrugarh) what I

have all along expected has taken place… … an intended rise of the Muttacks and their intrigues

also to get adherents.”96

The Mataks set fire and destroyed houses, properties and lives of many

inhabitants in spite of Government‟s military preparations. However, Maniram and his party

could not harness the vigor and bravery of these Maomarias because of their previous animosity

based on religion.

The flame of 1857 was kindled by sepoys, but in Assam, the sepoys to whom the

equipments to fight against the British belonged, remained unprepared for that event. Contrary to

the events in North India where the sepoys led the revolt, in Assam they were not so active, and

therefore, Maniram and his party had to woo them to rise against the British promising them to

pay double the salary they enjoyed at that time. Therefore, when the sepoys of Golaghat became

serious to start the revolt on the night of 29th

August, their Subedar Bhikan Singh remained

silent. A.K. Dutta writes:

“Shaikh Bikan Singh Subedar, who remained silent throughout, wanted to postpone the

march till the arrival of the Jamuguri Sepoys. Possibly he thought it unwise to march so

59

hastily without approval from the Raja who had offered a girl to his son and to whom in

return promised full support in all his designs.”97

Besides, neither the mutineers of the 73 N.I., Dacca, nor that of the 34th

N.I., Chittagong,

marched towards Jorhat to arouse the moral of those disaffected nobles as well as a few

Hindustani sepoys. Therefore, those freedom loving nobles and many of their followers were

helpless.

2.6.4 Rebel weaknesses versus British tactfulness

The conspiracy in Assam started with the flame of 1857 without any preconceived ideology.

There was no prior grooming for the emancipation of any social or economic grievances of the

masses of Assam. As stated above, the Paik system of the Ahom regime became out dated, and

so, common people did not like the restoration of Ahom monarchy. The conspiracy was initiated

mainly by Ahom nobles, that too, by promising high posts to its members in the event of

restoration. Those who had not been assigned to high posts turned their back on and then

disclosed the rebel designs to the supporters of the British. Because of such shortcoming “the

enemies learnt everything about the rebellion, its central figures, its method of operation and its

ultimate aim.”98

This shortcoming was also partly because of the absence of Maniram in the

field. Possibly, it was also because of this loophole that there was wrong delivery of a very

important letter to Haranath Daroga resulting in the arrest of the rebel leaders like Charing Raja,

Madhu Mallick and Piyali Barua.

On the other hand, the British were so tactful and farsighted that from the time of

resumption of power they rehabilitated the moneyed class by replacing the Tahsildars by

Mauzadars. A Mauzadar is a fiscal officer who gets certain percentage of the tax collected as

commission. This system is advantageous since these Mauzadars, while regarded by their people

as their leaders, are bound to the Government by the factor of their position. But they were made

the leaders of the common people robbing the element of leadership from them. This policy of

carrot in place of stick made the nobles very weak and they became no more leaders of the

masses. Therefore, Maniram and his followers could not have the command of the majority of

masses. Above this, even if they knew the Raja‟s involvement in the conspiracy in the month of

July, they did not arrest him thinking that by doing so they might face a sudden outbreak with the

help of the sepoys. The Government, therefore, tried to arrest those mutinous sepoys as stated

60

above. In order to check any anti-Government activities among the sepoys, Col. Jenkins built up

a force of Military Police. Here it is reported:

“In sanctioning a bill of Rupees 0131434 on account of the Military Police in upper

Assam, which now numbers 71 men, Colonel Jenkins was asked to submit a proposition

statement in the usual form, specifying distinctly its ultimate numerical strength and cost,

in order that the same might be submitted for the formal sanction of the Supreme

Government.”99

Another very tactful step was the psychological warfare of the British in sending 100 British

Army (mostly untrained seamen) to Dibrugarh on the steamer Haroonghatta. As the journey from

Calcutta to Upper Assam was a long one, there was a high possibility of a premature explosion

of the revolt while the British army was on the way. Here also, the Government wanted to hide

the real objective of the steamer telling that it was to go to Dacca only. That was why those

seamen on the Haroonghatta mutinied when they were to proceed further from Dacca. In this

connection, the Court of Directors was reported:

“The utmost care was taken to dispatch the force to Assam and the secrecy necessary to

prevent its destination being known- but it is feared that this intention has been frustrated

by the ill-judged publication of the departure of the steamer and the notification of its

objects by the Calcutta papers. It is hoped that this injudicious proceeding may not be

attended with the serious results that would ensure from a revolt in the province in its

present unprotected state. Such an….contingency was feared by the officers in Assam,

who pointed out the urgent necessity of extreme care being observed preventing the

promulgation of transmission, before its arrival, of any European force that might be sent,

lest the knowledge of the approach of aid should cause a premature explosion of the

expected revolt.”100

Again, at the time of arresting the Raja, though they (British Army) had a long and weary march,

they tried at their best to avoid any bloodshed that would invite mass upheaval. What they had

planned was tactfully executed. Hence the British, though less in number, were far superior to

the rebel preparations.

2.6.5 Role of loyal Assamese

Another factor was the role of some Assamese who had supported the British Government heart

and soul. It was here reported:

61

“Hurnath Purbotiah Barooah distinguished himself by his influencing loyalty during the

crisis in Upper Assam at considerable risk of his life. He gave the first information of the

plot against the state, supplying constant information and exhibiting throughout, the

greatest attachment to the Government. In February last he was promoted from Darogah

of Joorhath to fill an existing vacancy as Sudder Ameen in the Sibsagar Dist. A gift of

500 acres of land free of revenue was at the same time bestowed upon him and his heir

forever.”101

The same report also stated that Doorga Persand, Jail Dadogah of Seebsagar afforded the greatest

assistance to Captain Holroyd in translating important papers. He was promoted to first grade of

Darogah. Informations are also recorded on the loyalty of Moonshee Roffoyatallah, Sudder

Moonsiff; Baboo Juggerdutt Bookulki, acting Moonsiff at Rungeah, as it runs: “The Principal

Assistant Commissioner of Kamroop reports that during the continuance of the excitement he

received full information of whatever was going on from these officers (Moonshee Roffoyatallah

and Baboo Juggerdutt Bookulki) who would no doubt have distinguished themselves still further

in assisting to preserve the peace of the district.”102

On the seriousness of E.A. Rowlatt (Principal

Assistant of Kamrup), A.K. Dutta also writes:

“He moved incognito in all the streets of Gauhati to watch the conduct of the citizens

with the help of his close Assamese confidents like Harakanta Barua , Kafayat Ullah,

Sadar Amin and Kalu Munshi, and visited prince Ghanakanta Singha‟s residence at

Gauhati incognito at night to ascertain if it was used as a meeting ground of the

mutineers.”103

Above all these loyal Assamese, there were “persons like Maniram Sarma Gandhia Barua,

Muhidhar Sarma Muktiar, Kinaram Pandit, Trilochan Nazir, nirmal hazarika, Krishnaram

Ghinlaga Gogoi, Durgeswar Burhagohain and many others who had been assisting the

Government in reveling all documents against Maniram and his associates.”104

The

commendable role of these loyal Assamese to the British Government, thus, contributed to a

large extent to the failure of the Revolt of 1857 in Assam.

2.7 Dreams of Maniram Dewan on Assamese integration and issues of

economic development The last bid for the resurrection of the Ahom monarchy under Maniram was mainly a desperate

reflection of the mixed feelings of the upper and middle classes who found themselves displaced

by insignificant men. The common masses of Assam marginally supported it as they no longer

62

liked Ahom monarchy. Indeed, Maniram Dewan failed to kindle the flame of 1857 in Assam.

The Dewan, beside his objective of independent Assam, also had some dreams.

He got the privilege of exposing himself to prominent Bengalis and Europeans in 1836,

1838 and 1856-57. During this period, Calcutta experienced a sea of socio-economic and

political developments. Raja Rammohan Roy, establishing the Brahmo Sabha, preached unity in

God, classless Society (denouncing castes), humanism and the bond of union between men of all

religions and creeds. Since the trade based Company‟s Government encroached upon the

economic life of Indians, many political associations were also established in Bengal to give the

idea of political consciousness and also to safeguard the interest of Indians. In 1836, establishing

the Bangabhasa Prakasika Sabha in Bengal, discussed the topics related to the British

administration and the welfare of the people. On November 12, 1837, the Calcutta Landholders

Society was set up with a view to organize such bodies in every district of the British India.

Later, on April 20, 1843, the educated middle classes of Bengal founded the Bengal British

Indian Society for the welfare, rights and interest of all classes of India. The latter two bodies,

afterwards, amalgamated to form a united body known as the British Indian Association in 1851,

having an all India outlook. Thus, when Maniram visited Calcutta many times during the first

half of the nineteenth century, Bengal became a hot bed of social, economic and political

consciousness. Maniram got the full exposure to these developments.

Indeed, when Maniram visited Dacca in 1836, he met the descendents of Jagat Seth at

Murshidabad. One of such descendents introduced Maniram with Pramanath Deb (Latu Babu)

the famous business magnet of Calcutta of that time. Maniram became Latu Babu‟s guest. Here,

A.K. Dutta expressed that “During the period of his stay there, he came into contact with

different businessmen of Calcutta, both Indian and European. This gave an exposure to Maniram

to the economic and political trends in the all India level current at that time, Calcutta being the

nerve centre of modernity in India.”105

After the resumption of Assam in1838, Maniram again

went to Calcutta towards the end of the year. This time also, Maniram met at Latu Babu‟s house

a business men named Ramkamal Sen who had already been to Assam with Dr. Wallis in

connection with tea plantation. Ramkamal might have explained to Maniram the prospect of tea

industry in Assam. The Europeans and Indians who had interest in tea visited the house of Latu

Babu also. Hence, Maniram, who had wealth and intelligence, had the test of a new horizon for

industrial undertaking. A.K. Dutta also stated on Maniram that, “His motivation to

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entrepreneurship and profit was the result of his contact with Indians and European traders in

Bengal.”106

During the years 1856-57 too, Maniram Dewan stayed in the house of Latu Babu on

the Chitpur Road. This time also, Maniram Dewan met notable persons:

“Raja Gurudas, son of Maharaja Nandakumar, Nilmani Mitra, Kunja Behari Mallik and

Rajendra Dutta. He had discussed with them contemporary social and political problems

of the country. He had also attended several meetings of the British Indian Association

organised under the auspices of Krishnadas pal and participated in its discussions.”107

From these exposures Maniram Dewan learnt the ideas of fraternity and integration which are the

main factors to protect the interest and independence of a nation. By 1853, Maniram started

feeling to stop cruel punishments of mutilation and murder of political rivals which was one of

the greatest causes of animosity among native Assamese. Hence, in his petition to Mr. Mills, the

Dewan expressed, “Formerly…. Criminals were mutilated, rather not in proportion to their

offences. Punishments were cruel and whimsical. Here undoubtedly the British administration

laid its balmy hands. In a future native administration those aspects of the British rule must be

dove-tailed to the law of the land.”108

In Calcutta Maniram came to know that there was a large participation of masses in the

event of 1857 in which he had decided to join for the expulsion of the British from the soil of

Assam. At this hour of great need for unity, Maniram realized the drawbacks of the outdated

Ahom Regime which he had been holding up for years. The Dewan was also seriously

influenced by the Istahar of the Mughal Emperor which expressed the need of a leader who

should have courage and command over the disintegrated people. Even if the sepoys of Assam

were supposed to assist him in expelling the British there were many dissenting sections in

Assam. Maniram conceived that until and unless unity was achieved in Assam no revolt would

be successful. Hence, with the Revolt of 1857 the Dewan started to mould his arch enemies as

well as the masses of Assam to come under the fold of Assamese integration. For this end he felt

the need to publicize the reasons why he took side with the English instead of supporting his

fellow Assamese in those early Anti-British Revolts. In order to disclose his past political design

and also to mould the Assamese to build up the idea of oneness Maniram wrote letters to the

leaders of Assam where he expressed:

“After the expulsion of the Burmese, the English proceeded to rule over our country in

accordance with our own scriptures and our own laws and conventions, and, moreover,

64

they intended to place on our throne a descendant of our last dethroned king. No

indication was then available that they would break their promise and fall back on their

own words.”109

Again, on his failure to side with those early anti-British revolts he made this clarification that

“Jewram Dulia Barua and Piali and his companions had hatched their plot in the heather-covered

haunts of Jaipur. The ordinary folk like us did not have any scent of it. Even if we had the scent,

our people then should have not lined up with them as the time was wholly inopportune for an

uprising.”110

On his changing political outlook for the unity of Assamese, Maniram expressed

that “what have we seen in all these twenty to twenty-six years? The English have done us the

largest possible amount of mischief in collaboration with the Hindustanis and the Bengalis (Anti-

Assamese) whom they had brought from places outside Assam.”111

The Dewan also knew that

the descendants and followers of those early rebel leaders of Assam would not agree with his call

for Assamese integration. He, therefore, paid homage to those leaders highlighting their bravery

and efforts. Here, Maniram expressed, “Who could say that Gamdhar, Haranath and the other

rebels were not courageous and enterprising persons? Unluckily for us, they did not know that

they had to set their sail as the wind blew.”112

Indeed, Maniram became highly philosophical after getting his exposure to different

persons in Calcutta. The most philosophical and highly piercing comment of Maniram to the

people of Assam was to motivate them not to leave even a single calorie in their efforts to

strengthen unity to achieve the target. He expressed, “A pound of care will not pay an ounce of

debt. They who make the best use of their time have none to spare. This must be our watchword

if at all we want to hit the mark.”113

Hence, the great leader put his maximum effort to integrate

all the Assamese to achieve a united goal. Such a philosophical nature of the Dewan when he

was in his lonely room at Chitpur Road, Calcutta, could be assessed from an extract of his letter

to Krishnakanta Adhikar Goswami, dated, 23 Sraban (Thursday, 13th

August, 1857), “How can I

describe or define the perplexity of thoughts into which I have fallen; alive to-day, defunct

tomorrow. Such is the existing state of things.”114

Although Maniram understood his failure in 1857 at the time of his arrest in Calcutta, yet

the leader‟s mind was overflowing with the new zeal of Assamese integration. Unless and until

he made an apology to his rivals, the unity which was in his mind would never be achieved and

his descendants and followers would remain segregated forever. Therefore, this philosopher

65

statesman, the Morning Star of Modern Assam, made his historic apology turning back on such

slogans like- Long Live Ahom Monarchy, to initiate a historic step towards Assamese unity and

integration. He could have expressed his feelings of unity straightway, but this philosopher knew

that persons like Haranath Daroga and other rivals would have made a mockery of it. Maniram,

therefore, made his apology to soften the much solidified enmity between him and his rivals. The

Dewans apology was not an apology of a defeated man, but an apology to unfurl an era of

Assamese unity and integration after his death. At times, a real leader is as powerful as an

elephant and sometimes he is as weak as a mouse. In fact, a great leader has to have the

capability and skill to rub shoulders with the best and the brightest, and at the same time reduce

himself to the level of the humblest and the simplest whenever required. Maniram possessed

these qualities. Till the beginning of the twenty-first century, Bhupen Hazarika sang songs of

Assamese integration like-Manuhe Manuhor Babe and we are in the same boat brothers.

Undoubtedly, on the very integration, Maniram Dewan had expressed his historic last comment

about 150 years ago.

The primary objective of the plots and conspiracies made in Assam in 1857 was the

restoration of Ahom Government in Assam. But driving out the British from Assam was easier

said than done. Maniram, therefore, made his last comment of apology for Assamese integration

to build up a powerful Assamese community to safeguard its socio-economic and political

objectives in the years to come.

Maniram, knowing the technical know-how of tea industry, established two tea gardens,

one at Cinnamara and the other at Chamlou in Jorhat. His industry flourished unexpectedly, but

owing mainly to the following reasons Maniram failed to compete with the British planters. He

was deprived of the benefit of getting waste-land at concessional rates like the European

planters. Secondly, Maniram failed to get cash in return for his products as he did not have

business network beyond Assam. Here, A.K. Dutta writes:

“He was moving from place to place to get local markets for his products. He set up a

weekly market at Arjunguri, near the present town of Sibsagar, where he had set up one

of his residences. To this place on each Saturday not only the traders from the plains but

also their Naga counterparts came in large number, and exchanged their produce with tea

manufactured in Maniram‟s garden”115

66

Again, it was expressed, “Tea from Maniram‟s garden thus became popular in Assam, because,

unlike the British planters he did not dispatch the best teas to foreign markets.”116

It shows that

Maniram‟s tea was mainly for local consumption which brings in less profit. Thirdly, it was

difficult for Maniram Dewan to make tea chest for exportation as the timber needed of it was

imported by those European planters from Calcutta. A.K. Dutta again writes that the “tea chests

which required timber, were imported by the European planters from Calcutta.”117

Maniram, therefore, wanted to set up an indigo factory in Assam as it might experience

less competition with the Company. Here, S.K. Bhuyan writes, “Later, during the period of his

stay in Calcutta, a few months before the 1857 Rebellion, Maniram sent Madhu Mallick to

Assam with the chief objective of establishing an indigo factory.”118

Maniram might have also

thought of improving his relationship with the authorities in Calcutta. Therefore, Madhu Mallick,

a Bengali Muktiar, was rightly chosen as his associate to materialize some of his dreams and,

ultimately, the latter was sent to Jorhat some months before the commencement of the great

revolt. The Dewan‟s faith (dreams) in the person of Madhu Mallick could therefore be, first- to

dove-tail his broken relationship with the British with the help of business magnets of Calcutta

through Madhu Malllick, secondly- to establish indigo industry with Mallick‟s technical

knowledge and thirdly, to expand his business contacts up to Calcutta in order to fulfill the

requirements of his industry. S.K. Bhuyan again writes, “Maniram Dewan‟s first letter, received

in May-June 1857, was reported to be a long one dealing with indigo and other business.”119

Owing to such important roles to be played by Madhu Mallick he was assigned a position next to

Maniram Dewan as it was planned “that Maniram was to be the Prime Minister that Mudoo

Mullick was to be immediately under him in rank and position ….”120

With these dreams

Maniram Dewan made Madhu Mallick his trusted and the most reliable deputy.

From the above study, it is clear that Maniram Dewan became the first native of Assam

who had taken pains for economic growth of Assam setting up tea gardens at Jorhat. His faith in

the person of Madhu Mallick was also mainly economic. Recognizing the brilliant feats of

Maniram Dewan in tea industry and the Assam Government‟s demand to declare tea for national

drink status, Montek Singh Ahluwalia, Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission, Government of

India, addressed at the packed auditorium of Tocklai Experimental Station, Jorhat, on 21 April,

2012, referring to „the first Indian tea planter-turned martyr Maniram Dewan‟ and said that “he

67

would strongly take up the plea for giving national drink status for tea with the Centre.”121

When

he was apprised of the problems faced by tea industries in Assam, the Deputy Chairman also

advised Tarun Gogoi, the Chief Minister of Assam “to place the demand with the centre by

citing Dewan‟s historic connection.”122

In this way, Maniram Dewan‟s effort on industry in

Assam is now honored and recognized, but his dreams about unity and integration of modern

Assamese remain unsung, unrecognized and unfulfilled till date.

68

References 1. Judicial General Letters to C (Court) of Directors, Special Narrative (30 August to 5

September, 1857), 12 Sep. 1857, No. 24, para 119, Govt. of Bengal, West Bengal State

Archives (Hereafter, WBSA).

2. Abstract Proceedings of Bengal Mutiny, Oct. 1857, Sl. No. 335, Proceedings No. 3182 of 20

Oct, 1857, Govt. of Bengal, WBSA.

3. S.K. Bhuyan (ed.), Tungkhungia Buranji, (Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies,

Assam,, Gauhati, 1990), p. xviii.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid., pp. xxviii-xxix.

6. Ibid., p. xix

7. Ibid.

8. A.C. Banerjee, The Eastern Frontier of British India, (A. Mukherjee & Co. Private Ltd.,

Calcutta, 1964), p. 8.

9. A.K. Dutta, Maniram Dewan and the Contemporary Assamese Soceity, (Anupoma Dutta,

Jorhat, 1990), p. 17.

10. Ibid., p. 30.

11. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, (Omsons Publications, New Delhi, 1985), p.

94.

12. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 25.

13. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, p. 95.

14. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 27.

15. A.C. Banerjee, op. cit., p. 17.

69

16. S.L. Baruah, A Comprehensive History of Assam, (Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt.

Ltd., Delhi, 2005), p. 407.

17. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, p. 158.

18. Ibid., p. 92.

19. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 19.

20. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, p. 93.

21. J.B. Bhattacharjee, Trade and Colony, (North-East India History Association, Sillong, 2000),

p. 24.

22. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company (1826-1858), (Spectrum Publications,

Gauhati, 1980), p. 7.

23. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 34.

24. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 458.

25. Ibid.

26. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 40.

27. Ibid., p. 42.

28. Ibid., p. 48.

29. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 466.

30. Ibid.

31. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 53.

32. Ibid., 59.

70

33. Dr. Rebati Mohan Lahiri, The Annexation of Assam, (Firma K.L. Mukhapadhyay, Calcutta,

1975), p. 70.

34. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 64.

35. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, p. 186.

36. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 66.

37. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 469.

38. Ibid.

39. H.K. Barpujari (ed.), The Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol. IV, (Publication Board,

Gauhati, 1992), p. 83.

40. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 75.

41. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 474.

42. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 88.

43. S.L. Baruah, op. cit. p. 488.

44. J.B. Bhattacharjee, op. cit., p. 90.

45. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 488.

46. Ibid., p. 477.

47. Ibid., p. 478.

48. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p.119.

49. Amalendu Guha, Planter Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam,

1826-1947, (ICHR, Delhi, 1977), p. 13.

50. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 120.

71

51. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 489.

52. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, p. 176.

53. Benudhar Sharma, The Rebellion of 1857 vis-à-vis Assam, (Chenikuthi, Gauhati, 1958), p.

22.

54. Mahendra Bora, 1857 in Assam, (Lawyer‟s Book Stall, Gauhati, 1957), p. 19.

55. H.K. Barpujari, The Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol. IV, p. 126.

56. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 131.

57. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., pp. 27-28.

58. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 30; also see A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 145.

59. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., p. 29.

60. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 35.

61. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 149.

62. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., p. 30.

63. Amalendu Guha, op. cit., p. 5.

64. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 152.

65. Judicial General Letters to C of Directors, Special Narrative, (30 Aug.-5 Sep. 1857), 12 Sep.

1857, No. 24, paras 112-113, Govt. of Bengal, WBSA.

66. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, p. 183.

67. Ibid., p. 184.

68. Judicial General Letters to C of Directors, Special Narrative (13-19 Sep. 1857), Govt. of

Bengal, 26 Sep. 1857, No. 26, para 62, Govt. of Bengal, WBSA.

72

69. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 493.

70. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, p. 185.

71. Ibid., pp. 188-89.

72. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 153.

73. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 495.

74. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 164.

75. Ibid., pp. 164-65.

76. Judicial Abstract Proceedings of Lt. Governor of Bengal 1857 for 31st Dec., from Secy. to the

Govt. of India in the Military Dept. No.720, Dated, 15th

Sept. 1857, WBSA.

77. Milton S. Sangma, History of American Baptist Mission in North-East India, Vol. I, (Mittle

Publications, Delhi, 1987), p. 54.

78. Ibid.

79. David R.Syiemlieh, “Historiography of Literature and Source on the Uprising of 1857 in

North East India”, in Sabyasachi Bhattacharya (ed.), Rethinking 1857, (Orient Black Swan,

Delhi, 2009), p. 213.

80. Judicial General Letters to C of Directors, Special Narrative (6-12 Sep.1857), 19th

Sep. 1857,

No. 25, para 77, Govt. of Bengal, WBSA.

81. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 83.

82. Foreign Secret Consultations, 28 Aug. 1857, No. 106, from the Right Hon‟ble the G.G., to

his Excellency the Governor of Mauritious, Calcutta, the 9th

Aug. 1857, NAI.

83. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., pp. 495-96.

84. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, p. 195.

73

85. Ibid., p. 194.

86. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., p. 39.

87. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 176.

88. Ibid.

89. Judicial Dept., 23 January 1858, Special Narrative No. 4, para 36, Govt. of Bengal, WBSA.

90. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., pp. 60-61.

91. A.C. Banerjee, op. cit., p. 10.

92. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, pp. 168-69.

93. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., p. 6.

94. Ibid., p. 44.

95. Ibid., pp. 43-44.

96. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 159; also see S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 494.

97. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., pp.164-65.

98. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., p. 45.

99. Judicial General Letters to C of Directors, Special Narrative (1-7 Nov. 1857), Govt. of

Bengal, No. 33, dt. 21 Nov. 1857, para 41, WBSA.

100. Judicial General Letters to C of Directors, Special Narrative (30 Aug.- 5 Sep. 1857),12 Sep.

1857, No.24, para 124, Govt. of Bengal, WBSA.

101. Home Public, 3 Sep. 1858, No.13, NAI.

102. Ibid.

103. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., pp. 180-81.

74

104. Ibid., p. 186.

105. Ibid., p. 87.

106. Ibid., p. 199.

107. S.L. Baruah, op. cit., p. 490.

108. Mahendra Bora, op. cit., p. 25

109. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 36; also see A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 150.

110. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 36.

111. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p.151; also see Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 36.

112. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 151.

113. Benudhar Sharma, op. cit., p. 37.

114. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, pp. 201-2.

115. A.K. Dutta, op. cit., p. 109.

116. Ibid.

117. Ibid., p. 114.

118. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, p. 168.

119. Ibid.

120. H.K. Barpujari, Assam in the Days of Company, p. 188.

121. The Telegraph, Gauhati Sunday 22 April, 2012, p. 1.

122. Ibid.