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Transcript of Berlin Conference Background Guide
The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885
SMUNC 2015Background Guide
Chair: Jackie BeckerBackground Guide: written by Alina Utrata and Jackie Becker
ForewordA letter from your Chair.
Dear delegates:First off, I will warn you: fonts are not to be taken lightly. The
position papers you will ultimately write (hopefully with a sense of joy like you have never experienced before) should not, for instance, be written in Comic Sans. Garamond (what this is written in) can be great for resumes that you need to spice up a bit, but should be used with caution. I use it here because it allowed me to remind you to please, please not write your position papers in Comic Sans, and also because I’m rather fond of it.
That brief aside complete, an introduction is in order. My name is Jackie Becker. I am a junior at Stanford studying Computer Science, who works as a programmer at a Virtual Reality lab on campus. Now what, you might ask, is a CS student doing chairing a MUN committee? Surely these two kinds of people—the history buffs and the science nerds—do not mix.
Yet political science (and its sister fields, history and international relations) is a beautiful thing. What is the point of progress in science if we fail to see the patterns in society as well as nature itself? And how can you call a person your friend if the subject of “politics” is taboo? Why, politics surrounds us. To refuse to discuss it is to ignore one of the most interesting aspects of what makes us human: the ability to reason, and listen to reason.
The setting for this committee is the Berlin Conference. This particular event in history is particularly fascinating as it lends itself to the study of the best of humanity (debate, great intellectuals and figures of history getting together) as well as the worst (the commodification of peoples’ lives and lands, the unrelenting horror that is racism). Through this committee, I hope you will be able to hone your skills of debate and negotiation while keeping in mind the harsh reality that this conference—and the scramble that preceded it—imposed on the peoples of Africa. While coercing another group into giving up their stakes in gold-laden land, I hope that you will take a moment to remember the lives that the land you are arguing over represents. Goodness knows that the representatives present at the conference in that time didn’t.
Enjoy your research, and I deeply look forward to seeing each of you at the committee and getting to know each of you. Perhaps some of you are scientists; perhaps some are future lawmakers.
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Yet regardless of your passion, your interest in the world around you demonstrates this: you have the ability to become a part of what makes humanity great.
Warmest regards, Jackie Becker
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Table of Contents
What was the Berlin Conference?....................3
The Map of Africa
The Geographical Conference and the Congo..........4
Egypt and the Sudan............................................7
The Niger...........................................................9
Powers of Europe
Germany............................................................12
Great Britain.......................................................13
France................................................................13
The United States.................................................14
Belgium..............................................................14
Characters……….............................................16
Rules of Committee..........................................19
Works Cited......................................................21
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What was the Berlin Conference?In November of 1884, the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck greeted delegates from the
Powers of Europe at his house in Berlin to discuss the colonization of Africa. Contrary to popular
belief, the Berlin Conference was not a partition of the African continent by the European powers:
in fact, when the conference began the Scramble for Africa had already been underway for several
years, and many countries had claimed stakes to African territories. Rather, the Berlin Conference
was a means to resolve conflicting claims by countries and to avoid European conflict about Africa
in the future. As Bismarck declared in his opening speech, the goals of the conference were to
establish free trade in the Congo, free navigation on the Niger River and rules for future
annexations by European powers of territories in Africa. These aims were coated with rhetoric on
civilizing African natives with the promotion of free trade and Christianity.
It is at this point in time where we will begin our committee. Delegates will have just
finished listening to Bismarck’s speech on the goals of the conference and all historical facts prior to
November 1884 will be applicable. While the events of the Conference itself and individual
countries’ actions past this point will not correspond with events in committee, delegates are highly
encouraged to understand the history of the proceedings of the Berlin Conference, the conditions in
Africa, and the policy and public opinion of countries in Europe.
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The Map of AfricaThe Geographical Conference and the Congo
Although the first accounts of
explorations of Africa originated in the
15th and 16th centuries by Portuguese
explorers, the exotic allure of Africa did
not hit the European public until the 19th
century. African explorers of the day were
treated almost like celebrities, appealing
not just to a sense of adventure and mystery
but also to a newfound sense of nationalism
in Europe. Newspaper articles on the
travels of the British Dr. David Livingstone,
the French Pierre de Brazza and the
American Henry Morton Stanley (although he was actually Scottish) publicized the savage and
heretical ways of the African native, the horrors of the Arab slave trade, and the vast potential for
trade and exploitation of the continent. Europe, convinced of the superiority of its civilization, felt
that it was their duty to civilize the people of Africa.
It was under this pretext that King Leopold II of Belgium hosted the Geographical
Conference of 1876. Explorers and philanthropists alike were invited to Brussels to discuss how to
best explore and civilize Africa. The International African Association was created—described by
the London Times as a sort of “Society of the Red Cross”—with Leopold as its president. The public
loved it. Yet Leopold’s goals were less than humanitarian: the philanthropic rhetoric of the
International African Association and the deliberate public confusion of it with Leopold’s other SMUNC 2015
Africa, 1883 (Pre-Berlin Conference)Handy Atlas of the World (New York, New York: Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor and Co., 1883); Downloaded from Maps ETC
5
organization, the International Association of the Congo, would become a mask for Leopold’s
personal attempts to colonize the Congo.
In 1879, Leopold, under the guise of the International African Association, hired the
American explorer Henry Morton Stanley to travel to the Congo and build three stations and a road
from the lowest cataract of the Congo River to the Stanley Pool (discovered by Stanley himself
several years ago.) Yet unbeknownst to Stanley, four months later the explorer Pierre de Brazza was
commissioned by the French government for a “civilizing mission” in the Congo. The French
already had claims to Gabon, Senegal, Ivory Coast and Algeria, and Brazza had been instructed by
Jules Ferry to, if he reached Stanley Pool before Stanley, claim it in the name of the French. Thus
began the race to Stanley Pool.
Brazza made it to Stanley Pool first — while Stanley was still building stations — and
successfully negotiated a treaty with King Makoko, a chief living near the Pool who had great
influence over local chiefs. The treaty ceded all Makoko’s inheritance rights to France and placed
him under the protection of the French flag. Brazza then departed to convince the French
government to ratify the treaty. When Stanley finally reached the pool, he discovered that all the
chiefs were refusing to trade with anyone but the French. Stanley was forced to retreat to the south
side of the Pool, where another chief, Ngaliema, and his allies agreed to trade with Stanley.
In 1882, France ratified the treaty—to the horror of Leopold—and added the northern parts
of the Congo to its claims in Africa. To counter this, Leopold’s International Association of the
Congo established the Congo Free State in his claims to the southern parts of the Congo; this was an
independent state under Leopold’s organization which supposedly aimed to bring civilization to
Africans and promote free trade. Stanley was then commissioned to negotiate new treaties with
local chiefs that ceded political as well as commercial rights. (The original commercial treaties
giving Leopold trade monopolies would be partially discovered by the British, proving that
Leopold’s claims were not as dedicated to laissez faire as he had said.) Leopold’s goal was now to
convince the major powers to recognize his new independent Congo Free State. He sent General
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Henry Shelton Sanford, a
former U.S. ambassador to
Belgium and a general in the
American Civil War, to
Washington D.C. to woo the
American public. The United
States was enchanted with the
idea of a Congo Free State,
assured that it was both a
place based in the free
principles of the U.S. and that it was somewhere they could send America’s newly freed slaves. In
April of 1884, the U.S. recognized the Congo Free State as an independent state (mixing up the
International Association of the Congo and the International African Association in the actual text
of the declaration.1)
The U.K., meanwhile, was threatened by the French ratification of the Makoko Treaty and
the thought of French tariffs across the vast majority of West Africa undercutting Britain's free
trade. They proposed an alliance with Portugal. Portugal, due to its 16th century explorers, had
claims to the banks of the lower Congo as well as Angola and Mozambique. These claims to the
Congo had mostly been ignored by the Powers, and since 1810 Britain had disputed with Portugal
over their claimed right to export slaves from the entirety of the west coast of Africa (they disagreed
with both Portuguese sovereignty and the morality of slavery). Britain proposed recognition of
Portuguese claims to the Congo in exchange for a maximum tariff, most-favored nation status for
Britain, and an Anglo-Portuguese commission to control traffic on lower Congo. Unsurprisingly,
France and Belgium were upset. The British public was also upset: the Portuguese claims to the
Congo were thought of as ridiculous and Portugal, like France, was economically protectionist,
1 The International African Association was edited out of the declaration by Leopold when the document was published in Europe.
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which would threaten the business interests of the
free-marketers in Britain.
The Powers of Europe generally thought of
Leopold’s attempts to the Congo as destined to fail.
It was then a matter of who would take over the
Congo once Leopold inevitably went bankrupt
(speculations that proved wrong; Leopold actually
made significant money from his Congo state).
Rumors spread about the possibility of a British
protectorate of the Congo; the French,
understandably anglophobic at the time, approached Leopold. A deal was struck: if Leopold ever
decided to sell the Congo, the French would get right of preemption, or right of first refusal. The
idea of French control of the entire Congo River Basin and most of West Africa was too much. All
of France’s rivals, though not officially, were now firmly committed to ensuring Leopold’s hold on
the Congo to avoid the possibility of France obtaining the Congo. A week before the Berlin
Conference, Bismarck himself offered Leopold recognition of his new state in exchange for free
trade for Germans in the Congo and the guarantee that if he sold to France he must arrange for
France to adopt the same right of first refusal. Leopold accepted Bismark’s offer (although
recognition had not been publicly announced at the start of the Berlin Conference).
Egypt and the Sudan
Since the first French invasion by Napoleon, both France and Britain had tried to exert their
influence in Egypt to benefit each other. Egypt had been a province under the Ottoman Empire
since the 16th century, but Ottoman power was, at this point, already fast declining. In 1859, the
Khedive of Egypt had begun to construct the Suez Canal in 1859, a project that was quickly
bankrupting the country. Europe was more than happy to help with Egypt’s lack of funds: in 1876,
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Congo StateA.W. Greely, Men of Achievement: Explorers and Travelers (New York, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1893)
8
“Dual Control” was established. This placed Egyptian revenue and expenditure under the
supervision of French and British controller. Coupled with the fact that most of Egyptian debt was
held by French and British shareholders, this greatly expanded the influence of Europe in Egypt. It
was also a convenient way to ensure the entente between the French and the British.
However, in 1882, Egypt was suffering from a period of unrest and rioting rocked the
capital. Britain, alarmed, sent troops to Cairo to strengthen the Khedive and European influence
over him; the French declined to assist. This marked the end of Dual Control and French influence
of Egypt (and, at least the de facto, end of Ottoman influence) in lieu of sole British control. Prime
Minister William Gladstone’s cabinet was now facing a bit of a conundrum: they were unwilling to
establish formal control in Egypt for fear of antagonizing Europe and the Ottomans, but unwilling
to withdraw their troops, and their influence, from Egypt. Furthermore, Britain needed the rest of
Europe to help subsidize Egypt’s massive debt; however, France was none too pleased with the UK
after the British had threatened to recognize Portugal’s claims to the Congo. And, in 1884, the
British were facing an Islamic jihad by the Madhi, with Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, under siege
and about to fall. It is in this predicament in Egypt that Britain came to the Berlin Conference.
Another more ideological issue was present in Egypt. Egypt had expanded to control most of
what is today Sudan, effectively creating a large slave empire. Arab raiders in the north would
kidnap more vulnerable black Africans from the south. Britain was appalled; slave trade had been
abolished in 1807, and slavery in 1833. The Arab slave trade in particular was viewed with distaste,
much of which was directed at the Ottoman Empire, an empire with foundations based on slavery.2
Dr. Livingstone had published the atrocious accounts on slave trade in the Sudan, giving rise to
calls for the end of the Arab slave trade in Europe.
The Niger
2 When an anti-slavery speech was given at the London conference on Egyptian finance in August of 1884, the Ottoman delegate fell over laughing at the ludicrousness of outlawing one of the major businesses of his country.
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French control over Senegal—originally trading towns—became predominant starting in
1865. In 1879, the French approved the construction of a trans-Saharan railroad to connect Senegal
with the upper Niger and lay out the foundation for a French empire in West African. A small
French garrison defeated the hostile Tukolor Empire in 1880, allowing for the construction of
stations along the Niger without threatening the security of Senegal. The French public, while
originally jubilant at the prospect of the
railroad, had seen too much public
money spent on the project and were
happy to leave it to the military.
The lower Niger had become
another point of contention. From 1880
to 1883, several “loving letters” had
been sent to Queen Victoria from local
chiefs asking her to take over
Cameroon. Britain ignored these letters
and so their calls went unanswered;
with France beginning to exert more
influence in upper Niger, however, the
British began to worry about a
protectionist French empire in West
Africa hurting British trade. Palm oil
was high in demand because of its
ability to lubricate machines made popular by the Industrial Revolution, and was the main source of
trade in the Niger. The National African Company—a consolidation of several British companies
trading in palm oil—did not want to see this valuable trade go to the French. The company
proposed to the British foreign office that they annex the lower Niger. Britain did not act on this
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Egypt, 1872
James Monteith, Comprehensive Geography (New York, New York: A.S. Barnes and Company, 1872)Downloaded from Maps ETC
10
proposal until 1883, when France made a treaty with King Tofa and reestablished French
protectorate over Porto Novo, giving the French control of the coastline of Dahomey (they also sent
a gunboat to sail along the river in a show of military strength). Worried about the French
protectorate, Britain decided in the May of 1884 to make the lower Niger a British protectorate –
however, when their representative reached
Cameroon in July, they found the
Germans had taken possession of it.
Bismarck had, since the beginning
of European interest in Africa,
vehemently declared that Germany had no
intention of establishing any colonies:
Germany did not want to pay for them,
the public had no interest in colonies, and
the small German navy would be unable
to defend them. While historians are not
entirely sure why Bismarck so drastically
changed his policy and claimed parts of
Africa, it can be assumed that he was
worried about the threat of French and
British control of West Africa to German
trade and, by 1884, the German public
was mad with desire for colonies (Bismarck had also been convinced—incorrectly, as it turned out
—that German traders would foot the bill for the new colonies). The turning point seemed to be the
British plans to claim Angra Pequena. Bismarck had asked Britain in 1883 to extend British
protection to the German trading town, having at time having no further interest in Africa.
However, the British repeatedly ignored his requests. In 1884, there appeared rumors that Britain
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West Africa, 1883Handy Atlas of the World (New York, New York: Ivison, Blakeman, Taylor and Co., 1883)Downloaded from Maps ETC
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planned to annex Togo, where there were more German trading towns, and that Cape Colony, a
British colony, had found a document proving the British claim to Angra Pequena. In May of 1884,
Bismarck sent a representative to annex Togo, Cameroon and Angra Pequena (warning the British
to keep their hands off or he would join hands with France against Egypt). The British, who had not
until this point thought Bismarck had no interest in colonies, were annoyed by Bismarck’s
treatment, but agreed. By this point, the British had their hands full dealing with the Mahdi in
Egypt.
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The Powers of EuropeGermany
In 1884, Germany was
effectively under the control of
the High Chancellor Otto von
Bismarck. Up until 1884,
Bismarck showed no intentions
of establishing any overseas
colony (although they actively
encouraged France to colonize
Tunisia in order to distract
them from Germany’s
annexation of Alsace and
Lorraine). However, Bismarck
changed his mind and annexed Cameroon, Togo and Angra Pequena in 1884.
Additionally, elections of the Reichstag were fast approaching and the Torschlusspanik
swept over the German public. Translated as “door-closing panic,” torschlusspanik was the fear that,
unless the Germany claimed parts of Africa now, there would be nothing left. Bismarck was also
aware that Crown Prince Friedrich might become Kaiser at any moment. This was a problem as
Friedrich, under the influence of his English wife, was sympathetic to the Liberal party, Bismarck’s
opposition. Thus, Bismarck saw the acquisition of colonies as an opportunity to create an
anglophobic sentiment that could be used as leverage against the future Kaiser. Bismarck had also
been convinced that German traders would govern future colonies under an imperial charter (thus
ameliorating the need for Germany to pay and for Bismarck to deal with the troublesome Reichstag
for funds).
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Europe, 1885John Clark Ridpath LL. D., Cyclopedia of Universal History (Cincinnati, Ohio: Jones Brothers Publishing Co., 1885)Downloaded from Maps ETC
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Great Britain
The liberal Prime Minister Gladstone had his hands full of problems in 1884: the majority of
his time was spent dealing with the crisis of Irish Home Rule and the deep divisions in his cabinet,
thus the issues of Africa were often pushed aside in the public’s mind. Britain was most interested in
preserving their free trade and stopping the proliferation of France, their historic rival, from
imposing tariffs and protectionist measures. At this point the British had an “informal empire,”
consisting of South Africa, Egypt and parts of the Niger. The British public was deeply against
slavery as a moral issue, and especially the Arab slave trade. They sent many missionaries on
Christianizing missions to Africa, most notably in the Congo. The potential Anglo-Portuguese
treaty wherein Britain would recognize Portugal’s claims to the Congo was created with an outcry
by the British public, and bitter resentment by France.
The official instructions of Britain to their delegate were to concede nothing to France, give
Bismarck everything he wanted and to ensure British interests on the Niger. However, the British
worried that the conference would prove to be a fluke, as Bismarck had sabotaged a London
conference on Egypt in retribution for British actions in Angra Pequena.
France
The Prime Minister of France in 1884 was Jules Ferry, an ardent expansionist and proponent
of colonization. France had claims to the northern part of the Congo due to the Makoko treaty
(which Stanley denounced as a sham), as well as Tunisia and parts of West Africa. France was, with
the exception of Portugal, the sole proponent of protectionism and caused other powers in Europe to
worry about free trade. Many of the shareholders of Egypt’s debt were French, thus Britain’s actions
in Egypt were subject to French opinion and outrage. After the immense amount of money spent on
the trans-Saharan railroad, the French public was reluctant to spend any more money on colonies.
However, they were committed to the rivalry with Britain.
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United States
The United States itself was not scrambling to claim parts of Africa as its own. However, it
liked the idea of free states being established in Africa. During the administration of President
James Monroe, the American Colonization Society had founded Liberia as a home for emancipated
slaves. Following the Civil War, former white landholders began advocating a similar idea. Senator
John Tyler Morgan gave a speech in the U.S. Senate calling for the U.S. to recognize the Free
Congo State as a place where they could send freed slaves. (Several months later, a black
convention issued a declaration calling for Senator Morgan to be sent to the Congo.) Ultimately,
America recognized the Congo in April of 1884. Yet the U.S. was primarily concerned with
preserving free trade, not freedom, in Africa.
Belgium
Although a small country, Belgium had, through the International Association of the Congo,
claimed immense part of the Congo as an independent Free Congo State, with King Leopold II as
an ambiguous head of state. The Belgium parliament, having originally mocked Leopold’s attempts
at acquiring a colony, did not have any power over its colonies, and were as surprised as the rest of
Europe when they opened their newspapers and saw what their King had done.
Leopold had secured recognition of the Congo Free State from the U.S. and, although still at
this point a secret, from Germany. Because Leopold had given France the right to preemption, all of
France’s rivals were determined that the Congo Free State stay with Leopold and out of the hands of
the French. Portugal, however, claimed parts of the coast of the Congo; if recognized, it would cut
Leopold’s state off from an Atlantic port, ruining all potential for trade.
While secretly intending for the Congo to be his own personal monopoly, Leopold’s
association and state were cloaked with philanthropic goals, claiming to be for the good of the
African natives and free trade. Yet the British foreign office had discovered some of Leopold’s
treaties with native tribes granting him a monopoly, and was becoming suspicious of his motives.
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Bismarck personally seemed to never have been fooled by Leopold’s altruistic goals, but was more
than willing to play along; provided, of course, that the King bowed to his will.
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Characters
Portugal
Mouzinho de Albuquerque: Perhaps the most adamant protector of Portuguese stakes in Africa;
does not want to give up one inch of land in Africa. Is a folk hero in Portugal, and as such has
significant influence among the people.
António Maria de Fontes Pereira de Melo: A Portuguese statesman, politician, and engineer.
Wants to maintain control of colonies in Africa, and increase economic benefit to Portugal. Fears
loss of economic power.
Germany
Otto von Bismark: Wants free trade, free navigation on the Niger, and to establish order in Africa.
Above all, wants to maximize his own country’s influence.
Adolf Lüderitz: Explorer, founder of German South-West Africa. Very familiar with African land
around that area. As a merchant, has significant skills in managing money and a reputation for
honesty.
The United Kingdom
David Livingstone: Explorer, medical missionary in Africa. Has more sympathy than most for the
plight of the local inhabitants, wants to establish a moral agenda as well. Is very popular among the
British people.
Granville Leveson-Gower: Best friend of Prime Minister Gladstone; wants no wars, no alliances,
and a better relationship with the US.
Austria-Hungary
Archduke Rudolf, Crown Prince of Austria: Son of Franz Joseph I, is most interested in mining
Africa for minerals. His moodiness is common knowledge, and while he won’t disobey his father he
has an independent streak.
Friedrich von Beaust: A statesman and close friend of Franz, was known as the “great opponent” of
Bismark.” Wants to uplift his sovereign and counter German goals.
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Belgium
Walthère Frère-Orban: Prime Minister of Belgium. Fed up with the role of religion over the state,
wants to prevent the spread of Christianity.
Auguste Marie François Beernaert: Minister of Public Works. Wants to secure financial support
from other countries to fund domestic development.
Denmark
Otto Rosenørn Lehn: The Foreign Minister of Denmark. Enjoys art and other people who appreciate
its merit. Has the respect of his colleagues, and is growing old—but not foolish.
Jacob Brønnum Scavenius Estrup: Council President and Finance Minister of Denmark. Vastly
increased Denmark’s export capabilities through domestic development, and so has a reputation as a
keen businessman.
France
Jules Ferry: Prime Minister of France. Supports separation of church and state, wants to spread
French influence by expanding colonies. Is dedicated to the President of France.
Pierre de Braza: Explorer, helped establish France’s claims in Africa and radiates charm. Has the
loyalty of the locals in the region, and newfound knowledge of the location of a gold mine in
French territories.
Spain
José de Elduayen: Minister of State; has an extensive background in civil engineering. Wants peace
and has a history in mitigation.
Antonio Cánovas de Castillo: Prime Minister of Spain. Played a key role in the elevation of Alfonso
XII to the throne. Has a black and white sense of morality, with no qualms over using violence to
get what he wants.
Sweden-Norway
Oscar II: King of Sweden and Norway (then joined); known for tact and patience. Wants peace, the
spread of Chirstianity, and a strong relationship with their friend Germany above all.
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Carl Johan Thyselius: Prime minister of Sweden, 72 years old. Independent conservation who
values the spread of Christianity, not war.
The Ottoman Empire
Hagop Kazazian Pasha: the Master of Finances, having won a second term (despite early reports to
the contrary). Best known for his adroitness at negotiation and money management, is rumored to
have the key to Ottoman wealth.
Ahmad Huseinzadeh: Spiritual leader of the Shia Muslim in the Ottoman Empire. Is close to the
head of the Ottoman military, a devout of the faith.
Italy
Pasquale Stanislao Mancini: Italian statesman. Wants allies for Italy, in particular France, Britain,
Austria, and Germany. Extremely liberal (wants freedom of press and repeal of imprisonment for
debt).
Agostino Depretis: Prime Minister of Italy. Despite a reputation as a Leftist, has been appointing
conservatives to his cabinet. Evidently, he wants the support of his King.
The United States
Henry Shelton Sanford: Sent because of his close relation with Belgium, in particular King Leopold
II. Is particularly skilled at framing events to the public in a way that they will accept it happily.
Henry Morton Stanley: Explorer, has a grudge for Pierre de Braza. Has a close friend known for
building railroads and bridges that owes him a favor.
The Netherlands
Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg: Minister of Finance. Although many initially thought this
aged politician had lost to Joseph Willebois, a recount showed otherwise. Worked in the
Departments of Colonies and Foreign Affairs in his youth, has a particular interest in maintaining
and expanding Dutch presence in Africa.
Jan Heemskerk: Prime Minister. Wants to leave a powerful legacy; has not decided whether he
wants to be loved or feared.
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Rules of CommitteeCommittee will begin on November 15, 1884, at the concluding remarks of Bismarck’s
opening statement. All historical facts are true until that date; thereafter events and policy will be at
the digression of the chair.
Although the countries at the Berlin Conference sent delegates whose personal reputation
precedes them, the committee will focus on the policy of countries, rather than the personalities of
the delegates unless it is relevant to debate (for example, the Americans were in the pocket of King
Leopold). The committee will follow normal Parliamentary Rules of Procedure; however, since the
Conference was hosted by Bismarck, special attention will be paid to Germany’s points and motions
at the digression of the chair.
Powers of Committee
Treaty
The goal of the committee will be to create a treaty addressing (or not addressing, if it so
pleases you) the points brought up by Bismarck. If the treaty passes at the end of committee, the
delegates will be informed if their home governments have ratified it and of any immediate fallout.
Directives
Delegates can create official or unofficial directives. Unofficial directives are agreements
made between individual delegates without the approval of their home government. Official
directives are agreements with approval of home government that will be given by the discretion of
the chair. While unofficial directives are acceptable, countries are not bound by them. Delegates are
highly encouraged to remain in contact with their government during committee.
Besides government-to-government debate, delegates can also negotiate with African chiefs,
trading companies, African explorers or religious leaders.
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Press Releases
There are several options for press releases. Delegates can personally release statements to
the press that will be distributed to the committee and (theoretically) Europe. Alternatively,
delegates can request a press release of the public opinion or a specific government’s opinion that
will be distributed to the committee.
Position Papers
Position papers should consist of a paragraph on each of the following: the current and
historical claims to Africa by your country; the domestic state of your country, including its
government, public opinion, relationships with neighbors, and economy; and lastly, the goals of
your country for the Conference and how they interact with your own goals.
Position papers should 1-2 pages, single-spaced, Times, size 12 font. In the upper right-hand
corner should appear your name, committee, country and school. And remember: brevity is the soul
of wit, and thus concise papers that are well researched will be rewarded over verbose papers with
little detail.
If there are any questions, please email the Chair.
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Works Cited
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EBchecked/ topic/ 25137/ Angola>.
A.W. Greely, Men of Achievement: Explorers and Travelers (New York, New York: Charles
Scribner’s Sons, 1893); Downloaded from Maps ETC.
Berlin Conference. General Act of the Conf of Berlin. N.p., 1885. Web. 2 Jan. 2012.
<http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/ imperialism/ readings/ berlinconference.html>.
“Congress of Berlin.” Encyclopedia Britannica. N.p., n.d. Web. 2 Jan. 2012.
<http://www.britannica.com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 62090/ Congress-of-Berlin>.
“Egypt.” Encyclopedia Britannica. N.p., n.d. Web. 2 Jan. 2012. <http://www.britannica.com/
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